Issuu

572.05 FA

N.S. no. 22-27

199^-96

Anthropology "

SERIES, NO. 22

The Noice Collection of Copper Inuit Material Culture James VV. VanStone

ibruary 28, 1994 iblication

1455

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FIELDIANA Anthropology NEW SERIES, NO. 22

The Noice Collection of Copper Inuit Material Culture James W. VanStone Curator Emeritus Depart mer^t of Anthropology Field Museum of Natural History Chicago, Illinois 60605-2496

Accepted September 28, 1993 Published February 28, 1994 Publication 1455

PUBLISHED BY FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY

1994 Field Museum of Natural History Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 94-70185

ISSN 0071-4739

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

/ /

Abstract I. Introduction

31 Bag with harpoon head Leisters and side prong, dog swivel, fish-

32 hooks, ice pick Fishing rod and lurehook, fishhooks, leister prongs, seal indicator

10.

Copper Inuit Territory and Environ-

ment

Table of Contents

stretcher

Subsistence

Settlement Patterns

1 1 .

lections

14.

Pick, adze, tool bags

The Collection

15.

Bags, lamp, dippers or drinking ladles,

Subsistence

Crooked knife, saws, drill mouthpiece, file, adze head and blade 36 3. Men's knives, grooving tools, drill shanks,

drill

Harold Noice's Ethnographic ColII.

40 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

30.

Man's outer parka Man's outer parka Man's outer parka Man's outer parka Man's outer parka Man's outer (inner?) parka Man's outer (inner?) parka Man's overcoat Man's outer trousers Man's outer trousers Man's outer stockings, sock Man's dance stockings Man's spring and fall boots

Sealskin boots

16.

Sea Hunting

1 7.

Fishing

18.

1 9.

20.

Men's Tools Household Equipment

22.

Clothing

23.

Men's Clothing

24.

Women's Clothing

25.

Miscellaneous

26.

Raw Materials

27.

Conclusions

28.

Acknowledgments

24 24 69

29.

Literature Cited Appendix

32. Mittens 33. Mittens

Woman's outer (inner?) parka Woman's outer (inner?) parka 36. Woman's outer parka 37. Woman's outer parka 38. Woman's outer parka 39. Woman's outer parka 40. Woman's outer parka 4 Woman's outer parka 42. Woman's outer trousers 43. Woman's inner (?) stockings

List of Illustrations

34.

35.

1 .

Map of Copper Inuit territory

Bows and arrows

Arrowheads, sinew twisters, thumb guard, marlin spike, bow case handle 27

Bow case

Handle for carrying blood bag, bolas, lance blade, arrow shaft straightener, marlin 29 spikes, bone pins, drinking tube Breathing hole scoops, seal hooks and bag, 30 harpoon heads

37 38

Bags, blubber pounder Man's outer parka

Women's Tools

bow

snow knives

Land Hunting

Tools

III.

ble

Previous Ethnographic Research Expedition

Sewing outfits, marrow extractors, skin scraper, needle case, grooving tools, thim-

History of Contact

Harold Noice and the Canadian Arctic

Woman's knife, skin scrapers, skin

1 .

52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61

62 63 64 65

66 67

44. Sled toggle and bag, comb, dolls, pendant,

game, musk ox horn

The Noice Collection of Copper Inuit Material Culture James W. VanStone

Abstract

The collections of the Field Museum of Natural History contain 234 ethnographic objects collected among the Copper Inuit of the Northwest Territories, Canada, in 1919-1921 by Harold

Noice. The artifacts in this collection are described and illustrated. For comparative purposes, information is included from previous studies of Copper Inuit material culture, notably those

of Stefansson (1914), Birket-Smith (1945), and Jenness (1946).

western and southern margins and the Coppermine River. The area as a whole has an arctic

Introduction

Copper Inuit Territory and Environment

The CopF)er Inuit are the westernmost of the

climate with mean temperatures in February ranging from -20°F to -28°F. In July the mean ranges in the high 40s over most of the area. Precipitation

snow falling in spring and fall, winter blizzards shifting the snow according to the direc-

Central Inuit, a grouping that also includes the Netsilik and Iglulik.' The western boundary of the

is light with

aboriginal Copper Inuit territory on the mainland of Canada was at Wise Point near the western

tion of the wind.

entrance to Dolphin and Union Strait (Stefansson, 1913, p. 167). To the northwest their territory in-

cluded the southeast coast of Banks Island and to the south the eastern edge of Great Bear Lake as

A continuous ice sheet covers

the straits and gulfs of the

Copper Inuit region from late October or November until July, and lakes have an ice cover even longer. The sun disappears for at least two months each winter, while in summer it does not set for an equal period. As

well as Contwoyto Lake and Beechey Lake on the

might be expected, these yearly environmental

Back River (Stefansson, 1914, p. 260; Rasmussen,

changes had an important effect on the aboriginal

1932, p.

19). In

the east Perry River in Queen

Inuit subsistence cycle (Damas, 1984, p. 397).

Maud Gulf was the boundary between the territory of the CopF>er Inuit and the Netsilik. The Copper Inuit hunted over much of Victoria Island but, according to Damas (1984, p. 397), concentrated their travel and occupation to the area south of

Walker Bay to the west and Denmark Bay to the east (fig.

1).

Most of the area occupied by the Copper Inuit is tundra, but it reached wooded areas along the The designation "Copper Inuit" is a historical term assigned by outsiders because of the regional exploitation of copper deposits. In most of the literature, the Copper '

Inuit are referred to as "Eskimo." The term "Inuit," the

people's name for themselves, is used here to conform with general usage in Canada at the present time.

Subsistence

The aboriginal Copper Inuit abandoned their villages of snow houses on the ice in late May and moved to land. Although caribou {Rangifer arcticus) migrated on the ice of Dolphin and Union

Dease Strait, they were not hunted to in spring (Jenness, 1922, p. 123). extent any great Strait and

Similarly, seals were seldom hunted, when they basked on the ice in spring or in open water in

summer (Stefansson, 9 3, p. 205). From late May until November the most important sources of 1

food were caribou, fish, waterfowl, and small game.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY, N.S., NO. 22, FEBRUARY 28, 1994, PP. 1-71

200 km

Fig.

Map of Copper Inuit territory. (Adapted from Damas, 1980, p. 398, fig. 1.)

Dependence on caribou or fish varied according to the season as well as the locale. Fishing through

the ice in lakes was more important in spring and early summer, and it was not until late August that caribou hunting became the most important activity since beginning at this time the skins were

most suitable for clothing. Fishing from weirs in streams was also a late summer activity, particularly important on southeastern Victoria Island, while caribou hunting was emphasized on the mainland from Bathurst Inlet to Perry River (Jen-

ness, 1922, pp. 122-124;

Rasmussen, 1932, pp.

76-77).

The preferred method for taking caribou was to them between rows of stones set in con-

drive

verging lines to resemble men. Women and children chased the caribou toward hunters, who killed them with bows and arrows or lances. Caribou were also hunted with lances from kayaks as they

swam in lakes at traditional crossing places (Jenness, 1922, pp. 148-149).

Jigging through the ice for lake trout {Salvelinus

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

A more stable form of aggregation occurred in

namaycush) and spearing salmon trout {Salvelinus alpinus) in weirs in late summer were important activities for men, women, and children. Also in

late fall for a

summer, ptarmigan (Lagopus sp.) and several SF>ecies of ducks and geese were taken with bow and

women

arrow as well as snares (Jenness, 1922, p. 152). For two weeks or a month in November the Copp)er Inuit were idle, living for the most part on food previously stored in caches. There was some

period of two weeks to a month,

referred to as the sewing place gatherings

when

were sewing winter garments. Damas ( 1 984, p. 400) believes there were 1 6 to 18 of these sewing groups, which averaged between 45 and 50 people.

The third type of population aggregation was the winter seal hunting village on the ice. Larger

jigging for fish in lakes, but the primary activity was the sewing of winter garments by women.

groups were necessary during the winter because a large number of seal breathing holes in any given

Breathing hole hunting for seals was the most important activity from December to May. Using dogs to sniff out the breathing holes, each hunter

area had to be covered by the hunters. Each winter

waited quietly at a hole for the seal to come up

for a breath. The common ringed seal (Phoca his-

Although it seems possible to identify these three types of settlements, it is not possible to equate the group names obtained by various investigators with this classification. Damas (1984, p. 401) be-

pida) was the most frequently killed, but bearded seals {Erignathus barbatus) were also taken occasionally. Polar bears (Thalarctos maritimus) were a significant prey for those Copper Inuit who win-

tered off the coast of Banks Island (Stefansson,

was assembled in between seven and nine aggregates ranging in size from 9 1

the total population

7 individuals.

lieves that the closest correspondence geographically is with the large summer hunting region, and

9 1 4, p. 30). Bears were held at bay with dogs and

he lists in tabular form the group designations for

Musk oxen (Ovibosa moscha-

this period as determined by Stefansson (1914, pp.

tus) were the most numerous around Bathurst In-

26-32), Jenness (1922, pp. 33^1), and Rasmussea (1932, pp. 7, 69-70, 76-77).

killed with lances.

let, but small herds were present throughout the

territory (Damas, 1984, p. 398).

Settlement Patterns

History of Contact

Copper Inuit population estimates for the ab-

The first explorer to reach the country of the

original or early contact period include a census

Copper Inuit was Samuel Heame, who traveled overland from Prince of Wales Fort on Hudson

taken by Rasmussen (1932, p. 30) that produced a total of 816 individuals. This number compares

Bay to the mouth of the Coppermine River in 1771

favorably with Jenness's estimate of 700 or 800

with a party of Chipewyan Indians. Just below

(Jenness, 1922, p. 22) but is smaller than Stefansson's 1,100 (Stefansson, 1914, pp. 25^0). Since

neither Stefansson nor Jenness had contact with

Bloody Falls near the mouth of the river, they surprised a band of Copper Inuit who were camjjed there and killed all of them (Heame, 1958, ch. VI).

the eastern group of Copper Inuit, Damas (1984,

In 1819 Captain (later Sir John) Franklin com-

400) believes that Rasmussen's figures are the

manded an expedition dispatched to explore the

most accurate for the entire area.

coast east of the Coppermine River. On June 14,

Damas (1969; 1972; 1984, pp. 398-400) has demonstrated how the patterning of Copper Inuit

1821, he reached the lower Coppermine and, like Heame, encountered Copper Inuit camped at Bloody Falls. They told Franklin that they came to the mouth of the river in June and July to fish and then spent the winter in snow houses. Franklin had hoped to obtain information from them con-

population aggregation was related to the seasonal round of subsistence activities. He distinguished three types of settlement for the aboriginal period.

From May to November the groups varied considerably in size and composition. Sometimes the nuclear family comprised the local group, particularly when resources were limited and people de-

pended on fishing and the hunting of small game. Groups were larger when caribou were plentiful, and the largest summer aggregations occurred at the fishing weirs for salmon trout.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

ceming the country to the east but was unsuc1824, vol. 2, pp. 169-183). Franklin's party proceeded by boat along the coast,

cessful (Franklin,

charting and naming features in Coronation Gulf, Bathurst Inlet, and Melville Sound as far as Tum-

again Point on the north shore of Kent Peninsula. The party encountered a number of abandoned

Dolphin and Union Strait. In early spring he met a party of Prince Albert Sound Inuit that

Inuit camps but did not see any people (Franklin,

1824, vol. 2, pp. 201, 223-224, 229). Captain George Back encountered a small party

camped near his ship for three days. Klengenberg

of Copper Inuit fishing when he descended the river that bears his name in 1833. Beads were exchanged for items of native manufacture (Back, 1836, pp. 379-388). In the summers of 1838 and

was followed two years later by Captain Joseph Bernard, who remained in the country of the Cop-

1839 Peter Dease and Thomas Simpson explored

ond in Bernard Harbor, and the third near Cape Kendall on Victoria Island (Jenness, 1922, p. 31).

the coast from the mouth of the Coppermine River

beyond Back River. Inuit were met near the mouth of the Coppermine in 1838, but little information was obtained from them (Simpson,

1843, pp. 262-264, 345-351). In 185 1, John Rae, as part of the search for Sir

John Franklin's third expedition, explored the coast of the mainland from near Cape Krusenstern to Cape Alexander on Kent Peninsula and the south coast of Victoria Island from Cambridge Bay to Pelly Point on the Collinson Peninsula. He encountered a number of Copper Inuit who maintained that they had never before been in communication with Europeans (Rae, 1852a, p. 78; 1852b, p. 84). Another Franklin search expedition involved Investigator under the command of Robert

HMS

M'Clure and HMS Enterprise commanded by Richard Collinson, who conducted their search by way of Bering Strait between 1850 and 1855. In 1851 one of M'Clure's sledge parties encountered

per Inuit for three years, wintering the first year a few miles east of the Coppermine River, the sec-

These pioneer traders were followed by an influx of goods brought by trading ships from the west. A Hudson's Bay Company post was established at Bernard Harbor in 1916 and a number of additional trading posts in the Coronation Gulf area in the early 1920s (Usher, 1971, pp. 101-105; Damas, 1984, p. 408). It was these trading ventures that were primarily responsible for changes in Copper Inuit material culture, economy, and social organization.

Missionary activity in Copper Inuit country was limited after the first Roman Catholic priests were killed by Inuit near Bloody Falls in 1913. The Rev.

H. Girley of the Church of England entered the area in 1915 and established good relations with the Inuit of both Dolphin and Union Strait and Coronation Gulf (Jenness, 1 922, p. 3 1 ). The Royal Canadian Mounted Police established a post at Tree River in the early 1920s (Rasmussen, 1932, p.

61-65).

Inuit near Berkeley Point at the southern entrance to Prince of Wales Strait between Victoria Island and Banks Island (Osbom, 1865, pp. 145-147). Meanwhile Collinson, in the winter of 1 85 1-1852,

observed more Copper Inuit than any previous explorer. In Walker Bay some 50 Inuit constructed their snow houses near the Enterprise. The following winter he also met Inuit in Cambridge Bay at the southeastern end of Victoria Island (Collinson, 1889, pp. 171-173, 248-251). For the next 50 years, no explorers visited the

land of the Copper Inuit. In 1902 David T. Han-

Previous Ethnographic Research

The noted explorer and ethnographer Vilhjal-

mur Stefansson first went north in 1906-1907 for the purpose of studying the so-called "blond es-

kimos" of Victoria Island. As it turned out, he spent most of a year along the arctic coast from Flaxman Island to the mouth of Mackenzie River, where he had extensive interaction with the Mac-

bury, traveling from the mouth of the Back River along the coast of the Coppermine River, encoun-

kenzie Inuit (Stefansson, 1922).

Copper Inuit. His account of his journey (Hanbury, 1904, ch. XI) and the people he met was considered by Stefansson (1913, pp. 249-250) and Jenness ( 922, pp. 30-3 ) to be the most valuable description of the Copper Inuit and the coun-

fansson was already planning a second expedition.

tered

try they inhabited up to that time.

