Honi Soit: Week 4, Semester 1, 2019

Honi Soit

FIRST PRINTED 1929

WEEK 4, SEM. 1, 2019

6-7: ANALYSIS

11-13: FEATURE

How we are grieving: reflections on Christchurch

The conservative agenda in Australia’s secondary education

Dates, olives, pomegranates and figs: these are the fruits of jannah, of paradise, as revealed to us in the Quran. Lush, green and opulent. An orchard of comforts. It is this kind of divine imagery a Muslim thinks of, when nauseated at the murder of over 50 of our brothers and sisters in Christchurch. Our hearts still ache as we have watched the body count rise, not knowing a face or a name but still know-

At university, it is quite easy for us to think our politics developed and, in some cases, began in the halls of the Camperdown campus. After all, for most of us, high school was a fundamentally apolitical space. There were no political parties recruiting, no autonomous collectives, and the SRC was for over-achievers looking to organise a fundraiser rather than a vicious fighting ground for zealous

ing that each and every one of the deceased was our kin. In the tenth verse of Surat Al Hujarat, it is said that the relationship between believers is that of brotherhood, the same as two hands washing each other. This is akin to the way that mosques are not only houses of worship but community centres.

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students. When compared to university, then, high school really does seem like a ‘simpler time of yesteryear,’ unsullied by the political battles we face today. However, a closer inspection of high school classrooms across the country suggests our rosetinted glasses may, in fact, have misled us.

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Acknowledgement of Country I live and work on the land of the Gadigal People of the Eora Nation. This is the same place where this paper is produced and published, and where the University of Sydney stands. The First Nations people of Sydney, like all those in Australia, have for the past 231 years been subjected to a relentless, violent, illegal, and uncompensated dispossession of their land and the deliberate erasure of their culture by a settler colonial state. The damage inflicted upon First Nations peoples has been violent as much as it has been bureaucratic; both deliberate and at times willfully negligent. It has, however, been overwhelmingly state sanctioned — from the police-backed massacres which ravaged First Nations communities until at least the 1920s, to state-endorsed slavery, to the dispossession of Indigenous children which, in NSW, is enabled to this day by forced adoption laws. It is the responsibility of all who now occupy these lands to recognise the true extent of these crimes, to recognise the ongoing culpability of our governments, and to demand change. It is not enough merely to apologise for the crimes of the past; it is all Australians’ responsibility to acknowledge that this always was, and always will be, Aboriginal land.

Editorial

Contents 4 NEWS 6

ANALYSIS

8

STATE ELECTION

10

MULTILINGUAL

11 FEATURE 14 ANALYSIS 16 CREATIVE

Editors Baopu He, Pranay Jha, Karishma Luthria, Jessica Syed, Liam Thorne, Nell O’Grady, Carrie Wen, Joe Verity, Annie Zhang & Alan Zheng Writers Victoria Cooper, Cynthia Feng, Some Hack, Brandon Hale, Ben Hines, Johnson Ly, Patrick McKenzie, James Newbold, Rhea Thomas, Some Hack, Tournesol & Ewan Uncles

18 CULTURE

Artists Shrawani Bhattarai, Victoria Cooper, Amelia Mertha & Lauren Moore

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Cover Artist: Matthew Fisher

SRC REPORTS

22 PUZZLES 23 COMEDY

Additional thanks to Daany Saeed, Ranuka Tandan and Ewan Uncles for their assistance in election polling.

Disclaimer: Honi Soit is published by the Students’ Representative Council, University of Sydney, Level 1 Wentworth Building, City Road, University of Sydney NSW 2006. The SRC’s operation costs, space and administrative support are financed by the University of Sydney. Honi Soit is printed under the auspices of the SRC’s directors of student publications: Laura Glase, Brandon Hale, Jinwei Luan, Kedar Maddali, Jiaqui Shu and Jingrui Xu . All expressions are published on the basis that they are not to be regarded as the opinions of the SRC unless specifically stated. The Council accepts no responsibility for the accuracy of any of the opinions or information contained within this newspaper, nor does it endorse any of the advertisements and insertions. Please direct all advertising inquiries to publications.manager@src.usyd.edu.au. The editorial team does not have control over the ads that appear in this paper.