A Danish trader. Captain Christian Klengenberg, traveling from the west in a small schooner,

spent the winter of 1905-1906 in the vicinity of Cape Kendall on Victoria Island at the entrance

While engaged in his first arctic experience, Ste-

The information that quickened his interest in further exploration was obtained from the Mackenzie Inuit who told him that they were unaware of the existence of any people east of Bathurst Inlet (Ste-

fansson, 1913, pp. 1-3). In 1910, traveling by sledge

along the coast, Stefansson visited the Inuit of Dolphin and Union Strait and west Coronation Gulf, then continued up the Coppermine River to Great

Bear Lake. The following year he returned and

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

visited the natives of Prince Albert Sound. This

two years, assembled the collection that is de-

second Stefansson expedition resulted in consid-

scribed in this study.

erable new knowledge relating to traveling and survival techniques, physical geography, and the first detailed information on the culture of the

Copper Inuit (Stefansson, 1913; 1914). Stefansson's first two trips to the Canadian arcwere preliminary to a major expedition undertaken between 1913 and 1918 sponsored by tic

the Canadian government. Its purpose was to carry

out a wide variety of geographical exploration and scientific work in the western Canadian arctic. Ste-

fansson divided the Canadian Arctic Expedition into two parties. The first, the Northern Division

under his command, had geographical discovery as its main objective. The other part, the Southern

Division, led by Rudolph Martin Anderson and accompanied by the anthropologist Diamond Jenness, was to carry out scientific work in the vicinity

of Coronation Gulf In 1914 the Southern Division established its headquarters in Bernard Harbor on Dolphin and Union Strait, and during the winter Jenness began studies of the Inuit in the region. In April 1915

he set out for southwestern Victoria Island and remained with the Copper Inuit there until November when he returned to Bernard Harbor. The Southern Division completed its work in July 1916, and the party reached Nome in mid-August (Cooke

and Holland, 1978, pp. 335-338). Although, as previously noted, the Copper Inuit had been contacted sporadically by explorers and members of Franklin search expeditions

Harold Noice and the Canadian Arctic Expedition Harold Noice, a high school dropout from Sewent north in the summer of 1915 to meet a friend in Nome, Alaska, where they intended to make a motion picture; he was 19 years old. The friend never appeared and, stranded in Nome, Noice joined the crew of the Polar Bear, a whaling and trading ship that made its way east to Herschel Island where it was purchased, in the late summer of 1915, by Stefansson for use by the Northern Division of the Canadian Arctic Expedition. In early September, at Cape Kellett on Banks Island, Noice was hired by Stefansson as a sledge man for winter travel, and he traveled with him on Banks Island during the winter of 1915-1916. Later in the winter and spring he took part in sledge travel north of Melville Island, and on June 15, 1916, he was the first to go ashore on the newly discovered Meighen Island at latitude 80°N (Stefansson, attle,

1921, pp. 395, 442fr, 494-495, 518-519; Noice, 1924).

At Cape Bathurst in the early fall of 9 1 7, Noice 1

asked to be discharged from the employ of the Canadian Arctic Expedition and, with two others, purchased a ship from the expedition. His partners were interested in obtaining furs from the Copper

fansson (1921), while Jenness published a de-

Inuit, but Noice wished to complete the mapping, begun by Stefansson's party, of northeastern Victoria Island. He was hoping to reach Coronation Gulf by ship and then go northeastward across Victoria Island by sledge (Stefansson, 1921, pp. 668-669; Noice, 1924). In the first year Noice's ship was wrecked in winter quarters on the mainland coast of Amundsen Gulf, and this unforeseen event appears to have dissolved the partnership arrangement. During the winters of 1919-1920 and 1920-1921 he lived and traveled with a group of Copper Inuit

tailed ethnography of the Copper Inuit (1922), a

he refered to as the "Kilinigmium" of southeastern

study of their physical characteristics (1923), a popular account of his work with the Southern Division (1928), and a study of Copper Inuit material culture (1946). The collection of 2,500 objects on which the latter study is based are in the Canadian Museum of Civilization in Ottawa (S. E. Jenness, 1991, p. 697). Harold Noice, a member of Stefansson's Northern Division party for

Victoria Island, possibly the group identified as

in the 1 8th and 1 9th centuries, the Canadian Arctic

Expedition was working in essentially unex-

plored country, making detailed geographic surveys for the first time and studying Inuit whose traditional cultures were virtually intact. The Coronation Gulf region was perhaps the only area

of North America where trained ethnologists accompanied an expedition into virtually unexplored territory. A popular account of the work of the Northern Division was published by Ste-

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Kiglinirmiut by Jenness (1922, p. 39), who hunted in the region opposite Bathurst Inlet (Stefansson,

1921, p. 669;

Anonymous, 1922, p.

12;

Noice,

922b, p. 229). It seems probable that it was among these people that Noice made most of his ethno1

graphic collection since it was here that he traveled exclusively by land.

On his return from the arctic, Noice published two articles relating to research carried out during the previous two winters. In the first he noted that

material (Royal Ontario Museum [rom], archives,

the "Kilinigmium" traveled inland in summer to

as follows:

hunt caribou and met the Inuit of Prince Albert Sound and Minto Inlet for trading and dancing. They in turn spent part of every year on the coast

his collection. He says in efTect that had he used his trade

with the "Kilinigmium" (Noice, 1922b, p. 229). In the second article he described briefly his archaeological excavations on the mainland east of the Coppermine River where he discovered pot-

Dept. of Ethnology).

Commenting on this collection, Stefansson wrote

have discussed with Mr. Noice how much he wants for

goods to buy fox skins, he would have secured fox skins enough to give him $25,000 gross on arriving in Seattle last fall. Of course he has the motive to try to make a scientific man of himself, so he will not be disappointed if he gets much less. Things which he got for nothing are now very costly in Coronation Gulf and in many instances the articles contained in Mr. Noice's collection can never be duplicated. Bows, arrows and stone cooking pots will never again be made excepting for purposes of sale. Mr. Noice secured the last that remained of those actually made for use and actually used. In clothing and various other items changes will now begin to take place rapidly for there are many Western Eskimos among the Copper Eskimos group who will introduce new fashions. .

tery fragments and the ruins of earth

houses similar to those used

and wood

in Alaska. In this

article he may have been the first to surmise that

changed local environmental conditions, resulting in an altered subsistence emphasis, were relevant to the indigenous transition from the prehistoric Thule culture to modern Copper Inuit culture (Noice, 1922a, pp. 61 1-612), a theory supported by more recent archaeological research in the area

(McGhee, 1972; Taylor, 1972).

Stefansson went on to suggest that the Royal Ontario Museum may wish to purchase "only a few things," and he especially recommended five

Harold Noice's Ethnographic Collections

bows made of musk ox horn. He suspected that such bows may not have been present in the col-

According to Stefansson (1925, p. 359), Noice

came to New York in the spring of 1922 with a large ethnographic and archaeological collection that he hoped to sell for sufficient funds to allow

him to live in the city for a year or two while he wrote a book about his travels. Stefansson told him that he should have no difficulty disposing of his collection to the American Museum of Natural History or the Museum of the American Indian and offered to assist him in his efforts. Much to Stefansson's surprise, however, such a quick and easy disposal of the collection, either in New York or elsewhere, turned out to be impossible. Stefansson noted that eventually limited selections

from the collection were sold, but the prices were "inadequate."

On April 24,

922, as part of Stefansson's initial

efforts to assist Noice in disposing of his collection,

he wrote to C. T. Currelly, Director of the Royal Ontario Museum in Toronto, enclosing an extensive inventory of archaeological and ethnographic items that Noice hoped to sell. This inventory listed

approximately 280 archaeological speci-

mens from Pearce Point on Amundsen Gulf and Point Agiak east of the Coppermine River. About 535 ethnographic objects were also listed, a few of which were obtained on Hepburn Island in Coronation Gulf and on the Kent Peninsula. No provenience was given for most of the ethnographic

lection of the Canadian Arctic Expedition in Ottawa and slyly suggested that Currelly inquire of Jenness if this is the case but without mentioning Stefansson's name. If there were none in Ottawa, then the five obtained by Noice would be es-

pecially valuable. It appears that Currelly may not have answered Stefansson's letter, and on September 28, 1922,

Noice wrote Currelly that he was willing to break

up his collection into small lots. He also mentioned items of special interest such as the "musk

ox horn bow and arrow outfits" and "basketry of Bathurst Inlet." Currelly wrote to Noice on October 3 asking, "For how much could we have one bow and bow-repairing outfit, and one adze with musk ox horn handle?" He volunteered the information that "our finances are not in good condition." Three days later Noice answered that "I can let you have one complete musk ox horn bow with seal skin case and seal skin quiver together with 2 bone-tipped, 4 iron-tipped, bone shanked, and 3 copper-tipped arrows, and a complete bow repairing outfit, for $ 50.00." He did not mention the adze with a musk ox horn handle. There is no indication that the Royal Ontario Museum purchased any of Noice's collection at this time. Some time after this correspondence between Currelly and Noice, the latter appears to have sold 1

the entire collection, or at least the ethnographic

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

objects, to John G. Worth, a Philadelphia dealer with ties to several American museums. On March

collection to Currelly for $1,000.00. On May 13, 1927, Mcllwraith agreed to purchase this collec-

1925, Worth wrote to Clark Wissler at the I, American Museum of Natural History indicating that he had enough for three small collections and inquiring of Wissler whether he knew of someone who might want to purchase a segment of the col-

tion for the asking price. On

lection

(American

Museum of Natural History, He apparently

archives, Dept. of Anthropology).

received no reply. Worth's further efforts to dis-

May 17 Worth ac-

knowledged the purchase and noted that arrangements had been made for packing and shipping (ROM, archives. Dept. of Ethnology). The collection presently in the Department of Ethnology of the Royal Ontario Museum consists of at least 250 objects (catalog nos. 2585-2837). It now appears that the Noice collections in the

Some time prior to May 1, 1925, Worth, pos-

Field Museum of Natural History and the Royal Ontario Museum constitute the entire assemblage of Copper Inuit ethnographic material formerly in the possession of Harold Noice and later sold to John G. Worth. The total number of the two col-

sibly at the suggestion of Stefansson or Noice, wrote

lections equals approximately the number of eth-

Currelly, presumably to inquire whether the Royal Ontario Museum might still be interested in ac-

nographic objects listed in the inventory that Stefansson sent Currelly in 1922. The archaeological

pose of the Noice collection can be reconstructed from his correspondence with the Royal Ontario

Museum and the Field Museum of Natural History.

quiring a Copper Inuit collection. Currelly replied

material listed in that inventory may or may not

expressing interest and Worth responded, noting that he had two collections, one for

have been purchased by Worth and its present whereabouts is unknown.

on May

which he was asking $500.00 and another, larger collection for which he hoped to receive $ 1 ,000.00.

may have indicated that he was dubious about spending that much money, and Worth then offered a small collection for Currelly's response

$ 1 50.00 to $200.00. On May 3 1 Worth wrote Cur-

Milwaukee Public Museum had agreed to take one collection for $500.00 and ofrelly

that the

fering a duplicate to the Royal Ontario Museum

II.

The Collection

In the catalog of the Department of Anthropology, Field Museum of Natural History, the Noice collection of Copper Inuit material culture

He apparently did not receive a fa-

(accession 1628) is assigned 125 catalog numbers representing 244 objects. It was received by the

vorable reply, and in November, 1925, he sold to the Field Museum of Natural History for $500.00

other ethnographic collections in the museum, this

for $450.00.

the collection that is the subject of this study (Field

Museum of Natural History, accession files, Dept. of Anthropology).

Worth apparently wrote Currelly again in early December. 1925, once more offering the Royal Ontario Museum a small collection. On December I I T. F. Mcllwraith, Keeper of the Ethnological Collections, responded that he would like to see ,

the collection on approval, and Worth replied that

he was sending his "best $200 lot." Almost immediately, however, he informed Mcllwraith that he did not have a small collection to send but,

Field Museum on December 8, 1 925. Unlike most

one was cataloged in such a manner that typologically similar artifacts, instead of receiving separate catalog numbers, were frequently assigned alphabetical subdesignations of single numbers. This accounts for the considerable difTerence between the number of catalog numbers and the number of objects in the collection. At the time this study was begun, objects represented by eight catalog numbers could not be located in storage or on exhibit; they have apparently been lost. Other than 1

the information referred to in the Introduction, there is no documentation accompanying the Noice

instead, offered a larger one for $1,200.00. There

collection.

the matter stood until January 27, 1927, when Worth wrote Currelly that a transaction he be-

within the following six use categories: subsistence

had completed with another museum had fallen through because that institution did not have the money. This was probably the collection that the Milwaukee Public Museum had agreed to purchase and that was then sold to the Field Museum. He now offered what remained of the Noice lieved he

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Artifacts in the Noice collection are described

(land hunting, sea hunting, fishing), tools (women's and men's), household equipment, clothing

(men's and women's), miscellaneous, and raw material (see Appendix for catalog numbers). Descriptions of the artifacts that follow should be read while examining the accompanying photo-

graphs and drawings. For comparisons I have relied heavily on the publications of Stefansson and Jenness, although other sources are, of course, cit-

According to Stefansson (1914, p. 85) and Jenness (1922, p. 145), bows were the principal hunting weapon of the Copper Inuit and were in use

ed when relevant.

at the

time of their fieldwork. Stefansson (1914,

pp. 85, 88-89) noted that those Copper Inuit whose

bows were commonly made of driftwood obtained it along the west coast of Banks Island. Bows were

Subsistence

also purchased ready-made, especially by the peo-

Land Hunting— The Noice collection contains

ple living on Victoria Island, although even these

three wooden composite hows contained in com-

eastern people sometimes camped at the head wa-

bination bow cases and quivers with arrows. The

ters of the

staves of two reflex bows with bent ends consist

son, 1921, p. 215). In trading among themselves,

of three pieces scarfed together and secured with sinew lashing. The joints are reinforced with flat plates of bone. On one bow a metal sleeve, barely visible through the lashing, covers one scarfed joint. The staves of both bows are rectangular in cross section and of equal thickness their entire length. A bow string of twisted sinew is laid over distinct

a seven-inch butcher knife or "number one" steel

nocks.

roughed out during the summer, allowed to dry, and then either finished with a crooked knife or

Because the dried spruce driftwood from which these Copper Inuit bows were made has little tensility and breaks easily, back lashings of braided sinew were essential to provide strength. On these two bows approximately 20 strands of braided sinew extend along the back of the stave, are passed

around the nocks, and loosely wrapped with rawhide to keep them from slipping over the edge. At the ends the lashing is secured to the stave with a series of half hitches like those illustrated by Mur-

doch (1884, p. 314, figs. 12-13) and with rawhide wrapping at the grips. Copper Inuit composite bows with similar lashings are described and illustrated by Stefansson (1914, pp. 85-89, fig. 30), BirketSmith ( 1 945, p. 1 62, fig. 1 7d), and Jenness ( 1 946, pp. 122-124, fig. 151). Two rectangular strips of sealskin have been laid under the lashing to in1

crease tension since the lashing invariably loosens

with use and changing weather conditions (fig. 2b).