PYRAMID SCHEME ALERT? Looks like SRC President God-King Jacky He has enlisted some minions to help him! Last week’s instalment of his SRC report was partially written in third person. We quote: “During this week, the president Jacky He has taken the opportunity to speak out…” But who are the lucky volunteers? If you head to the bottom of any regular WeChat

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post on the SRC’s WeChat account, the hardworking few have had the honour of being credited. Indeed, proofreaders, writers and editors are among the roles at the behest of our God-King. Burn Book hears that there are at least 46 of these so-called volunteers, and that they exist in some kind of hierarchy… We hope that Jacky has not been sub-contracting out his weekly report, and if he has, we wish him well at ICAC! Real activism hours x College students FEAR NO MORE! Any discrimination that you harshly confront has literally completely stopped existing after SRC Women’s Officer, Gabi-Stricker Phelps, expressed her concern at the parodies of the University’s “Unlearn” campaign made by the Education

Last year, Honi inadvertently provided a case study in just how broken the Australian media landscape is. In October 2018, Honi published an article called ‘The state of noncompliance’, a detailed manual on how to fare evade, co-written by one of the members of this editorial team. The article included instructions on how to avoid transport officers and travel without a ticket. The article was, by any objective standard, mildly provocative at most. The following week, on October 15, the front page of the Daily Telegraph was plastered with the words “LESSONS IN HOW TO BREAK THE LAW”. Inside the paper were no less than two articles decrying Honi and its decision to publish the article. The short article conceived a week earlier had now found its way onto the front page of one of the most read newspapers in the state. That morning, the true influence of the News Corp owned paper was demonstrated. By breakfast, Alan Jones had mentioned the article on his radio show. Around the same time, Channel 9 breakfast TV was reporting on the article. Several websites picked up on the story. An article written by two uni students encouraging minor civil disobedience had erupted into state-wide headlines. I was reminded of this case study late last week following the terrorist

massacre perpetrated in Christchurch by an Australian white supremacist. A few weeks before the attack was carried out, a study was released examining the treatment of Islam by the Murdoch media. Over a single year in 2017, across five newspapers, News Corp published 2,891 articles that vilified Muslims — eight a day. For five newspapers alone, this is a staggering figure. Taken with the knowledge of News Corps’ farreaching influence however, this figure becomes terrifying. Australia is yet to properly consider the cultural influence one company has over it. On the day of the attack, Australia’s politicians delivered swift condemnation of the perpetrator. For years however, the same politicians have happily benefited from the campaign of fear run by the right-wing media. True opposition means abandoning the aid of media that for far too long has sought to profit off division and hatred. In order to make any progress, News Corp must be severed from Australian society like the rotten limb that it is. I hope this edition, filled with wonderful articles by wonderful people, provides some respite from the otherwise insanely shithouse Australian media landscape. Joseph Verity

Action Group back in 2016. An unknown undergraduate student took particular issue with a poster in the foyer of the SRC which featured a picture of St John’s College, overlaid with text reading “UNLEARN MISOGYNY.” So indignant was this student that this College, which has been decried for its misogynistic practices in two peer-reviewed reports, was being absolutely fucking smeared, that they requested through Gabi that the poster be taken down. Did the request go through G-K (God-King)? Yes! Lo and behold… now, the poster is a clipart image of a silhouette of a man holding up a sign that says “NOT ALL MEN”, still overlaid with text reading “UNLEARN MISOGYNY.” There you have it.

student rag Honi Soit is having a bit of an identity crisis, all played out on its Wikipedia page. Burn Book understands that the paper’s ‘political alignment’ sat at “nonpartisan” until 8:08 pm on 13 January 2019, when it was edited to be “left-wing.” Another user, Paul Benjamin Austin (PBA) undid this revision the next day at 4:09 am, noting that “it’s officially non-partisan.” User “…” retaliated on 3:03 am on 3 February 2019, restoring the “political alignment to ‘progressive’ after it was changed to ‘non-partisan’ as a joke.” A few minutes later, PBA clapped back and changed it back to ‘non-partisan’ and got a little passag in the process: “It’s officially non-partisan - it has contributions from all persuasions.” Exactly a month later, on 3 March 2019 at 2:58 pm, PBA undid his own revision. There you have it.

Make up your fucking mind The

consistently

disappointing

Honi Soit stands in solidarity with Muslim communities in the wake of the Islamophobic hate crime that resulted in the murder of at least fifty worshippers congregated at mosques in Christchurch. We condemn the systematic bolstering of xenophobia, white supremacy and racism in our society. We decry the complacency of the media in failing to hold politicians and public figures accountable when they espouse or support toxic ideologies. The harrowing reality is that Muslims are constantly fearing for their lives: on public transport, on campus, at the coffee shop, in their own homes. Rise in protest. Defeat white supremacy.

N E W S

USyd students attend Climate Strike: "Let’s make climate change ancient history" Rhea Thomas and Patrick Mackenzie

30 000 students and members of the public gathered in Sydney on Friday as part of a globalstrike against inaction on climate change. The USyd contingent to the strike gathered outside Fisher Library at 10:30 am, with students chanting, “Green jobs are the way, that’s why we’re on strike today.” The growth of the Spreading the Climate Strike movement in recent weeks spurred on a congregation of over a thousand staff and students. A total of 60 classes expressed solidarity and support of the strike, with students leaving lectures and tutorials early to participate. “In order for a just transition, everyone must be able to get involved in climate action, which can only be done through grassroots activism. Climate action must be the product of Indigenous, scientific and community knowledges,” said Alev Saracoglu and Alex Vaughan, the SRC Environment Officers. Vice-Chancellor Michael Spence informed staff earlier this week that student participation in the strike would not incur penalties for any participants across the university. “Climate change hurts disadvantaged and oppressed people the most and destroys the one environment we have to live in — we must act urgently!”

said the student group, Stop Adani at USyd. Among other banners and signs representing student groups at the strike stood representatives of the National Tertiary Education Union. NSW Division Council Executive member, Kurt Iveson, stood beneath a banner reading, “Let’s make climate change ancient history,” and spoke at length on how the climate strike was a “union issue, a kid’s issue and a student issue.” “This event is possible due to the pressure put by school students. They are demanding answers to those questions and they have our support,” said Iveson, his words being met with loud applause. Student speakers noted the enduring power of striking, making reference to on-campus student protests in the past such as those staged against the Vietnam War. “When you build student power you can win… this protest is happening in almost a hundred countries around the world. This is a global movement we’re a part of,” said the speakers. Activists also spoke about the responsibility of governments and corporations, with one student decrying an apparent lack of accountability from these institutions. “We face a system backed by the biggest corporations and governments around the

world… a system of profit that doesn’t care about the planet.” The strike began marching down Eastern Avenue just after 11 am, continuing with chants of “we need renewables” and “renewable power is a right, students and staff unite and strike.” Guided by road closures and a police escort, the strikers marched down City Road, up Broadway to combine with a contingent of UTS students, and then along George Street to join the main schools strike at Sydney Town Hall Square. Led by student speakers from across Sydney and regional NSW, the crowds were made up of school and university students, children and members of the public. “We want to stop Adani, stop the use of coal and gas and switch to one-hundred percent renewable energy by 2030,” said Danielle VillafanaPore, a Fort Street High School student and one of the student MCs, identifying three key goals from the recent United Nations report and the 2016 Paris Climate Agreement. “We don’t have time for the government to be fighting over whether climate change is real… we have 12 years to stop the worst impacts of climate change.” Over 100 countries were said to have been participating in the climate strike, with strikes occurring in 60 cities

Photography by Amelia Mertha

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and towns in Australia alone. “I support your strike as an elected representative and I support your strike as a former teacher,” said Clover Moore, Lord Mayor of Sydney. "Your generation and successive generations will be the ones dealing with the impact of global warming… you are concerned, you are fearful, and you are angry." Danielle Villafana-Pore spoke at length about how her local community in Western Sydney is being overlooked by the political system.“I am furious that key politicians representing Western Sydney are not prioritising climate action…[they] have an obligation to ensure our futures are safe.” The speakers further addressed the negative impacts of government inaction, noting the increasingly extreme weather conditions across the globe, such as Cyclone Oswald in 2013 and the Kerala flooding in India last year. “By 2050, the world is expected to have one billion climate refugees…the environment is not a price we pay for economic growth,” said Western Sydney student speaker Adrian. A host of student representatives from the Pacific Islands spoke passionately at length about the importance of the movement to them. “I am fighting for the Pacific Islands because I want

my relatives to explore the islands my travelling ancestors founded,” one student said. This group delivered a message concurrent with that of all the other high school-age speakers — protesting in favour of climate action was a way to make their voice heard, given they are not old enough to vote. “As high school students, most of us cannot vote… but we still need to make a vocal statement from an environmental and humanitarian perspective,” said student protester, Charlotte Van Leeuwin. The strike concluded on the message that immediate action is imperative, encouraging protestors to contact their local MPs and vote to be on the “right side of history.” The speeches discerned that political change is reliant on the longevity of the movement itself and bringing the discussion to the politicians and institutions that are able to enact it. “Make it loud and clear that politicians need to represent your views and take climate action now,” the speakers said. “This is about acting and recognising we are in a crisis and finding a way to stop it.” The movement for action continues, as Clover Moore also announced a new “climate kick start event” on 27 March at Sydney Town Hall, where students can learn more about climate advocacy.