The third bow in the collection, of the simple

Dease River to obtain wood (Stefans-

needle, usually obtained from the Hudson's Bay

Company, was equal in value to a bow with a bow case, quiver, and 1 5 to 20 arrows in 1910. Families

of Copper Inuit who hunted toward Great Bear

Lake secured wood for themselves and for trade. These bows were made of green spruce and were

carried unfinished to the coast in the fall.

Regarding the efficiency of the bow, Stefansson (1914, p. 96) noted.

Tolerable accuracy, such as is needed in shooting birds, is not secured beyond a range of twenty-five or thirty yards. Against caribou the effective range varies with

between seventy-five and ninety yards, and is probably not over one hundred. At thirty or forty yards members of our party have repeatedly seen an arrow pass through the thorax or abdomen of an adult caribou and fly several yards beyond. different archers, generally

Interestingly enough, Stefansson believed that the Copper Inuit lost fewer wounded caribou than

did the Alaskan Ifiupiat hunting with rifles. Jenness (1922, p. 146), on the other hand, had a less favorable opinion of bow accuracy. His informants admitted that the

bow was of little use at

reflex type, has a rectangular stave of three pieces,

distances greater than about thirty yards. The Cop-

the stave having been lengthened by the addition

of short tips scarfed to the ends of both limbs and

per Inuit used the Mediterranean release and held the bow almost horizontal (Jenness, 1922, p. 45,

secured with nails and iron rivets. At the grip,

fig.

which is slightly thicker than the limbs, the stave appears to have split and is reinforced with sinew lashing. Under this lashing there is a strip of sealskin on the inner side and a plate of bone on the outer. The back lashing is combined into two cables held in place in the same manner as charac-

terized in the two previously described bows (fig. 2a).

A bow with a three-piece stave collected in

1853 by Collinson is mentioned by Boas (1888, p. 50).

46, 1946, p. 126).

According to Stefansson ( 9 1

4, p. 88), a Copper

Inuit quiver usually contained between

5 and 20

arrows. The three quivers in the Noice collection originally contained a total of 23 arrows, of which five are now missing. The wood shafts of these

arrows are circular in cross section and range in length from 56 cm to 69 cm, not including the heads, which are missing from eight specimens. Three shafts are of two pieces joined together with a scarf and lashed with sinew (see Stefansson, 1914,

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

;

p. 93, fig.

37).

On all the arrows the shafts are

widened and flattened slightly at the nocks, which are wrapped with sinew. The nocks are cut parallel to the flattened surface. The fletching is intact on only one arrow, which has two trimmed tangential feathers split in half, probably from a gyrfalcon (Fallo rusticolus). The barbs have been removed from each end of the vane. At the distal end the spines at the ends of the exposed vanes are held in place by the lashing around the nock (fig. It). Of the ten arrows that have antler arrowheads in place, one is unbarbed with an iron lancelate

another has a bone blade attached with a copper rivet (fig. 3a).

The three bows and

8 complete or nearly com-

plete arrows in the collection

were kept in bow

cases of dark, depilated sealskin shaped to the form

of the weapon. One end is closed and the other left open for

some distance down its curved edge

to receive the bow.

A quiver is attached to each

bow case along its straight edge with strips of sealskin. On all three bow cases a tool bag is sewn to the quiver with sinew in such a manner that when

terial (fig. 2c). Six arrowheads have two or three

the whole assemblage was worn on the back, the quiver covered the tool bag, preventing its contents from falling out (Jenness, 1922, p. 147, fig.

barbs along one side toward the proximal end with

47). One case has a sealskin carrying strap attached

riveted lancelate blades, one of copper and the rest

with a pair of toggles similar to those illustrated

On two

by Jenness (1946, p. 129, fig. 160a). The carrying strap on the second case is attached with round

blade held in place with a rivet of the same ma-

iron; one blade has a single spur (fig. 2f).

complete arrows the arrowheads have metal shanks, one iron and the other copper, terminating in riveted lancelate blades, one of which has double spurs (fig. 2d,g). A single arrowhead lacks barbs and is flattened and widened at the pointed distal end. Because these arrowheads are hafted, it is not

antler buttons. The third case lacks a carrying strap.

On each case there is a curved antler handle with rounded or pointed ends attached to the straight edge of the bow case so that it could also be carried in the hand. On the outside of two cases are at-

possible to determine the exact shape of the tangs. All of them, however, appear to have sharp shoul-

tached a pair of bone "wings" about 8 cm in length

ders, and the tangs are inserted into the distal ends

pecially ptarmigan (Birket-Smith, 1945, p.

of the shafts and lashed with sinew. Similar ar-

122d; Jenness, 1946, p. 129, fig. 161). A pair of small toggles and a handle for carrying bags of

rowheads are illustrated by Stefansson (1914, pp. 88-89, 91, figs. 32-33, 35). Complete arrows like those in the Noice collection are illustrated by Cadzow (1920, pi. X) and Birket-Smith (1945, p.

for pinning through the wings of small birds, es-

168,

fig.

blood are also attached to one bow case (Jenness, 1946, p. 130, fig. 162). The best preserved of the three bow cases in the collection is illustrated (fig.

Similar bow cases, quivers, and tool bags are described and/or illustrated by Stefansson (1914,

164, fig. 118). In addition to the complete arrows there are 1 4

4).

arrow shaft fragments in the collection ranging from 15.5 cm to 19 cm. Three of these are parts of scarfed shafts and four have feather fragments attached. On one of these the fragments are probably

p. 87, fig. 31), Rasmussen (1932, p. 94), BirketSmith (1945, pp. 163-164, fig. 117), and Jenness

gyrfalcon feathers, but the others, badly deteriorated, cannot be identified. Six shaft fragments

one of antler and two of ivory, similar to those on the complete cases. They are curved and pointed at each end with paired lashing slots for attachment to the straight edge of the bow case (fig. 31). An identical handle, ornamented with incised lines,

include the nocks. Two are flattened at the prox-

imal end and all are wrapped with sinew.

There are 1 4 antler arrowheads in the collection ranging in length from 22 cm to 33 cm and mostly similar to those previously described on the complete arrows. Twelve have one to six barbs along one side and sharp shoulders with barbed conical

tangs (fig. 3a-c,f ). Two lack barbs and have sloping shoulders with wedge-shaped tangs (fig. 3d-e). One

(1946, pp. 126-129, fig. 157). The collection contains three bow case handles,

is illustrated

by Jenness (1946, p. 128, fig. 158).

A thumb guard, used when shooting with the bow, is an oblong, curved piece of bone with rounded ends. On each side is a hole for the skin thong, which fastens the guard to the thumb (fig. 3i).

Similar Copper Inuit thumb guards are de-

of these consists of two sections spliced and fas-

scribed and/or illustrated by Stefansson (1914, p.

tened together with iron rivets (fig. 3d). Twelve have lancelate blades of iron attached with iron or copper rivets (fig. 3b,d-f ), one of which has a

97,

single spur (fig. 3d). One arrowhead is pointed at

the distal end and lacks a blade

(fig.

3c),

while

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

fig.

42) and Birket-Smith (1945, p. 168,

fig.

According to Birket-Smith, thumb guards were not used by the neighboring Netsilik. The collection contains four sets of bow tools, which include a pair of marlin spikes and a pair 121).

of sinew twisters. The marlin spikes, which range in length from 17.5 cm to 24 cm, are made of bone, are wedge-shaped at the distal end, and have handles that are either curved or grooved for the fingers; there are small holes just below the handles

illustrated by Stefansson ( 1 9 4, p. 94, fig. 39d) and Jenness (1946, p. 132, fig. 167). Handles for carrying blood bags were grooved 1

fit

the fingers and fitted with a short strip of

plaited sinew. The collection contains three, one

29),

with an ivory handle (fig. 5a), the second with an

the holes enabled the marlin spikes to be lashed

antler handle, and the third with a handle of musk

in pairs since two were necessary to unfasten and

twisters are all the same size, made of bone, and

ox horn. Jenness (1946, p. 129, fig. 162, p. 130) noted that these handles were sometimes kept in the tool bag, but more often were attached to the

turned up at the ends in opposite directions. They

outside of the quiver or bow case. It will be recalled

(figs. 3k, 5e,h). According to Jenness ( 1 946, p.

tighten the sinew backing of the bow. The sinew

have holes in the center and are used in pairs to tighten or loosen the sinew backing on bows (fig. 3g-h,j). Stefansson (1914, p. 94, fig. 39a) illustrated marlin spikes and sinew twisters lashed to-

that a similar handle is attached to one of the bow

case/quivers in the collection. Handles for carrying blood bags are illustrated by Birket-Smith (1945, p. 171, fig. 126).

gether like those in the Noice collection. In addition to the sets of bow tools just de-

According to Jenness (1946, p. 135), the Copper Inuit used neither the sling nor the bolas. Nev-

two additional

ertheless, the collection contains a bolas with six

marlin spikes that are similar to those in the sets.

bone balls attached to narrow strips of sealskin wrapped at the proximal end with sinew (fig. 5b).

scribed, the collection contains

Jenness (1946, p. 129) noted that some marlin spikes closely resemble marrow extractors except for their heavier construction and were sometimes

used for extracting marrow. In addition to the set illustrated by Stefansson, Copper Inuit marlin spikes and sinew twisters are also illustrated by Birket-Smith (1945, p. 169, fig. 122e-0 and Jen-

ness (1946, pp. 129-130, figs. 163-164). A large iron lance blade, leaf-shaped with a rect-

angular tang, was probably used with a caribou lance (fig. 5c). Such a lance blade may have been

Jenness (1946, p. 132,

fig.

171, p. 133) noted

that hunters often carried a drinking tube made from the hollow leg bone of a bird, usually a swan

{Olor columbianus), in the tool bag. The collection contains one such drinking tube that is unmodified except for straight cuts at the ends (fig. 5g). Sea Hunting— As among other Central Inuit, the toggle harpoon was the principal seal hunting

lances were used only for spearing caribou from a

weapon. Although hunters occasionally tried to crawl near seals basking on the ice in spring and fall, this type of hunting was rare until rifles were obtained. Thus the most important seal hunting was at the animals' breathing holes in winter (Jenness, 1946, p. 115) and the small amount of seal hunting equipment in the Noice collection is re-

kayak.

lated entirely to that activity.

The collection contains two antler arrow shaft straighteners. The hole through which the arrow

The collection contains a single antler harpoon head with a short length of sealskin line attached. It has a closed socket, a single spur, and the distal end is worked to a point at right angles to the line hole; there is no blade. The implement is grooved between the line hole and the socket and sinew is wrapped around the groove (fig. 6f). This harpoon head does not resemble those illustrated by BirketSmith (1945, pp. 172-173, figs. 128-1 29) and Jenness (1946, pp. 116-1 17, figs. 140-1 41), all of which have metal blades. Harpoon heads without in-

hafted directly to the wooden shaft or have had a fixed foreshaft of antler like a lance illustrated by

Jenness (1946, p. 135, fig. 175). According to Jenness (1946, p. 135) and Stefansson (1914, p. 84),

shaft

passed

beveled on both sides.

One

straightener has a pair of parallel engraved lines just below the hole (fig. 5d). Similar straighteners

are described and/or illustrated by Stefansson

(1914, p. 96, fig. 40) and Jenness (1946, p. 134, fig.

172).

According to Jenness (1946, p. 132), hunters collected the blood of caribou in the pouch-shaped reticulum of the animal's stomach. Bone pins, carried in the tool bag attached to the quiver, were used to close this pouch. The collection contains

serted blades are described by Taylor (1974, pp.

three pairs of bone pins, pointed at the end to penetrate the reticulum without tearing a hole, and

86-87) for the Netsilik. A set of eight antler harpoon heads strung on a length of sealskin line are described in the catalog

with knobs at the other end, fastened together with

as "unfinished." It is difficult, however, to see how

sinew below the knobs (fig. 50- Similar pins are

they could be finished further since each is care-

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

fully worked to a flattened point at the distal end

from the swivel with a small toggle at the end. The

at right angles to the line hole and

has a closed

strap fitted over the hunter's wrist and the toggle was buttoned into a loop on the dog's harness (fig.

An unusual artifact is a bag with harpoon head.

8c). A similar swivel is described and illustrated by Jenness (1946, p. 122, fig. 149). The collection contains five seal indicators of ivory consisting of a long needle-like rod, at the top of which is a drilled eyelet of musk ox horn. A short length of sinew leads from the eyelet to

socket with a single spur (fig. 6e).

The narrow bag, made of several small pieces of depilated caribou hide sewn with sinew, is pointed at one end and has a pair of loops at the other. A third loop on one side has a length of braided sinew

extending from it. Attached to one of the end loops with sinew is a small bone button and a plug-

shaped piece of wood. Accompanying the bag is an antler harpoon head with a single spur, closed socket, and iron blade held in place with a copper rivet (fig. 7). The harpoon head was in the bag,

paired holes in the center of a shorter rod. Originally a small bone disc would have been fitted to the lower end of the long rod (fig. 9g). According to Jenness (1922, p.

13),

when the hunter, with

the aid of his dog, located a breathing hole, the

point down, with the wood plug in the socket. The function of the bone button is unclear, but it may

long rod was pushed down the hole and allowed to rest against the snow at the side of the hole,

have been used in combination with the wood plug as a fastener to prevent the head getting lost in the

which kept it from falling. The shorter rod was

snow if it were to fall from the open top of the bag.

A single antler ice pick, slightly curved and

pegged into the snow. The slightest disturbance below the hole caused the long rod to dip but the short rod kept it from being lost in the hole. Seal indicators of the needle type are described and/or

pointed at the distal end with a long, narrow tang, was lashed to the proximal end of the harpoon

illustrated by Stefansson (1914, p. 49, fig. 2), Bir-

shaft (fig. 80- It enabled the harpoon to be planted

(1946, p. 199, fig. 144), and Cadzow (1920, pp. 16-17, pi. IXa) and for the Netsilik by Taylor

upright in the snow and was used to enlarge a seal's breathing hole after the animal was harpooned.