N E W S

Sydney rallies in solidarity with Muslim community after Christchurch massacre

Carrie Wen and Karishma Luthria Over 3000 people rallied outside the New Zealand Consulate-General on Sunday afternoon in Sydney’s CBD, in solidarity with Muslims following the Christchurch mosque massacre that occurred last Friday. Protesters stood strong in the rain, rallying against Islamophobia meted out towards Muslims in Australia, New Zealand and across the Western world. The act of terrorism claimed at least 50 lives. Most victims were attending Friday prayers at the Al Noor and Linwood Masjid mosques. It has been described one of the worst mass killings in the country, and was carried out by Brenton Tarrant, a man originally from Grafton, NSW. Greens Senator Mehreen Faruqi criticised the hypocrisy of Australian politicians with regard to their purported championing of Muslim rights. “They might be standing up now and condemning Fraser Anning and patting themselves on the back, but I haven’t forgotten the years of race baiting and the years of

dog whistling that they have been doing against the Muslim community.” Poet and activist Sara Saleh was addressing the crowd when a handful of people, allegedly aligned with the farright, disrupted the rally. One man began to yell, “Jesus Christ is the answer.” Saleh interrupted him. “I want a home where I can take all my brown friends, and all my women and all my Muslim friends with me wherever I go, and I don’t have to deal with that.” This was met with strong cries of “hear hear” from the crowd. The man was then escorted out by the police. Around 20 police officers were present at the protest. They carried out checks on individuals in the crowd, especially those who were wearing “suspicious” looking face masks, although the extent of this check is unconfirmed. Chants of “Unite, unite, unite to fight the right… Black, Indigenous, Arab, Asian and White!” reverberated outside the Consulate-General.

“This attack is the result of many years of Islamophobia driven by mainstream politicians for political gain, racism we must take a stand against,” said rally organiser Rahaf Ahmed. “It is also the result of the dehumanising policies of the Australian government. Where are the de-radicalisation programs for the communities producing white supremacists? We must criticise these double standards.” Greens MP David Shoebridge was also present. “This is a coming together in solidarity with the survivors, their families and communities, and it’s also to draw a line in the sand to silence and exclude the right-wing and racist extremists in our parliaments and neighbourhoods.” Other powerful chants included, “Say it loud, say it clear, Muslims are welcome here!” and “Muslims are welcome, racists are not!” A teary-eyed Ahmed Aboushabana, an Australian Human Rights activist, spoke of the undying Muslim spirit,

which he said is growing increasingly vulnerable in the wake of this attack. “I would never allow any racists [to] stop me doing my worship, I would never allow any of these racists to come back to stop me practicing my religion. They could never stop me going to [the] mosque.” Hersha Kadkol, the Ethnocultural Officer of the National Union of Students told

Honi, “We are rallying today to show vital solidarity with the Muslim community and to unite against racism.” On Tuesday 19 March, Sydney Uni’s Autonomous Collective Against Racism and Unite Against the Far Right are also organising a campus rally against racism and Islamophobia. Photography by Carrie Wen

AHRC inquiry

WoCo holds protest Universities give against LifeChoice green light for strike

Alan Zheng

Honi Soit

The closure of public submissions to the Australian Human Rights Commission’s (AHRC) national inquiry into sexual harassment in workplaces coincides with the increasing trend of sexual harassment of staff in universities according to a recent National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU) survey of over 1350 members. The survey found that one-in-five respondents experienced sexual harassment in the workplace. Several anonymised submissions to the AHRC’s national inquiry reported harassment scenarios in a university context, including one originating from employment at an unidentified University’s student association. These findings corroborate a 2018 USyd Culture Survey which found knowledge of how to report inappropriate behaviours was significantly lower amongst academic staff. USyd did not waive nondisclosure to allow staff to make submissions to the inquiry despite ANU, Macq and WSU taking such steps.

Last week, the University of Sydney Wom*n’s Collective (WoCo) organised a snap action against LifeChoice Australia, a “pro-life” advocacy group who run a registered University of Sydney Union club on campus. Approximately 50 students expressed their opposition to a LifeChoice event on Eastern Avenue. The event purported to discuss “human rights” with students, as part of a broader anti-abortion stance. Protestors held a sign reading “everyone has a right to choose.” Layla Mkh, co-convenor of WoCo told Honi, “LifeChoice with their 3D models of foetuses and their pictures of smiling babies continue to ignore this.” LifeChoice was joined by students from American campuses, most of whom are part of “Students for Life”, an American pro-life organisation. A representative of the event commented on the protest saying “it was really sad because they never really came and talked to us so we never got a chance to share with them.” However, protesters alleged

Alan Zheng that LifeChoice members laughed at and mocked members of WoCo. Mkh told Honi, “We can’t engage in dialogue with people who are laughing at our pain and distress. We especially can’t engage in dialogue with them with four cameras pointed us, waiting for us to lash out so they can report us.” Pro-choice activists have recently been taken through the University’s misconduct system and criticised in the NSW Legislative Assembly for having protested LifeChoices. Neither of the elected SRC Wom*n’s Officers, Gabi StrickerPhelps and Crystal Xu, were seen at the protest. Honi reached out to both for comment but did not receive a response at the time of publication. The Wom*n’s Officers are paid a $12,000 stipend and are expected to “act as an organiser for all women on campus” under the SRC’s Constitution. WoCo is organising its annual protest against the “Day of the Unborn Child,” held by the Catholic Church to honour “unborn babies,” on 24 March.

In an email to staff last Monday, the University of Sydney (USyd) advised that staff and students attending the 15 March Climate Strike would not be penalised for missing class. “If you teach classes at this time, please ensure that any students attending the march are not negatively impacted,” the email read. A University Spokesperson told Honi that “as a university we are a forum for a debate and not a participant in debate, however we encourage our students and staff to take a strong stand on issues they consider important.” The decision to support striking staff and students amounts to a departure from the University’s previous institutional neutrality on public debate, taking an impartial stance on the samesex marriage plebiscite in 2017. “I do not believe it appropriate for us to adopt an institutional position. Universities in the secular liberal tradition are essentially fora for debate in which ideas can be freely expressed and discussed,” said Vice

Chancellor Michael Spence in a message to staff during the plebiscite. USyd’s support for the climate strike came before other universities in Sydney. The University of Technology Sydney (UTS) endorsed the strike last Wednesday. UTS has been a signatory to the UN Sustainable Development Goals from 2018, unlike USyd, which have not signed on to date. In a Facebook post on the morning of the strike, Macquarie University confirmed that students would not be penalised for attending the strike. The University of Melbourne (UMelb) student newspaper Farrago reported on Friday that UMelb had failed to assure students that they would not be penalised for attending the strike. “Students who decide to take part in the action should consider that the University is unable to guarantee that any work that may be missed as a result can be delivered on another day,” said Acting Vice Chancellor Mark Constantine.

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A N A LY S I S

Formaldehyde and Refrigerators: Universities’ Hidden Body Donor Programs Nell O’Grady dissects the morgue beneath your university. “Dignity, respect and anonymity are accorded the deceased remains of donors during and after anatomical studies. Our anatomy students are fully aware of the special privilege granted to them by the generosity of community-minded citizens.” — University of Sydney Body Donor Program. * * * Under the sandstone edifices, the long avenue’s and flourished archways; beneath the libraries, lecture halls and grassy knolls of the University of Sydney (USyd), there lies a mortuary that collects and stores the bodies of countless donors. Morgues themselves are cold and stark, and the air inside these donation rooms are still and peaceful with a mood that is deeply bittersweet. The smell that wafts across the room and into the dissection labs is not of human flesh, but of formaldehyde. These bodies are meant to be there, their previous inhabitants wished it so.

privileges and respects the dead. Connor Phillips, a medical science student at the University of Technology Sydney, is unaware of where bodies are kept permanently at his university. When students enter the lab the specimens are already sitting there in giant industrial fridges, ready to be dissected. “They never explicitly say that we aren’t to know where they keep the bodies but they never go out of their way to show us either,” he said. “I would assume that the reason is to minimise the risk of potential misconduct from students who during a lapse of judgement may decide to do something stupid. There’s some weird people out there,” he said. The trials of life are much the same as they are in

death: series of tests of eligibility define the kinds and ages of bodies moving through these university systems. Donations for the USyd body donor program are taken from the Sydney Metropolitan area, which not a