The collection contains two breathing hole scoops used for clearing the snow from around the breath-

ket-Smith (1945, pp. 174-175, fig. 133), Jenness

(1974, pp. 91-92). Seal hooks are represented in the collection by the distal ends of three specimens contained to-

ing hole of a seal. Each has a slightly curved handle, antler on one scoop and musk ox horn on the

gether in a caribou skin bag. The shaft sections of these hooks are of wood and slope at the proximal

other, and bowls of the latter material.

back of the hunter's coat (fig. 6b). On the other

end with a lashing knob for the splice. At the distal end of two, heavy pieces of bone are spliced to the shaft and lashed with sealskin. A heavy iron hook protrudes from this bone piece (fig. 6c). On the third specimen the iron hook is lashed directly to

the strap is fastened to the handle just above the

the shaft section with sealskin (fig. 6d). The bag

The handles on both scoops are

containing these hooks is made from two irregularly shaped pieces of caribou skin sewn with sinew

The two

parts are spliced with a V-shaped notch and lashed

with sealskin from which, on one scoop, protrudes a small skin strap for hanging the scoop on the

splice

(fig.

6a).

tapered to a rounded point with which, according to Birket-Smith ( 1 945, p. 1 74) and Jenness ( 1 946, 9), the hunter stabbed the eye of the seal

when

was brought to the surface. Similar scoops are

(fig.

6g). Seal

hooks like these have not been de-

scribed for the Copper Inuit, but Mathiassen ( 1 928,

illustrated by Birket-Smith ( 1 945, p. 1 74, fig. 1 32),

42, fig. 15, p. 44) described and illustrated a similar device from the Iglulik. When hafted to a

Jenness ( 1 946, p. 1 1 9, fig. 1 44), and Cadzow ( 1 920,

wood shaft, they may have been used to drag the

IXc). Breathing hole scoops of the same type were also used by the Netsilik (Taylor, 1974, pp.

seal from its hole.

90-91).

fishing equipment of the

pi.

Dogs were used to sniff out a seal's breathing hole and the collection contains a swivelfor leading a dog to the sealing ground. It consists of a flat, rectangular piece of antler with a hole in the center for a knobbed swivel of bone. A broad sealskin

Fishing— Jenness (1922, p. 152) noted that the Copper Inuit was very simple. Until relatively recent times, they had no nets. Lake trout, salmon trout, and tomcod {Microgadus proximus) were taken with hook and line or speared with leisters.

There were two forms o^ leisters, both of which

attached at both ends of the flat antler

are present in the Noice collection. The first, rep-

piece and a short strip of the same material runs

resented by two examples, resembles a trident;

strap

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

they are complete except for most of the long wood The side prongs are of antler, asymmetri-

for tomcod (Birket-Smith, 1945, p. 184). Fishing

shaft.

rod and lurehook assemblages like the one in the

cally barbed on both sides, cut for splicing at the

Noice collection are described and illustrated by Birket-Smith (1945, p. 180, fig. 139) and Jenness

proximal end on the outer side, and with a lashing knob. The center prong is symmetrically barbed on both sides, probably spatulate-shaped at the proximal end, and is fitted into a slot at the distal end of the shaft. All three prongs are lashed to the

(1946, pp. 106-107, fig. 125). In addition to the fishing rod and lurehook, the collection contains four fish hooks. Three of these,

with short hooks and antler shanks, were intended for hafting to an antler or bone extension of some

shaft with braided sinew (fig. 8a-b). In addition to these nearly complete trident leis-

kind as all are cut for splicing at the proximal end.

ters, the collection contains five leister side prongs

One has a long lashing knob and a hook made

and a single center prong of antler. Two of the side

from a commercial nail (fig. 9b). The second, with a short copper hook, was hafted with a bone peg,

prongs have, in addition to the lashing knob, notches at the proximal end to improve the haft (fig.

9c,e). The center prong is spatulate-shaped at

the proximal end and scored as an aid to hafting

which is still in place (fig. 8d). The third, with an iron hook, has a hole for the hafting peg or rivet (fig. 90-

These hooks were probably used in fishing

and prongs are

for lake trout or salmon trout. The fourth fishhook

described and illustrated by Birket-Smith (1945,

is completely different. The shank is a polar bear's tooth with a commercial barbed iron hook. Strands

(fig.

9d). Similar trident leisters

pp. 178-179,

111-112,

fig.

138a) and Jenness (1946, pp. 134b). According to Birket-Smith

fig.

(1945, p. 178), this form of leister was also used by the Netsilik.

of cut sealskin are inserted into the tooth in four places to serve as vibrating decoys (fig. 8e). This hook may have been a tomcod jig.

The second leister form is represented in the by two side prongs of musk ox horn,

collection

curved and fitted on the inside at the distal end with barbs of copper. At the proximal end they are cut for splicing on the inner side with a lashing

Tools

knob on the outer side. Sealskin lashing is present on one prong (fig. 8g). The center prong for this form of leister was usually of antler and similar to those on the trident leisters. Similar leisters of this

gle woman 's knife, which conforms to the general

second form are described and/or illustrated by

Women's Tools— The collection contains a sinstructure of this type of knife among the Copper Inuit. There is a blade of iron that is straight for most of its width but curves slightly at the ends, a handle of musk ox horn, and a tang-like con-

Stefansson (1914, p. 83, fig. 27), Cadzow (1920,

necting piece of antler attached to the blade with

pi. II) and Jenness (1946,

trout that entered weirs constructed across streams,

copper rivets and to the handle by being driven through a slot (fig. 10a). Stefansson (1914, p. 98) believed that the woman's knife of the Copper Inuit differed from those of tribes farther west in having blades with straight rather than curved cut-

while the second leister form was used with a fish

ting edges, but all the relevant sources describe

decoy to spear lake trout and salmon trout in lakes. Fishing with hook and line by the Copper Inuit is described in detail by Jenness (1922, pp. 15255, fig. 50). The collection contains one complete fishing rod and turehook. The rod is a straight stick deeply notched at each end to receive the line of

and illustrate both types (Stefansson, 1914, p. 98, figs. 43-44; Cadzow, 1920, pi. VI; Birket-Smith,

pp. 178-179, figs. 137,

138b) and for the Netsilik by Taylor (1974, p. 83, 9). According to Jenness (1946, p. Ill), the

pi.

trident leister was preferred for migrating salmon

plaited sinew. According to Jenness ( 946, p. 06), caribou leg sinew was preferred for the line. Fas1

tened to the end of the line is a lurehook with a semicircular antler shank and, at the distal end, a barbless hook of copper.

On the flat side of the

shank are fastened three vibrating triangular antler plates and three small strips of fringed sealskin that move in the water to attract the fish (fig. 9a). Lurehooks with vibrating decoys were used to jig

1945, pp. 263-264, pp. 171-172; Jenness, 1946, pp. 80-83, figs. 82, 85). According to Jenness (1946,

pp. 82-83), the

woman's knife, like other Inuit

was operated away from the body so that the user could see what she was cutting. Smaller knives, like the one in the Noice collection, were for cutting and trimming skins while the larger tools,

ones were employed for cutting meat. Skin scrapers were used to remove the fat and tissue from skins, and there are three types of scrapers in the Noice collection. Type 1, of which there are two, have handles of pronged antler and iron blades concave on the inner surface with

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

curved working edges. On one the blade has an iron tang that fits into a groove at the distal end

of the handle and is lashed with sinew (fig. 10c). On the second scarper the handle is lengthened slightly by an added piece of antler. The two pieces are spliced together with copper rivets and rivets of the same material fasten the blade to the handle. The proximal end of the handle on this scraper is notched on one side along the prong to fit the fingers. On the inner side of the handle are two circular depressions, which suggest that the implement may have been used as a drill base (fig. 10b). According to Jenness (1946, p. 83), the han-

much thinner. The first is made from the femur of some small animal cut in the collection, are

short and split. The condyle has been modified to

form a handle (fig. lOh). The second appears to have been made from the split half of the mandible of a musk ox with the unmodified condyle forming the handle (fig. lOf). Similarly shaped stretchers,

but made from split caribou femurs, are described and/or illustrated by Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 20, fig. 74b), Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 209-210, fig. 180b), 1

and Jenness (1946, pp. 85-86, fig. 90). A needle case, made from the metacarpal bone of a caribou, is ornamented with incised lines that,

dles of this type of skin scraper were nearly always

according to Jenness (1946, p. 91), are similar to

forked, the branch prong preventing the hand from

the tattooed lines on women's faces (fig. 1 1 0- Sim-

Similar skin scrapers are described and/or illustrated by Stefansson (1914, p.

Stefansson (1914,

sliding forward.

ilarly

ornamented needle cases are illustrated by p.

123,

fig.

78), Birket-Smith

20, fig. 73), Birket-Smith ( 1 945, pp. 209-2 1 0, fig.

(1945,

180c), and Jenness (1946, pp. 83-84, figs. 87-88). Type 2 skin scrapers, of which there are two in

195, fig. 149a). The collection contains two sewing outfits, each

the collection, have wood handles and concave

quite distinctive. The first consists of a marrow extractor of musk ox horn to which is attached a

metal blades with curved working edges. The first has a curved wood handle with a depression on

211,

fig.

182b), and Jenness (1946, p.

narrow strip of sealskin fastened to a bone thimble.

the front for the thumb, a groove on the back for

A copper needle is run through the sealskin strip

and grooves on the side for two

and the whole is lashed to the marrow extractor

the

first finger,

The iron blade is fitted into a slot at the lie). The second scraper has a straight wood handle wrapped with a strip of sealskin. The curved blade is of sheet tin that fits around the handle and is lashed with sinew fingers.

distal

(fig.

end of the handle (fig.

with sinew for making thread (fig.

Ij).

Copper

needles are illustrated by Jenness (1946, p. 93, fig. 99).

Also identified as a sewing outfit is a small, badly deteriorated sealskin bag with loops of sealskin at each end. Attached to one of these loops is a cres-

lOg).

The single type 3 skin scraper is a short section of musk ox horn hollowed out with a curved work-

cent-shaped antler belt toggle with a loop of plaited sealskin. A pair of threading needles, one of bone

ing edge (fig. lOd). The collection contains a cut section of antler

and the other of musk ox horn, are inserted through holes in the sealskin bag. Threading needles were

flat on

one side and rounded on the other, which

used for threading a cord through holes in skin,

flares at one end. Since it is presumed that a metal

blade would have been attached at the flaring end,

especially for fastening together the front of a tent above the door (fig. 11a). They are sometimes

the object is identified as a possible scraper handle,

identical to the pins used for closing a blood bag

perhaps for a type 2 scraper (fig. lOe).

(Jenness, 1946, p. 96, fig. 103). Jenness (1946, p. 50) noted that women's belt toggles were virtually

After scraping, skins were stretched with skin

and there are two types of this implement form in the Noice collection. The first, of

stretchers,

which there are three examples, is made from the scapula of a musk ox with the articular surface modified to form a handle that extends out from the left side; the process on the back side has been

removed (fig. lOi). Similar skin stretchers are described and illustrated by Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 1 20, fig.

74a), Birket-Smith (1945, pp.

209-210,

fig.

180a), and Jenness (1946, pp. 84-85, fig. 89). Bir-

identical to the toggles used for hauling seals and

he believed that a toggle for hauling seals became a belt toggle at the end of the seal hunting season.

Two thimbles are made from phalangeal bones of caribou. The upper end is open because only the side of the thimble and not the top was used (fig.

h). According to Jenness ( 1 946, p. 93),

wear on the thimbles than the soft copper needles, and metal thimbles were then much in demand.

ket-Smith and Stefansson refer to these imple-

Bone thimbles

ments as scrapers.

(1945, p. 211, fig. 181).

Type 2 skin stretchers, of which there are two

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

when

steel needles were introduced they caused greater

are illustrated by Birket-Smith

Marrow extractors were employed to remove

the marrow from the long bones of caribou and

tools are described and/or illustrated by Stefans-

musk ox. According to Jenness ( 946, pp. 95,

29),

son (1914, p. 107, fig. 54), Birket-Smith (1945, p.

they were often attached to needle cases or carried by hunters in the bags that were part of their bow

205, fig. 174), and Jenness (1946, p. 101, fig. 115). The collection contains two examples of the or-

They vary greatly in shape and some are almost identical to marlin spikes except for being of lighter construction and with the hole at the end rather than below the handle. The Noice collection

dinary man's knife used for flensing and cutting snow. The first knife is the most typical and has

cases.

contains three marrow extractors in addition to the one that is part of the sewing outfit previously described. Two are of bone and one of musk ox

horn. Two are rounded at the distal end with small drilled holes at the proximal end for attachment

to the needle case (fig.

Ib-c). The third is spat-

ulate-shaped at the distal end and lacks a drilled line hole (fig. 1 Id). The proximal ends of all three are notched. An assortment of marrow extractors are illustrated by Jenness (1946, p. 102, fig. 94).

Men's Tools— The

typical

Inuit crooked or

a lancelate iron blade sharp along both edges. Be-

tween the blade and the handle is an iron tang inserted into a slot in the distal end of the handle where it is held in place with a copper rivet. The handle shank is of bone and there is a flaring grip of antler, possibly pegged to the shank, but the haft is obscured by rawhide lashing, which begins through a hole in the butt and is wrapped around most of the shank to afford a better grip (fig. 3a). Knives of this type, some with copper blades, are described and/or illustrated by Stefansson (1914, 1

pp. 100-101, figs. 47-49), Cadzow (1920, pi. Vbc), Birket-Smith ( 1 945, pp. 202-203, fig.

70), and

whittling knife is represented in the Noice collection by a single example. It has a long antler han-

Jenness (1946, p. 97, figs. 107, 1 10). Early in the 20th century, steel knives of Euro-

with a curved

American manufacture were available to the Copper Inuit, most of which came from Great Bear Lake and regions to the west. The Inuit removed the handles from these knives and re-hafted them

dle, semicircular in cross section

iron blade that extends well beyond the distal end

of the handle and is attached with copper rivets. There is a line hole at the proximal end of the

handle and another drilled hole on one side approximately half way along its length for the attachment of a sharpener (fig. 1 2a). Crooked knives with iron blades are described and illustrated by Stefansson (1914, pp. 104-105, figs. 50-51), Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 204-205, fig. 173), and Jen-

according to their own needs, leaving the blade intact (Jenness, 1946, p. 97). The second man's knife in the Noice collection

of this type. The

blade has a single sharp edge and bears the maker's

name, PUTNAM CUTLERY CO./NEW BRIT-

AIN CONN. U.S.A. The blade is inserted into a

ness (1946, pp. 98, 100, figs. 113-114). Jenness (1946, p. 100) described the crooked knife as fol-

slot in a straight antler handle and held in place

lows:

center with willow root (fig. 1 3c). Men's knives of

with an iron rivet; the handle is wrapped in the this type are described and illustrated by Stefans-

The Copper Eskimo held the knife low down with the

son (1914, p. 100, fig. 47), Birket-Smith (1945, p.

hand directed inward, and the handle resting along the

202,

inner side of the forearm so that it fitted into the curve of the elbow. With the instrument thus pivoted on the elbow the forearm moved as one unit and the wrist re-

110b,e).

mained perfectly still. Smaller whittling knives, even though their handles did not reach the elbow, were held in the same manner.

A grooving tool was used for cutting grooves in bone, antler, and horn. The collection contains three such knives with short antler handles and

fig.

169b),

and Jenness (1946,

97,

fig.

The Copper Inuit used the typical three-piece bow, drill shank, and mouthpiece. The collection does not contain a complete set, but there are parts of several sets. Two drill bows of caribou rib are drilled at each drilling set consisting of a

iron blades that are inserted into slots in the han-

end for the attachment of a strap of depilated sealskin (fig. 1 3g). There are three drill shanks of wood rounded at the proximal end for insertion into the mouthpiece. The bits for the three and their meth-

dle. The blades are either notched at the end (fig.

ods of hafting are different in each case. On the

Ig) or have a short, pointed projection (figs.

3b). In addition to the complete grooving tools,

li,

the collection contains a grooving tool handle with

the blade slit broken out, presumably indicating that the tool was broken in use (fig. 1 3e). Grooving

first, the bit, a long nail, is inserted into a wedgeshaped piece of musk ox horn spliced to the shank and wrapped with sinew (fig. 1 30- The second is

hafted in a similar fashion, but the wedge-shaped piece is of bone and the bit, a nail, is much shorter.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

The third shank has a short bit inserted directly into the shank, the distal end of which is covered

175a) and Jenness (1946, pp. 102-103, fig. 119a,c). Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 1 08, fig. 56) illustrated a head

with a metal sleeve, probably part of a rifle car-

and blade closely resembling the one described

tridge (fig.

3d).

A single drill mouthpiece is a car-

ibou astragalus. Since the rim is low on one side, a bone peg has been inserted to raise the level of the rim at this point, thus preventing the shank

from slipping out when it is rotated with the bow (fig. 1 It). Complete drilling sets are described and illustrated by Stefansson (1914, p. 106, fig. 52ac, p. 109, fig. 60), Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 206207, fig. 176). and Jenness (1946, pp. 101-102, fig.

1 6).

Jenness ( 1 946, p. 1 02, fig. 1 1 8) described

and illustrated a drill mouthpiece made from a caribou astragalus.

Three handsaws with toothed steel blades made from commercial saws have antler handles. The first is a short handle to one side of which the blade is attached with iron

rivets.

The blade is

here.

Identified as a pick is a narrow, long, crudely

worked iron blade with a rounded tip lashed along the flat face of a wood handle. The handle, which is broken at the proximal end and sharply recessed along more than half its length, has a lashing knob and a single lashing hole. The blade is attached to the handle with thick rawhide thongs, and a strip of sealskin has been inserted around the blade where it meets the face of the handle (fig. 14a). The collection contains four bags that have been identified as men's tool bags. Two were evidently intended for a quiver and are made of depilated sealskin stitched up one side with sinew and with a separate piece attached on the side where the opening occurs. The opening, extending somewhat

bent over the back of the handle (fig. 12c). Birket-

less than half the length of the bag, can be closed

Smith (1945, p. 207, fig. 177) described and illus-

with loops of plaited sinew (fig. 1 4d). Birket-Smith

trated a similar saw. The second has a somewhat

(1945, pp. 208-209) described a similar bag and

longer handle with a knob at the proximal end. The blade is attached along the side with four iron

its

contents. The third bag, in poor condition, is

made from a whole ground squirrel (Citellus sp.)

Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 1 07, fig. 5 5). On the third saw

skin sewn up one side with sinew (fig. 14c). This bag resembles in size and shape a tool bag of fish

the blade is inserted in the end of a sharply curved

skin from the Netsilik described and illustrated by

rivets

(fig.

12d). Similar

saws are illustrated by

handle and held in place with a pair of iron rivets (fig.

A file has been formed by inserting the rat tail tang of the upper half of a commercial implement into a narrow antler handle that flares at the distal end. At the proximal end of the handle is a drilled

hole through which is inserted a short length of twisted sinew (fig.

Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 109, fig. 75). About all that can be said concerning the fourth bag, also in

12b).

2f ).

The single complete adze in the collection has

poor condition, is that it appears to have been made from a whole marten (Martes americana) skin. The opening seems to have been between the back legs of the animal. The identification of this container as a tool bag is questionable. Marten skins would have been obtained from wooded areas south and west of Coronation Gulf

an iron blade lashed directly to a wood handle with lashing holes; the lashing is with rawhide thongs. Covering the distal end of the blade is a sealskin sheath lashed with rawhide thongs and held in place by thongs that are inserted through one of the lashing holes in the handle (fig. 14b). Similar adzes are described and illustrated by Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 205-206, fig. 175b) and Jenness (1946, pp. 102-103, fig. 119b,d). A second typ)e of adze has a blade wedged into a separate head of bone, antler, or musk ox horn. This type is represented by a single adze head and blade. The blade, crudely cut from a large iron fragment, is inserted into the distal end of an antler head with a broad, deep lashing groove (fig. 2g). Complete adzes of this typ>e are described and il1

lustrated by Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 205-206, fig.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Household Equipment

The tinder used in starting a flame on the moss wick of an oil lamp was the wool of bog cotton {Eriophorum angustofolium), which was kept in a small bird's foot bag made from the split feet of waterfowl. The collection contains one such bag, probably made from a swan's foot. It is in poor condition but appears to have been made without a separate bottom (fig. 5a). Similar bags are described and illustrated by Birket-Smith (1945, pp. 93-1 94, 20 fig. 68) and Jenness ( 946, pp. 55, 1

1 ,

64, fig. 49, p. 58).

Since Jenness (1946, p. 58) noted that most of the cooking "was done on lamps not less than 24

inches [61 cm] long," the single soapstone lamp

tines that are curved and flattened at the distal end

in the Noice collection was presumably

(fig.

used for

heat and light, primarily the latter. This lamp is

15f-g). Birket-Smith (1945, p. 190, fig. 152c) described and illustrated a similar snow knife along

semicircular in shape and the sides are nearly straight. On the inside the front edge or lip has a

with a man's knife with a metal blade and seems

pronounced slope down into the well while at the back the slope is considerably less; the well of the

the snow house. Jenness made no mention of their

lamp is flat. Unlike many Copper Inuit lamps, this one has no partitions (fig. 1 5b). According to Jenness (1946, p. 59), smaller lamps were made by women and the large ones by men, who then turned them over to the housewife to become her exclusive property.

Blubber was stored in sealskin bags, and before use in the oil lamp it was pounded with a blubber

pounder made of musk ox horn. The collection contains a single pounder made from the distal end of the horn. On the concave side at the proximal end there are four half-round notches for the

to suggest that both were used to cut blocks for

use for this purpose but noted that a woman sometimes used her antler snow knife to chop snow for filling in the gaps between the snow blocks while her husband finished building the dwelling.

A water bag is made of tanned sealskin and has a handle of the same material. The bottom

separate piece, and there are separate pieces near the opening; sewing is with sinew (fig. 16a). Jen-

ness (1946, p. 74, fig. 74) illustrated a similar bag

and noted that their usual capacity was slightly more than one gallon. Ice that formed on the side of the bag was broken loose by hammering on the outside with a stick.

blubber pounders are

An oval clothing bag in poor condition is similar

described and illustrated by Stefansson (1914, p.

to those described and illustrated by Jenness ( 1 946,

fingers (fig. 16d). Identical

made of caribou leg skins sewn

76, fig. 22), Birket-Smith (1945, p. 194, fig. 157),

p. 78, fig. 8 1 b). It is

and Jenness (1946, pp. 69-70, fig. 63).

vertically with sinew and with the hair retained.

According to Jenness (1946, p. 70), dippers or drinking ladles were found in every household, but hunters in the field never carried them. There are

The bottom is of tanned sealskin. The opening is in the center, and there are sealskin thongs laced

across the top. According to Jenness, ( 1 946, p. 79),

three examples in the Noice collection that seem

in summer these bags, intended for spare clothing,

mentioned in the literature. The largest is made from the proximal end of a musk ox horn that flares at the distal end. It is deep and has a small upturned handle. This dipper has been repaired in three places with metal and ivory plates attached with copper rivets (fig. 15d). The other two dippers are much smaller. Both are very deep, but one is narrow and nearly rectangular (fig. 5e), while the other flares somewhat at the distal end (fig. 15c); both have up-

were cached on high rocks where they could not be disturbed by foxes (Alopex lagopus). In winter they were stored under the bed or hung outside

turned handles. Horn dippers are described and/ or illustrated by Stefansson (1914, pp. 72-73, figs.

second bag is made of a single piece of depilated sealskin sewn up both sides. There is a strip of

to represent the range of sizes

4, 1 7), Cadzow ( 1 920, pi. XI), Birket-Smith ( 1 945,

pp. 196-197, fig.

6 la-d), and Jenness (1946, pp.

70-71, figs. 64-66). Stefansson identified the smaller examples as spoons, and Birket-Smith de-

the house. In addition to the bags already described, the

Noice collection contains four small bags, the specific use of which is uncertain. The first is oval in shape, made of intestine, and contains dried grass or sedge (fig.

6b); it is probably a bag for tinder

like the previously described bird's foot bag. The

plaited sinew at the top to tie the opening 16c).

(fig.

A pouch-like bag of caribou hide with the

hair inside is made of one large piece and a smaller

scribed specimens of all sizes as soup ladles. The

patch. At the opening is a long strip of plaited sinew that served as a tie (fig. 1 60- The fourth bag,

large dippers illustrated by Stefansson and Cadzow

made of three pieces of depilated sealskin includ-

are repaired with plates and rivets in the same manner as the one described here. Stefansson

ing a separate bottom and sewn with sinew, appears to have been cut off'at the top and is probably

9 1 4, p. 69) noted that blood soup, which formed the last course of every cooked meal, was always

not complete. It is heavily encrusted and may have contained oil or blubber (fig. 16a).

( 1

drunk from ox horn dippers. Jenness (1946, p. 76, fig. 78) noted that snow knives of antler or bone were used by women to

chop up blocks of snow in the cooking pot. The collection contains two snow knives of split antler

Clothing

For the Copper Inuit, caribou skins were the preferred material for clothing. The superiority of

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

caribou skin derives primarily from its insulating properties, which allow the body to maintain ther-

Men's Clothing— The Noice collection contains three coats identified in the catalog as men's

mal balance (Stenton, 1991, p. 4). The seasonal

outer parkas.

variation in the utility of caribou skin for clothing

always use the same pattern in sewing parkas. The seams varied according to the shapes and sizes of skins available, a fact that is evident in the parkas described in this study. Outer parkas were well

regulates the procurement strategies of Inuit huntThe annual shedding of the outer and inner

ers.

layer hairs begins in early spring and continues through the early summer. During this molting

period the skins are not suitable for clothing. The skins are also not suitable because of infestation

of the parasitic warble fly (Oedemagena tarandi). In early August exit holes made by the larvae have

Copper Inuit seamstresses did not

tailored, and on

most garments narrow strips of white caribou fur were used to articulate important design features. The shoulders were always broad to allow the arms to be easily withdrawn from the sleeves. All the parkas in the Noice collection, both

in September and October (Stenton, 1991, pp. 4-

men's and women's, are sewn with sinew. Another regular feature is a narrow tape of depilated caribou skin sewn along most borders, especially around the tail, to prevent the borders from rolling

6). In contrast to other Inuit in the Central Arctic,

up.

the Copp>er Inuit preferred to harvest finely haired

caribou skins for their clothing (DriscoU, 1983, p.

The pattern of the first parka, because of decorative insertions, is fairly complex. The back piece

81).

extends from the tail up the middle back to the

Jenness (1946, p. 1 1) summarized the clothing needs of the Copfjer Inuit as follows:

area of the neck where it is joined to a piece with

healed. By late fall and throughout the winter the

hair is too thick for use in clothing except for overcoats. Thus the period of peak clothing utility is

Excluding the outer shoes, which were made of sealskin, it required no less than seven caribou hides to furnish the adult Copper Eskimo with one complete suit of clothing for winter travel; and every man really needed two suits, besides a raincoat and special footgear for the spring and summer months. In winter, his costume comprised worn one inside the other, the two frocks or coats whenfur of the inner against his body; an overcoat ever the weather demanded it; two pairs of breeks [trousers] .... worn in the same way as the coats, two pairs of stockings worn similarly, and reaching to just below .

the knees

;

a pair of caribou fur slippers

between

ioned from summer skins, was made from the heavy winter coat of the caribou, and generally required two full skins for its manufacture. Of the two ordinary coats the outer also required the greater part of two skins because of its ornamental pattern, but the inner coat could usually be made from one hide. Two more hides, with the fragments left over from the coats, gen.

The front piece covers the chest and extends over the shoulders and around the sides, where it is joined to the back piece. The sides of the hood are formed of a separate piece. Each sleeve is formed essentially of a separate piece sewn up one side,

but they are extended by an additional piece around the upper arm and gussets in the under arm areas

the stockings; and low sealskin shoes ... as final covering for the feet. A pair of mittens completed the outfit. The overcoat, unlike the outer garments, which were fash-

a long extension that forms the back of the hood.

(fig.

17).

The decorative inserts on this parka are fairly

broad band of white fur extends around simple. the tail and continues around the front. A much narrower band, sewn to an intervening narrow taF>e of skin, is sewn along borders, and from it extends pairs of long decorative strands of tanned skin. These are cut in sets of three from a single piece of skin. According to Driscoll ( 1 987, p. 1 78), these strands were replaced every spring in anticipation of the return of the caribou. There are strips of

erally sufficed for the breeks, footgear, and mittens.

white fur around the upper arm, around the hood opening, and in the seam that separates the front of the hood from the back (figs. 18-19).

One of the particular advantages of caribou skin

The basic pattern of the second parka is essen-

A complete set of

tially the same as that of the garment just described

clothing weighed between 3.0 and 4.5 kg. However, the long guard hairs break off easily and de-

except that the hood, in addition to back and side pieces, has small gussets near the neck on each

crease the insulative efficiency of a garment (Sten-

side; there is a strip of white fur around the open-

ton, 1991, p. 9). According to Jenness (1928, p. 153), a winter outfit could last up to three years,

a number of small additions and a pair of added

but others suggest that under normal circumstanc-

strips around the upF>er arms which include some

es winter garments were replaced every year, and

more frequently if skins were plentiful (Stenton,

white fur. Between the shoulder blades is a short, rectangular strip ending in a tuft of white fur, a

1991, p. 9).

characteristic feature mentioned by Jenness ( 1 946,

for clothing is its light weight.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

ing.

Each sleeve consists of two large pieces with

12) and believed by Driscoll (1987, p. 178) to be a symbolic reference to the caribou tail. A strip p.

of white fur extends around the borders (fig. 20).