As they await their dissection they lie still in boxes like giant filing cabinets. Above them, students and professors go about their day unaware. There is little public knowledge of how the bodies are transported from Mannings funeral

“The smell that wafts across the room and into the dissection labs is not of human flesh but of formaldehyde.” home to the USyd location. There is even less known about the location itself. The process is shrouded in mystery. General opinion suggests the corpses are somewhere unknown beneath the University’s Anderson Stuart Building. University body donor programs function successfully across the country. There is one at almost every public university in the state. Within each program lies a primary understanding of confidentiality and secrecy by students and teachers that

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only means that you have to live there, but that you have to have died in the area as well. A series of infectious diseases that prevent a person from donating their bodies are boldenly outlined across the programs’ website. A set of strict criteria also aid the decision for donors and families who

are made aware that the body must be distributed to the university within 24 hours of their death. If a funeral is to be held, the body will not be present at the service due to this tight time frame of transferal. If the individual has been dead for more than 48 hours, if a family

consolation or thought that helped me work through my feelings was the absolute privilege we have as medical students, that people have donated their bodies to help us learn and to ultimately help others in the future” said Indianna Chant, a medicine student at the University of

“The trials of life are much the same as they are in death: a series of tests of eligibility.” objects to donation at the time of death, if a post mortem is conducted, or if the program is at capacity at the time of a donor’s death, the donation can be cancelled. The labs where the classes take place are established and unchanging to implement certain security measures that are known and repeated by students. “They’re all there to minimise risk to students and the bodies.” said Connor Phillips, a medical science student at the University of Sydney. A student’s first lab requires a safety talk and the signing of an agreement regarding the responsibility of students during their use of the donated bodies. “Most of the body parts are dissected and prepared by lab technicians due to the limited number of bodies donated to the program. An error by a student in the preparation of a body would remove some of the value of the body as a teaching resource,” said Connor. In an absurdist way, this hidden morgue, is much the same as most community locations where dead bodies come to rest. Western society is afraid of them. They’re abnormal, strange and affluent dead things that are hidden away, burnt in cremation or buried deep beneath in a casket that conceals remains from surprise findings that could occur even hundreds of years later. But university students that benefit from these donor programs approach these bodies with a kind of humble appreciation. “After my first anatomy lab, the biggest

New South Wales. Whilst there’s a first time for everything, dissecting a donated human body is, for most, unlike anything else. The process is reminiscent of a Kazuo Ishiguro book — a stark experience with bodies detached from individual personality. “My first experience with prosected cadavers was more confronting than I was anticipating. I found it difficult to come to terms with how these now chopped up and stripped back body parts were once someone’s loved one,” said Sammy O’Rourke, a medical science student at USyd. “I also felt I wasn’t prepared for what I was going to see but the specimens didn’t look as human as I thought they would.” From what students have described, it seems the process is a redolent reminder that we are just organs, skin and bones. “The smell of the preservative agent formaldehyde is incredibly overpowering and leaves people quite light headed,” said Connor. “That, coupled with the visceral nature of the bodies, was a lot to deal with but it wasn’t until after the class that I felt the impact of it.” “In the class you’re very curious and excited as it’s a rare opportunity to have. But once you leave the room it changes the perspective. Needless to say that I skipped a few meals after the lab that day.” Art by Lauren Moore

A N A LY S I S

How we are grieving: reflections on Christchurch Dates, olives, pomegranates and figs: these are the fruits of jannah, of paradise, as revealed to us in the Quran. Lush, green and opulent. An orchard of comforts. It is this kind of divine imagery a Muslim thinks of, when nauseated at the murder of over 50 of our brothers and sisters in Christchurch. Our hearts still ache as we have watched the body count rise, not knowing a face or a name but still knowing that each and every one of the deceased was our kin. In the tenth verse of Surat Al Hujarat, it is said that the relationship between believers is that of brotherhood, the same as two hands washing each other. This is akin to the way that mosques are not only houses of worship but community centres. Our mourning has gone beyond echoed cries of “that could have been me,” and is now simply that the dead were our family and that they were murdered in our homes. We are Muslim women who frequent left-wing circles. It’s important for us to engage, and be engaged in political discussions about Islam. Although this is often difficult when many of our friends