The decorative insertions of white fur on this parka include a narrow strip that follows the contour of the tail and two broad panels from the underbelly of the caribou on the front (figs. 21-

up the side, and there is a strip of white fur around the hood opening (fig. 25). In winter men wore two pairs of caribou skin trousers. In summer only the inner trousers were

worn; they were usually made of heavier fur than the outer garment (Jenness, 1946, p. 17). Accord-

22). Issenman (1985, p. 106) noted that this "ven-

ing to Stefansson (1914, pp. 117, 246), trousers reached three inches below the knee and were worn

tral mane, under which beats the great heart of the

well up to the lower edge of the sternum.

and

The Noice collection contains two pairs of men's

example of animal-human bonding. The ears of the caribou, often left on the hood (Jenness,

outer trousers. Both consist basically of four pieces

caribou, covers the chest of the hunter

is an

946, p. 1 2; Stefansson, 1914, fig. 66b), but absent from the men's outer parkas in the collection, are 1

also a symbolic reference to the close relationship

between men and animals.

The third parka is undecorated, and the back and most of the hood is a single piece of skin. Both features, according to Jenness (1946, p.

11), are

characteristic of inner parkas. The rounded shoul-

ders and front are cut from a second piece that is filled out along the lower end with a semicircular

sewn together at the sides and down the median line with sinew. There are gussets at the crotch and waist. One pair has a drawstring around the waist that ties in front; the other lacks a drawstring. Both trousers are ornamented with white fur on the legs. On one pair there are two narrow bands above a wide edging. Strands of depilated skin hang from both bands (fig. 26). On the other there are narrow bands of brown and white fur just above the white edging and a single band of white almost at the level

of the crotch (fig.

27).

Trousers similar to

Additional pieces cover the neck and the

these are described and illustrated by Birket-Smith

lower part of the front of the hood. Each sleeve consists basically of a single piece sewn up one side, but there are additional pieces in the area of

(1945, pp. 146-147, fig. 103) and Jenness (1946,

the underarms. A narrow strip of white fur is sewn

pairs of stockings that reached just below the knees:

around the hood opening (figs. 23-24). Outer parkas similar to those in the Noice collection are described and illustrated by Stefansson

an inner pair with the fur next to the skin and an

66-67), Birket-Smith

which are made from the light-colored area of caribou leg skins sewn vertically with sinew. The feet are made from the darker area of leg skins and are sewn together from several small pieces. A casing of dehaired caribou skin is sewn around the top

inset.

(1914, pp.

114-117,

figs.

(1945, pp. 142-144, figs. 100-101), Jenness(1917, fig.

1946, pp. 11-17, frontispiece,

figs.

3-6),

Rasmussen ( 932, opp. p. 49), and Driscoll (1987, 1

179, fig. 163, p. 186, fig. 171). In addition to the style of outer and inner parkas

pp. 17, 20, fig. 9).

As noted previously, in winter men wore two

outer pair with the fur outside. The collection contains a single pair of outer stockings, the tops of

to hold the drawstring of plaited sinew (fig. 28a).

just described, the Copper Inuit also wore an over-

Similar outer stockings are described by Jenness

coat cut from heavy, long-haired caribou skins that

(1946, pp. 25-26).

could be put on over the inner and/or outer parkas

The collection also contains a pair of badly worn

when the wind was blowing, when traveling, or when hunting seals at breathing holes. This heavy usually undecorated (Stefansson, 1914, pp. 114,

dance stockings, another form of outer stocking that was usually not worn when hunting. All the leg is encircled by narrow, parallel bands in three colors— white, red, and black. The white bands

117; Jenness, 1922, p. 204,

fig.

58; 1946, p. 17;

are of clipped caribou fur, the black of dehaired

Rasmussen, 1932, opp.

80).

Overcoats were

sealskin,

necessary because of the fine-haired, thin skins the

sealskin.

coat was nearly as long in front as in back and was

Copper Inuit preferred for their parkas (Driscoll, 1983, p. 81).

The Noice collection contains one such overcoat that consists of a back piece extending to form most of the hood and a front piece that includes

the front of the shoulders. Separate pieces have been added to the front of the hood to protect the

neck and chin. Each sleeve is a separate piece sewn

and the red of ocher-stained, dehaired Below these bands is an area of clipped brown caribou fur with a narrow band from which hang short strands of dehaired caribou skin. A broad strip of white skin vertical to the parallel bands is sewn into the outside of each leg. The feet of these stockings are in especially poor condition but appear to have been made of caribou skin with the fur on the outside. They have a single median and heel seam. There is a drawstring of plaited

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

sinew around the top (fig. 29). Similar dance stock-

Noice collection are described and illustrated by

ings are described and illustrated by Birket-Smith

Stefansson (1914,

(1945, pp. 147-148, fig. 104) and Jenness (1946,

(1945, pp. 148-149, fig. 105b), and Jenness (1946,

pp. 25-26, fig. 14).

pp. 21-22, fig. 10). Copper Inuit mittens for both men and women,

Socks were worn by men and women between

119,

fig.

69), Birket-Smith

the outer and inner stocking and, according to Jen-

made of summer caribou skins, were of two types.

ness (1946, p. 27), were usually made fi-om the thick, winter coat of the caribou. The collection

Type

1 is very short and covers the hands, leaving the wrists bare. Some mittens of this type had long-

contains one sock shaped from a single piece of

haired fringes of white fur, which afforded some

skin with a seam from toe to instep and up the

protection for the wrists. In addition to these short, everyday mittens, each man had a pair of longer

heel (fig. 28b).

Jenness (1946, p. 24) described "a hybrid type of boot which had the sealskin foot of a waterboot ." Boots of this type but a leg of caribou fur were worn in early spring and late fall, water boots .

being worn from June to October. The collection contains a single pair of spring and fall boots with

mittens (type 2) made from caribou leg skins that reached to the middle of the forearm and had a

drawstring at the top. These mittens were worn when building a snow house (Jenness, 1946, p. 3 1 ). Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 117) described this type as reaching to the elbow.

the legs made from caribou leg skin. The soles are

The Noice collection contains three pairs of type

made of bleached and dehaired bearded sealskin,

mittens and three single mittens. All but one have been cut out in three pieces and sewn with sinew. One piece includes the palm and half the thumb, the second the front of the wrist and the back of the thumb, and the third the entire back of the mitten. With the exception of one pair, all the type mittens have fringes of white fur (fig. 32a-c). On one of the single mittens, the palm and front of the thumb is constructed of several small pieces of depilated caribou skin and sewn with thread (fig. 33c). The two pairs of type 2 mittens,

and the instep is covered with two pieces of dehaired sealskin with the seam running down the center. The soles are reinforced with patches that,

according to Jenness (1946, p. 24), required replacement every two or three days when traveling

over stony ground. There is a casing for a drawstring at the top of each boot (fig. 30). Shoes of bleached sealskin were worn by both men and women over the outer stockings and around camp in summer; there were two types. The type 1 sealskin shoes, of which there are two pairs in the collection, are the simplest in construction. The upper part covering the instep was

constructed in the same manner as those of type 1 lack the drawstring mentioned by Jenness and Stefansson and do not have fringes (fig. 33a-b). ,

made of a single piece attached to the sole by a

Women's Clothing— Men's and women's par-

seam running around the edge of the foot (fig. 3 1 b).

kas were stylistically similar, but there were certain

Type 2 shoes have the sole crimped over the toes and the edges joined to an inverted V-shaped piece

features that distinguished the two. The shoulders

of unbleached sealskin over the instep. There is one pair of type 2 shoes in the collection (fig. 31a). In both types of shoes the sole was turned up over the heel, split, and one or more triangular sections

removed, then sewn together again and, on two pairs, covered with a patch. A casing of sealskin was sewn around the top of

of women's parkas were greatly enlarged, and the hood was enlarged to accommodate an infant, who could be moved from the hood to the breast without being removed from the warmth of the parka. Most significant, perhaps, was the presence of a triangular piece of fur, usually with white insertions, in the center front

of the woman's parka

the shoe to hold the drawstring of plaited sinew.

(Jenness, 1946, pp. 34-35, fig. 27). This triangular piece has been described by Driscoll ( 1 987, p. 1 82)

Two large patches of sealskin cover most of the

as a symbol of procreation and maternity.

soles of all three pairs, giving added protection.

The Noice collection contains three garments

Jenness ( 1 946, p. 22) noted that these patches must be sewn on with concealed stitches that catch only

that have been identified as outer parkas. The first

on the underside so that they will not fray and break. If the wearer expected to walk on glare ice or firmly packed snow, a narrow curving patch was added to allow for a more secure foothold. These "creeper" patches occur on one pair of type 1

shoes (fig. 3 1 b). Sealskin shoes like those in the

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

of these has a relatively simple pattern, and its obvious seams and inferior fur suggest that it may be an inner parka. The front and back are essentially a single piece with an opening for attachment of the hood. The tail is extended with a separate piece.

A separate triangular piece is inserted in the

back and the previously mentioned symbolic piece

of the same shape is attached to the front. Each

Women's outer parkas similar to those in the

sleeve is two pieces sewn up the sides. The hood

Noice collection are described and/or illustrated

has the most complex pattern, consisting of 13 separate pieces (fig. 34). This outer parka is un-

by Jenness (1917, fig. 4; 1922, frontispiece, pis.

decorated except for strips of white fur around the

(1945, pp. 152-153,

cuffs and hood opening (fig. 35).

The pattern of the second parka is quite differ-

viii-ix; 1946, pp. 34-35, figs. 27-28), Birket-Smith fig. 110), Damas (1984, p. 411, fig. 16a), Rasmussen (1932, opp. p. 64), and

insert. The front piece has two long extensions that

DriscoU (1987, p. 182, fig. 166). Women's trousers were cut the same as those of men, but since women's stockings covered more of the leg, their trousers are shorter. The collection

attach to the sides of the tail. The sleeves consist

contains a single pair of outer trousers that consist

of two pieces sewn up the sides and gussets in the underarm area. The sides of the hood are two large pieces, and the back consists of a number of small

of four pieces sewn together down the middle and

ent. The tail is essentially a single piece, although

there is a seam up the center and a small triangular

pieces (fig. 36).

The decorative insertions on this parka include a band of white fur around the rectangular back tail

from which extend narrow strips of white fur

cut in pairs. A similar band with fringes extends

across the front including the characteristic tri-

angular piece. Four paired, wider strips of white fur extend from caribou ears that have been sewn

on just below the shoulders. There are three bands of white fur on the sleeves just above the cuffs. Paired strands of white fur extend from a seam at the back of the hood (indicated by dots on the pattern drawing), and there is a white fringe around the hood opening (figs. 37-38). The pattern of the third parka is somewhat similar in that the back piece extends to the hood and the front includes extensions that reach down both sides.

A number of small pieces

fill

out the basic

middle of the front is the charand running down the outside of each leg are four longitudinal strips of clipped white and brown fur. In the center of each white strip is a narrow strip of depilated, ocher-stained sealskin. There is no drawstring, but at the back near the waist are two holes, possibly for a sealskin thong with loop and laterally. In the

acteristic triangular gusset of white fur,

toggle

(fig.

42).

Women's outer trousers are de-

scribed and illustrated by Birket-Smith (1945, pp.

155-156, fig. lUa-b) and Jenness (1946, p. 37, fig.

29).

The inner and outer stockings worn by Copper Inuit women differed considerably from those worn by men. They fit tightly around the ankle and then flared rapidly upward toward the knee. The outer side of the stocking then tapered to form a wide

strap that was looped over the belt holding up the trousers. The Noice collection contains a single

pair of women's stockings that, although the fur is on the outside, are identified in the catalog as inner

The sleeves are two pieces sewn up the sides with gussets in the underarm area. The hood has two large side pieces and a number of smaller

stockings. They are undecorated except for a white

ones toward the back (fig. 39).

sists of

This outer parka is the most elaborately decorated of the three. There is a broad band of white

ness ( 1 946, p. 26) noted that since the inner stock-

fur around the outer edge of the tail and across

attractive, they

pattern.

the front from which extend paired narrow strips

of white fur. A much narrower band of white fur follows the contours of the outer tail panel. Paired

strip around the opening (fig. 43). The pattern con-

many irregularly shaped pieces, and Jen-

ings for both men and women did not need to be

were often pieced together from sections of old coats or sleeping skins. The feet

were generally made of caribou leg skins, but this does not appear to be the case with the stockings

strips of white fur extend from caribou ears placed over the shoulder blades as on the previously described parka. There are two broad, white panels on the chest and below them narrow inset strips of white fur that extend down into the triangular piece. Four white bands on the sleeves are placed just above the cuffs. On the hood a band of white fur extends around the opening and continues to the top. Narrower bands also occur on the back of the hood, and paired narrow bands of fur (indicated by dots on the pattern drawing) extend

described here. Women's inner and outer stock-

from a seam in this area (figs. 40-4

stuffed with small twigs and strips of skin; both

ings are described and/or illustrated by Stefansson

(1914,

116,

fig.

68), Birket-Smith (1945, pp.

156-157, fig. 112a-b), and Jenness (1946, p. 37, figs.

31-32).

Miscellaneous

The Noice collection contains two female dolls without arms made of depilated caribou skin and

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

are in very poor condition. The first doll is wearing

caribou skin container with a series of holes at the

trousers with the typical decorative strips down

opening for a drawstring (fig. 44a,c). Jenness (1946,

the sides but is otherwise undressed. What appears

to be a pair of mittens are sewn to the doll just

sled toggle and noted that the ones he observed

above the trousers. Sewn to the head are a pair of braids of human hair, and the face is made of white depilated skin on which features and tattooing are

were invariably made of musk ox horn. BirketSmith (1945, p. 184, fig. 145a) also described and illustrated a sled toggle but without the attached rawhide strap. The collection contains a loon 's head pendant, including the bird's neck (Gavia arctica), from which are suspended narrow strips of depilated

incised (fig. 44d). The tattooing resembles the fe-

male designs illustrated by Jenness (1946, p. 53, fig. 44). Accompanying this doll is a single woman's stocking (fig. 44h). The second doll is undressed with a length of sinew wrapped around the

37, fig. 177) described and illustrated a similar

skin (fig. 441). According to Jenness (1946, p. 29,

waist. It also has a face of depilated skin on which

fig.

features and tattooing are incised (fig. 44i). Similar

bill projected upward, was sometimes attached to

dolls are described and illustrated by Birket-Smith

a dancing cap. Birket-Smith (1945, p. 150, fig. 107)

(1945, pp. 213-214, fig. 186) and Jenness (1922, p. 2 1 9; 1 946, p. 54, fig. 1 86), who noted that while

and Driscoll (1987, figs. 176-177, p. 190) also illustrated dancing caps with a loon's head pendant

dolls

were primarily playthings, the cutting and

22), a loon's head and neck, split so that the

attached.

sewing of doll clothing was considered an important part of a girl's education.

The well-known and widely distributed Inuit ring and pin game is represented in the collection by a single example made from the humerus of a

bearded seal. A single hole is drilled in the center of the smaller articular surface and multiple holes occur in the larger surface as well as down one side. A length of sinew is attached to the bone toward the center with an ivory pin at the opposite end (fig. 44g). The purpose of the game is to toss the pin so that it lands upright in one of the holes. Ring and pin games are described and/or illustrated by Stefansson ( 1 9 1 4, p. 1 24, fig. 82), Birket-

Raw Materials

Two small and one large musk ox horns have been cut off evenly at the wide end (fig. 44e), possibly for the eventual manufacture of drinking horns like those illustrated by Jenness (1946, p. 71, fig. 67).

Although described in the catalog as "grass bunches," two dense cushions of floral material are, in fact, dried moss (Dicranum elongatum) used for lamp wicks (Stefansson, 1914, p. 69, fig. 20, p. 75).

Smith (1945, p. 213, fig. 184), and Jenness (1922, pp. 220-221; 1946, pp. 141-142, fig. 183). The collection contains a single antler comb with

seven teeth and a small hole at the proximal end for attachment to the needle case (fig. 44b). Both Stefansson (1914, pp. 121, 126, fig. 83c-d) and Jenness ( 1 946, pp. 50-5 1 fig. 42a) noted that combs ,

III.

Conclusions

The student of Copper Inuit material culture is fortunate to have, for comparative purposes, the

made by Diamond

were not widely used by Copp>er Inuit women,

pioneering study

who, when they arranged their hair at all, braided it into two small braids. Both authors and BirketSmith (1945, p. 159, fig. 115) illustrated combs similar to the one described here. Attached to the front crossbar of a sled was the sled toggle, which supported the stress of the traces. The collection contains one such toggle of musk ox horn to which a length of heavy rawhide with a loop at each end is attached. This rawhide strap

(1946). This study is based primarily on a collection of 2,500 objects obtained around the west end

is held in place in the toggle line hole by a pair of

Jenness's study were the collections made by Ste-

wood plugs. When in use, each end of the strap

fansson as leader of the Northern Division of the Canadian Arctic Expedition (1913-1918). These

was passed through holes in the runner below the front crossbar and then over the projecting ends of this bar. Accompanying this sled toggle is a

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Jenness

of Coronation Gulf and on southwestern Victoria Island when Jenness was a member of the Southern Division of the Canadian Arctic Expedition (19131916). His collection comprises a significant portion of the ethnographic collections of the Cana-

dian Museum of Civilization, Ottawa (S. E. Jenness, 1991, p. 697). Presumably also included in

collections are also in the museum in Ottawa. Al-

though in his monograph Jenness described in

considerable detail numerous artifact classes of Copper Inuit material culture, he did not refer to

materials are absent from the collection except for the use of metal for blades and points. Thus the

specific cataloged objects except in illustrations,

statements made by Jenness with reference to the

nor did he provide a complete inventory of the collection on which his study is based. This would

status of Copper Inuit material culture at the time

be available from the museum's catalog inventory. Jenness observed that in 1914, when the

well to the collection

Southern Division established its headquarters at Bernard Harbor in Dolphin and Union Strait, "the

presumably increased considerably during those

natives preserved their old culture virtually unimpaired" (Jenness, 1946, p. 1). The only observ-

of the Canadian Arctic Expedition apply equally

made by Noice in spite of

the fact that opportunities for acquiring trade goods

intervening six years. Of course, it is possible, per-

haps even probable, that Noice avoided collecting objects that showed European influence.

able change resulting from a few earlier contacts

Like Robert Peary during his numerous trips to

with explorers was the availability of a large amount

the country of the Polar Inuit in northwest Green-

of iron, which the Copper Inuit hammered cold

land over a period of 20 years beginning in 1891 (VanStone, 1972, pp. 39-40), members of the Canadian Arctic Expedition had a major impact on

just as they had prepared the native copper available in their territory. Iron took the place of copper in the manufacture of knives, adze blades, harpoon

the material culture of the Copper Inuit. Jenness

At the beginning of the ex-

appears to have been well supplied with goods for

men possessed rifles,

trading. An appendix to his recently published di-

and they were unable to use them for lack of ammunition. Most hunters observed by Jenness used bows and arrows tipped with bone or antler, copper, or iron. Some tools continued to have copper blades, and all cooking of meat was accomplished in soapstone vessels. Fur clothing was worn exclusively by both men and women (Jenness, 1946,

ary (S. E. Jenness, 1 99 1 pp. 673-696) gives a complete list of trades he made from December 1914

blades, and needles.

pedition's work, only five

p. 1).

to March 1915. Following are some typical transactions:

30 .44 cartridges for one bow and equipment. 2 fathoms of calico for one snow knife. 1 metal thimble for three bone thimbles. saw for a pair of women's water boots. 1 canister of gun powder for a man's parka. box of .38-55 cartridges for a large ulu. 1

The ten years following the departure of the Canadian Arctic Expedition was a period of profound change for Copper Inuit material culture. Native copper came to be used only for rivets, all hunters were armed with high-powered, repeating rifles, tools had steel or iron blades, and metal cooking

pots replaced soapstone vessels. Although

some

A total of 744 transactions are listed, and although some are payments for food, dogs, interviews, and "services rendered," the majority are for the purchase of ethnographic objects or the raw

cooking was done over primus stoves, and light provided by kerosene lamps (Jenness, 1946, pp. 1-2), stone lamps were still in use around Bathhurst Inlet and Perry River in the early 1960s (D.

materials for their manufacture. Also, the majority of items traded are either finished manufactures (saws, knives, cloth, cans, etc.) or items associated

Damas, pers. comm.). As noted in the Introduction, Captain Klengenberg traded on Victoria Island during the winter of 905- 906. His wife was an liiupiat from Point Hope, Alaska, and she and

As previously noted, guns, presumably muzzle-

her daughter introduced western liiupiat clothing

they were never able to gain much advantage from them since powder and shot could only occasion-

styles, which rapidly replaced the traditional Cop-

per Inuit styles (Oakes, 1991, p. 24). Garments of wool and cotton were also increasingly available. Before these rapid changes had taken place, the Canadian Arctic Expedition obtained the large collection that Jenness published in 1946.

will be

recalled that Harold Noice was a member of the

Canadian Arctic Expedition, and although his collection was made in 1921-1922, six years after the one obtained by Jenness, it should be apparent from the foregoing artifact descriptions that exotic

with subsistence, especially ammunition and traps. loaders, were rare objects before the

Canadian

Arctic Expedition, and even when Copper Inuit

hunters succeeded in obtaining a few weapons,

ally

be obtained. From Jenness and other mem-

bers of the Canadian Arctic Expedition, the hunters received modem, breech-loading weapons and

a regular supply of cartridges. As Damas (1984, p. ., 409) noted, "Already during Jenness's stay, the use of rifles had begun to alter the seasonal economic cycle in the western part of the [Copper .

Inuit] area with sealing grounds being abandoned about a month earlier for caribou hunts on both sides of Dolphin and Union Strait." Thus it is

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

probably no exaggeration to state that it was Jenness and his fellow exjiedition members who gave

tative, a condition that may be due in part to de-

the Copper Inuit, for the first time, truly effective

was split for sale. The material culture of the Copper Inuit was not complex and the Field Museum's Noice collection provides a reasonable indication

equipment

for harvesting the resources in their

environment. Like Jenness, Harold Noice acquired his collection with trade goods that he obtained from the

Hudson's Bay Company post established at Bernard Harbor in 1916 or other posts op>erating in

Coronation Gulf shortly thereafter (Usher, 1971, pp. 103-104). As Stefansson noted in his letter of April 24, 1922, to C. T. Currelly of the Royal Ontario Museum, quoted in the Introduction, Noice had to obtain fox skins, presumably trapped by Inuit, in order to acquire trade goods from the

Hudson's Bay Company. Stefansson pointed out that Noice had to pay an average of $ 1 5 in fox skins to acquire sufficient trade goods to purchase one bow in Coronation Gulf. In any event, it is clear that Noice, Jenness, and Stefansson obtained their collections in essentially the same manner. The difference was that Jenness, and Stefansson to a limited extent, were collecting within the context of well-funded anthropological research, while

cisions made by Worth when the total collection

of its variety. It may be useful to compare the Noice collection with the collection studied by Jenness. The following classes of artifacts present, in the combined Jenness/Stefansson assemblage, are absent from the Noice collection:

Land Hunting boards for freighting caribou instruments for feathering arrows

Sea Hunting probes for seal holes

wound plugs hooks for withdrawing indicators from seal holes

Noice was untrained as a social scientist and, of necessity, was forced to exchange trade goods with

Fishing

Inuit for furs to obtain more trade goods so that

he could sustain his collecting effort.

Of major importance with reference to both the

bone gorge fish rake

Jenness and Noice collections, of course, is that both collectors acquired objects still in use at the

time the collections were made. This is in contrast to many of the Native American

Women's Tools

and Canadian

collections in the Field Museum that, more often

knife sharpener

than not, contain items that were either preserved

wood hearth for fire drill

by families as heirlooms or were made sp)ecifically

whetstone

at the request of the collector. As Stefansson noted

mattock

in his letter to Currelly, items collected by Noice,

even though obtained when traders were already op>erating in Coronation Gulf, would never again be made except for sale, esp)ecially clothing and items associated with subsistence. Noice, he stated emphatically, "secured the last that remained of those [artifacts] actually made for use and actually used." Jenness would certainly have agreed with this statement. Seldom, it would seem, have serious ethnographic collectors so closely preceded

the initial presence of significant agents of culture

change.

Compared to the collection made by Jenness, the Noice assemblage is not large, even when that part of it now in the Royal Ontario Museum

stone kettle

wood pail and bowls frame for drying clothes

snow shovel

wood table and strut drinking horn

meat fork sewing basket

Men's Clothing

included. Nevertheless, the collection purchased by the Field Museum in 1920 is quite represen-

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Household Equipment

inner coat sealskin coat

water boots

collection in the Royal Ontario Museum. Barbara

inner stockings

M. Conklin provided copies of correspondence between John G. Worth and curators at the American Museum of Natural History. David E. Willard and William T. Stanley of the Field Museum's Department of Zoology identified feathers and mammal skins used in the manufacture of artifacts in the Noice collection, and John J. Engel, Department of Botany, assisted in the identification of floral material. The drawings in this study were

dancing cap

Women

Clothing

inner coat

water boots outer stockings

made by Lori Grove, and the photographs are the work of James L. Balodimas, a museum photographer. Loran H. Recchia and James D. Foerster

necklace

Miscellaneous

typed several drafts of the manuscript with accuracy and dispatch.

drum bull roarer

be noted that artifacts in most of the

It will

Literature Cited

categories described by Jenness are represented in

the Noice collection.

The most

significant

omissions are in the categories of household equipment and men's and women's clothing. The Noice collection contains no children's clothing, and only

one artifact associated with transportation. The only artifacts in the Noice collection that are absent from the Jenness/Stefansson assemblage are a file, bolas, and seal hooks. With the exception of rivets, there is an almost complete absence of artifacts made from copper. Only two arrowhead blades, two fishhooks, two leister prong barbs, and one needle are made of copper, the material that was once so characteristic of Copper Inuit manufactures.

This study of the Field Museum's Noice collection demonstrates that, like the collections made

between

908 and 1915 by Jenness and Stefans-

American Museum of Natural History. MS. Archives, Department of Anthropology.

Anonymous.

1922.

New members. The Explorers'

Journal, 1(4): 12.

Back, G.

1836.

Narrative of the Arctic Land Expe-

dition to the Mouth of the Great Fish River, and along

Ocean in the Years 1833, 1834, and 1835. J. Murray, London.

the Shores of the Arctic

Birket-Smith, K. 1945. Ethnological Collections from the Northwest Passage. Report of the Fifth Thule Expedition, 1921-1924, 6(2). Copenhagen. Boas, F. 1888. The Central Eskimo, pp. 399-669. In Sixth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D.C. 1920. Native Copper Objects of the Copper Eskimo. Indian Notes and Monographs, Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 8.

Cadzow, D. a.

New York. 1889. Journal of H. M.S. Enterprise, on the Expedition in Search of Sir John Franklin's Ships

CoLLiNSON, R.

represents Copper Inuit material culture just prior to the time of extensive changes intro-

by Behring Strait. 1850-1855. T. B. CoUinson, ed. Sampson Low, Marsten, Searle, & Rivington, London.

duced by traders. Although containing few artifacts that add to our knowledge of the Copper Inuit material culture inventory, it is an interesting and useful extension of the Stefansson and Jenness collections made at about the same time.

CooKE, A., AND C. Holland. 1978. The Exploration of Northern Canada. The Arctic History Press, To-

son,

ronto.

Damas, D. 1969. Characteristics of Central Eskimo band structure, pp. 1 16-134. In D. Damas, ed.. Contributions to Anthropology: Band Societies. Anthropological Series 84, National Museum of Canada, Bulletin 228. Ottawa. .

Acknowledgments The author is grateful to Robert McGhee, J. Garth Taylor, and William E. Taylor, Jr., for valuable assistance during the preparation of this study.

Kenneth R. Lister and Bemadette DriscoU provided useful information concerning the Noice

972.

The Copper Eskimo, pp. 3-50. In M. G.

Hunters and Gatherers Today. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York. Bicchieri, ed..

1 984. Copper Eskimo, pp. 397-4 1 4. In D. Damas, ed.. Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 5, Arctic. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

Driscoll, B.

1983.

The Inuit parka: A preliminary

study. M.A. thesis, Carleton University, Ottawa. .

1987.

The Inuit parka as an artistic tradition,

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

pp. 1 69-200. In The Spirit Sings: Artistic Traditions of Canada's First Peoples. McClelland and Stewart, Toronto.

Field Museum of Natural History. MS. Accession files, Department of Anthropology.

Franklin, J. 1824. Narrative of a Journey to the Shores of the Polar Sea, in the Years 1819-20-21-22, 2 vols, 2nd ed. J. Murray, London.

Hanbury, D. T.

904. Sport and Travel in the North-

land of Canada. Edward Arnold, London.

Hearne, S. 1958. A Journey from Prince of Wales's Fort in Hudson's Bay to the Northern Ocean in the years 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772. Richard Glover, ed. The Macmillan Company, Toronto. (Reprint of the first edition,

Inuit skin clothing: Construction

and motifs. Etudes/Inuit/Studies, 9(2): 101-119. Jenness, D.

The Copper Eskimos. Geographical

1917.

Review, 4(2): 81-91. .

The Life of the Copi>er Eskimos. Report

922.

of the Canadian Arctic Expedition, 12(A). Ottawa.

The Copper Eskimos: Physical Char-

1923.

acteristics of the Copper Eskimos.

Report of the Canadian Arctic Expedition, 12(B). Ottawa. 1928. The People of the Twilight. The Macmillan Company, New York.

946. Material Culture of the Copper Eskimos. Report of the Canadian Arctic Expedition, 16. Ottawa. 1

Arctic Odyssey: The Diary of Diamond Jenness, Ethnologist with the Canadian Arc-

Jenness, S. E., ed. tic

99 1

Expedition in North Alaska and Canada, 1913-

1916. Canadian Museum of Civilization. Ottawa.

Mathiassen, T. 1928. Material Culture of the Iglulik Eskimos. Report of the Fifth Thule Expedition, 19211924, 6(1). Copenhagen. McGhee, R. 1972. Copper Eskimo Prehistory. National Museum of Man, Publications in Archaeology,

no. 2. Ottawa.

Murdoch, J.

884.

A study of the Eskimo bows in the

U.S. National Museum, pp. 307-3 16. In Report of the U.S. National Museum, Washington, D.C.

NoiCE, H.

during the Years 1850, 1851, 1852, 1853, 1854 .. from the Logs and Journals of Capt. Robert le M. M'Clure. William Blackwood and Sons, London. .

Rae, J.

852a. Journey from Great Bear Lake to Wol-

laston Land. Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 22: .

73-82.

1852b.

Recent explorations along the south

and east coast of Victoria Land. Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 22: 82-96.

Rasmussen, K. 1932. Intellectual Culture of the Copper Eskimo. Report of the Fifth Thule Expedition, 1921-1924, 9. Copenhagen.

Royal Ontario Museum. MS. Archives, Department

1795.)

1985.

Issenman, B.

OsBORN, S., ED. 1865. The Discovery of the Northwest Passage by H.M.S. Investigator, Capt. R. M'Clure,

1922a.

The Copper Eskimos.

Science,

55(1432): 611-612.

1922b. Further discussion of the "Blond" Eskimo. American Anthropologist, n.s., 24(2): 228-231.

of Anthropology. Simpson, T. 1843. Narrative of the Discoveries on the North Coast of America; Effected by the Officers of the Hudson's Bay Company during the Years 183639. R. Bentley, London.

Stefansson, V. 1913. My Life with the Eskimo. The Macmillan Company, New York. .

1914.

The Stefansson-Anderson Arctic Ex-

pedition of the American Museum: Preliminary Ethnological Report. Anthropological Papers of the

American Museum of Natural History, 14(1). New York. 1921. The Friendly Arctic: The Story of Five Years in Polar Regions. The Macmillan Company, New York. .

1922.

Hunters of the Great North. Harcourt,

Brace, and Company, New York.

1925. The Adventure of Wrangel Island. The Macmillan Company, New York. 1991. The adaptive significance of caribou winter clothing for arctic hunter-gatherers. Etudes/Inuit/Studies, 15(1): 3-28.

Stenton, D. R.

Taylor, J. G. 1 974. Netsilik Eskimo Material Culture: The Roald Amundsen Collection from King William Island. Universitetsforlaget, Oslo.

Taylor, W. E., Jr. 1972. An Archaeological Survey between Cape Parry and Cambridge Bay, N.W.T., Canada in 1963. National Museum of Man, Mercury Series, Archaeological Survey Paper no.

1 .

Ottawa.

1924.

With Stefansson in the Arctic. Dodd,

Mead & Company, New York. 1991. Copper and Caribou Inuit Skin Clothing Production. Canadian Ethnology Service, Mercury Series paper no. 1 18. Canadian Museum of

Oakes, J.

Civilization. Ottawa.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fur Trade Posts of the Northwest Territories, 1870-1970. Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, Northern Science Re-

Usher, P. J.

1971.

search Group (NSRG 71-4). Ottawa. VanStone, J. W. 972. The First Peary Collection of Polar Eskimo Material Culture. Fieldiana: Anthro1

pology, 63(2).

Fig. 2.

bow ( 76040a); b, bow (176039b); c, arrow (176039c); d, arrow (1760380; e, arrow (176039e); f, arrow 1

(176039d); g, arrow (176038d). Neg. no. 1 12430.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

I A|: t

Kt .-»

1*?-^^

10 cm

Fig. 3. a, arrowhead (176043e); b, arrowhead (1760430; c, arrowhead (176043h); d, arrowhead (176044e); e, arrowhead ( 76044c); f, arrowhead ( 760440; g, sinew twister ( 1 76053c); h, sinew twister ( 76052d); i, thumb guard (178145); j, sinew twister (176053d); k, marlin spike (176052b); I, bow case handle (176063c). Neg. no. 1 12431. 1

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig.

handle for carrying blood bag (176092a); b, bolas (176032); c, lance blade (176075); d, arrow shaft

straightener ( 1 76093); e, marlin spike ( 1 76054b); f, bone pins ( 1 76059a-b); g, drinking tube ( 1 76072); h, marlin spike (176055b). Neg. no. 112427.

Fig. 4.

Bow case ( 76038). 1

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 6. a, breathing hole scoop ( 1 76048b); b, breathing hole scoop ( 1 76048a); c, seal hook ( 1 76099b); d, seal hook 76099d); e, "unfinished" harpoon heads (1 76060); f, harpoon head ( 1 78 148); g, bag for seal hooks (1 76099a). Neg. no. 112426.

( 1

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 7.

Bag with harpoon head (176098a-b).

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 8. a, leister (176042); b, leister (176041); c, swivel for leading a dog (176037); d, fishhook (178134c); e, fishhook (176100); f, ice pick (176097); g, leister side prong ( 1 76070a). Neg. no. 1 12429.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 9. a, fishing rod and lurehook (176029); b, fishhook (178134a); c, leister side prong (176046a); d, leister center prong (176049a); e, leister side prong (176049c); f, fishhook (178134b); g, seal indicator (176056a). Neg. no. 1

12428.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 10.

'iA

a, woman's knife (176082); b, skin scraper,

type

(176033b); c, skin scraper, type 1 (176033c); d, skin

scraper, type 3 (176034); e, scraper handle (?) (176091); f, skin stretcher, type 2 (178142); g, skin scraper, type 2 (176081); h, skin stretcher, type 2 (176096); i, skin stretcher, type 1 (178141). Neg. no. 1 12425.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 11.

sewing outfit (176073); b, marrow extractor (176067b); c, marrow extractor (176067c); d, marrow

extractor (176067a); e, skin scraper, type 2 (176079); f, needle case (176071); g, grooving tool (176086); h, thimble (178143b); i, grooving tool (176089); j, sewing outfit (176095). Neg. no. 1 12422.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 12. a, crooked knife (176033a); b, saw (176088); c, saw (176084); d, saw (176078); e, drill mouthpiece (176035); f, file (176090); g, adze head and blade (176080). Neg. no. 1 12423.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

10 cm

Fig. 13. a, man's knife (176076); b, grooving tool (176087); c, man's knife (176077); d, drill shank (176047d); e, grooving tool handle (178144); f, drill shank (176047d); g, drill bow (176047c). Neg. no. 1 12421.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 14.

pick (176050); b, adze (176051); c, man's tool bag (178151a); d, man's tool bag (178152). Neg. no.

112424.

S.-

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 15. aI, bird's foot bag (1 78 1 56); b, lamp (1 76069); c, dipper or drinking ladle (1 76065c); d, dipper or drinking ladle (176065a) )a); e, dipper or drinking ladle (176065b); f, snow knife (176064b); g, snow knife (176064a). Neg. no.

112419.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 16. a, water bag ( 1 76030); b, bag (178157); c, bag ( 1 78 1 46); d, blubber pounder ( 1 7606 1 ); e, bag ( 1 78 1 58); bag (178155). Neg.no. 112420.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

HOOD TRIM

Fig. 17.

Man's outer parka (176004).

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

\5 ^i^^ism/f^' ;;«Wi> ;-^-.-

Fig. 18.

Man's outer parka, front (176004). Nfeg. no. 1 12442.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 19.

Man's outer parka, back (176004). Neg. no. 1 12441.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

HOOD TRIM

Fig. 20.

Man's outer parka ( 1 76003).

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 2 1

Man's outer parka, front ( 1 76003). Neg. no. 1 1 2440.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 22.

Man's outer parka, back (1 76003). Neg. no.

2439.

HELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

HOOD TRIM

Fig. 23.

Man's outer (inner?) parka (176007).

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 24.

Man's outer (inner?) parka (176007). Neg. no. 1 12438.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 25.

Man's overcoat (176006). Neg. no. 1 12437.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 26.

Man's outer trousers ( 1 76005). Neg. no. 1 24 1

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 27.

Man's outer trousers ( 1 78 1 50). Neg. no. 1 24 6.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 28.

a, man's outer stockings (176014a-b); b, sock (178154).

Neg. no.

12415.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 29.

Man's dance stockings ( 1 760 1 6a-b). Neg. no. 1 1 24 1 2.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 30.

Man's spring and fall boots ( 1 760 1 5a-b). Neg. no. 1 1 24 1 1

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 31.

a, sealskin shoes, type 2 (I76018a-b); b, sealskin shoes, type

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

(176019a-b). Neg. no.

12417.

Fig. 32.

a, mittens, type

(176021a-b); b, mittens, type 2 ( 1 76023a-b); c, mittens, type 1 (176024a-b). Neg. no.

112414.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 33.

mittens, type 2 (176026a-b); b, mittens, type 2 (176022a-b); c, mitten, type

(176025a). Neg. no.

112410.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 34.

Woman's outer (inner?) parka (176001).

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 35.

Woman's outer (inner?) parka (176001). Neg. no.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

12436.

HOOD / \ CENTERPIECE

HOOD TRIM

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 37.

Fig. 36.

Woman's outer parka, front (176002). Neg. no.

12435.

Woman's outer parka (176002).

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 38.

Woman's outer parka, back (176002). Neg. no.

12434.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

HOOD / \ CENTERPIECE

HOOD TRIM

Fig. 39.

Woman's outer parka (17601 0).

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 40.

Woman's outer parka, front (176010). Neg. no.

12433.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 41.

Woman's outer parka, back (176010). Neg. no. 1 12432.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

Fig. 42.

Woman's outer trousers (178149). Neg. no. 11 24 18.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 43.

Woman's inner (?) stockings (17601 la-b). Neg. no.

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

12409.

Fig. 44.

a, sled toggle (176028a); b,

comb (178140); c, bag for sled toggle (176028b); d, doll (176031); e, musk

ox horn ( 1 76062); f, loon's head pendant ( 760 1

7); g, ring and pin

game (1781 38); h, doll's stocking ( 78 1

3 1 ); i, doll

(178147). Neg. no. 112443.

FIELDIANA: ANTHROPOLOGY

176093

arrow shaft straightener (fig. 5d)

176094

arrow shaft straightener

The Noice Copper Inuit Collection

176057a-b

bone pins

(Accession 1628)

176058a-b

bone pins

76059a-b

bone pins (fig. 5f )

76092a-c

handles for carrying blood bags (fig.

76032

bolas (fig. 5b)

76072

drinking tube (fig. 5g)

Appendix

Following is a list of the Noice Copper Inuit collection described in this study. It is not a complete list of the collection as it appears in the catalog of the Department of Anthropology, Field Museum of Natural History, since ten artifacts

5a)

represented by eight catalog numbers could not be located. The Noice collection was originally cat-

aloged by someone with minimal knowledge of Inuit material culture, possibly using identifica-

Sea Hunting 178148

harpoon head (fig. 6f )

76060a-h

"unfinished harpoon heads" (fig. 6e)

76098a-b

bag with harpoon head (fig. 7)

tions provided by John G. Worth, the dealer from

whom it was purchased. Therefore, the identifications given here differ considerably from those in the catalog.

176097

Subsistence

Land Hunting

76048a-b

breathing hole scoops (fig. 6a-b) swivel for leading a dog (fig. 8c)

176056a-e

seal indicators (fig. 9g)

76099a-d

seal hooks and bag (fig. 6c-d,g)

176038i

composite bow

Fishing

176039b

composite bow (fig. 2b) composite bow (fig. 2a)

176041

76040a

76038b-h

176039c-e

arrows (7) (fig. 2d,g) arrows (3) (fig. 2c,e,f)

76040b-g no number

arrows (6)

176045a-n

arrow shaft fragments (14)

76043a-h

arrowheads (8) (fig. 3a-c)

76044a-f

arrowheads (6) (fig. 3d-f)

176038

bow case and quiver (fig. 4) bow case and quiver bow case and quiver bow case handles (fig. 31) thumb guard (fig. 3i)

73039

176040 176063a-c

178145

arrows (2)

176052a-b

marlin spikes (fig. 3k)

176052c-d

sinew twisters (fig. 3h)

176053a-b

marlin spikes

176053c-d

sinew twisters (fig. 3gJ)

176054a-b

marlin spikes (fig. 5e)

76054c-d

sinew twisters

176055a-b

marlin spikes (fig. 5h)

176055c-d

sinew twisters

176066a-b

marlin spikes

176075

lance blade (fig. 5c)

ice pick (fig. 8f)

176037

178141

skin stretcher, type

176096

skin stretcher, type 2 (fig. lOh)

178142

skin stretcher, type 2 (fig.

7607

needle case (fig.

176095

lOi)

100

Ij)

sewing outfit with belt toggle and threading needles (fig.

178143a-b

(fig.

sewing outfit with marrow extractor (fig.

176073

la)

Raw Mateiual

Miscellaneous female doll and doll's stocking (fig.

176062

44d,h)

76074a-b

musk ox horn (fig. 44e) musk ox horns

178147

female doll (fig. 44i)

78 1 36a-b

dried moss

178138

ring and pin game (fig. 44g)

178140

comb (fig. 44b)

176031

176028a-b

sled toggle

and container bag (fig.

44a,c)

176017

loon's head pendant (fig. 44f)

VANSTONE: THE NOICE COLLECTION

A Selected Listing of Other Fieldiana: Anthropology titles A\.

Puhliratjf;?;

1989. 40 pages, 32 illi

\liana: Anthropoloy

PaJlioaticn 1404, Sil.(K) Jllke Jind Killke-Related Pottery fromCuzco, Peru, in the Field Museum of Natural History. By Brian s w.,.....- ,,..,-! r-u^^-'c': Stanish. Fieldiana: Arthrr'^H"-::-. n . n- l'^, '^>"^. 17 pages, 17 illus.

Publication 1419, $9.00

panic Cer

(

pper Moqucgu:! 308 illus.

S pages,

laterial

Fieldiana: Anthn

Culture of the Blackfoot (Blood) Indians of Southeri

no. 19, 1992. 80 pages, 53 illus.

Publication 1439, $19.00

Field

...

Central British r'<:)lumbia: Collections in the

Museum of Natural History. B> .lames W. VanStone. Fieldian

1993 29 nas^es 25 illus. Publication 1446, $12.00

and Warfare Among the Kayenta Anasazi of the Thirteenth Century A.D. By Jonathan Haas and Fieldiana: Anthropology, n.s., no. 21, 1993. 211 pages, 74 illus.

.ifred Creamer.

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