are not religious, or are atheists. We can’t help but feel that for some, Islam is a topic rooted only in broader discussions about Palestine, American imperialism, Yemeni resistance and the like. These are important issues that are dear to us. But sometimes, we feel as though these conversations disregard the fact that our faith in Allah is real and visceral. Our friends scarcely view Islam in this light. Islam is almost always treated a factor on the plane of historical materialism. Which, of course, it is. But in tender times such as this, we aren’t aroused by socio-political commentaries. We know where Islamophobia comes from — we live it. We wish only to reflect and grieve as a community for the individual people we have lost, within the secours of our faith. We aren’t necessarily hyperfocused on senators, racial hierarchies or geopolitics. We find solace in the beauty of the Quran, and pray that all martyred souls enter paradise. We are hoping to come home safe after our Friday prayers next week. Some of our white friends have refrained from commenting on the goings-on. Many argue that they’re “not

an authority” on the issue, or that it’s “not their place” to say anything. We reject these assertions. The state of things is such that liberal identity politics has convinced even the most morally righteous, white socialist that they have no bearing on the white supremacist structures that allowed this killing to transpire in the first place. Of course, a message of solidarity or support is only performative if your general engagement with minority issues is also performative, or done in self-interest. If you think you don’t know enough about Islam, you can learn. If you think that your silence gives Muslims “space” to speak, you fail to understand that the burden of dismantling the limp treatises put forward by Fraser Anning and others like him will fall on Muslims. But Muslims don’t have much energy at the moment. We are tired, scared and traumatised. We cannot simultaneously grieve and explain things indepth to our peers. So all silence turns into complicity, nothing is said, and the cycle continues. Do not wait for us to be violently murdered. Let us be angry, and let us evade talk of us being “peaceful worshippers.” We are not at peace.

Artwork by BrownTown

Layla Mkh and Jessica Syed

Relatively Elite Athletes Ben Hines compares the elite sporting systems at USyd and the US. For most, the University is a degree drive-through, a lonely academic endeavour where students get in, get a degree and get out. The exception to this general rule are the select scholarship recipients of the Elite Athletes Program (EAP). Across the Pacific, the collegiate sporting system administered by the United States National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) has seen a growing emphasis on commercialising student-athletes. In the 3 divisions of NCAA competition, over 460,000 student-athletes compete as amateurs for their colleges and for the nominal benefits of branding and education. However, pursuant to NCAA Eligibility Center guidelines in the “Guide for the College-Bound Student-Athlete”, US college athletes are barred from receiving compensation for anything related to their sport, and a share of NCAA revenue totalling over $1 billion. High-achieving college stars like Duke’s Zion Williamson, the projected first pick of the 2019 NBA draft, ultimately stand to gain little from the program whilst risking injuries that could derail professional careers and future earnings into the hundreds of millions. Although the average EAP student at USyd is no Zion Williamson, a comparison of USyd’s treatment of its athletes as a

whole is considerably more telling. NCAA programs are fundamentally governed by regulations, eligibility criteria and guidelines imposed by the intercollegiate NCAA. Meanwhile, the EAP is a USyd-specific program and its athletes are overseen by USyd itself. A US college player is unable to play professionally and receive payment pertaining to their sport at the same time because they may only represent their college. Meanwhile, members of Sydney University sporting clubs frequently undertake activities with financial interest, free to receive sponsored benefits without breaching EAP conditions.

pathways guide. Whilst this is a substantial allowance, by and large, the EAP’s ATAR bonus mostly admits students who would still have attended university in the program’s absence. The same is not the case in the NCAA. Whilst the ATAR discrepancy for EAP is 5 percentiles below the regular cut off, for Division 1 in the US the minimum SAT score is 400 and the highest requirement is 1010 (on a sliding scale between the two based on GPA), or scores between the 13th and 55th percentiles. As a result, the opportunity to play

“As a result, the opportunity to play collegiate sports in the NCAA allows students who otherwise would not be likely to even attend college...” However, an area in which the NCAA is more beneficial for students than the EAP is the comparatively improved educational outcomes for participating students. The EAP is fundamentally an alternative entry scheme. Suitable athletic performance standards may allow “admission to a course with an ATAR of up to five points below the usual cutoff” according to the USyd admissions

collegiate sports in the NCAA allows students who otherwise would not be likely to even attend college to compete and attain a degree. This system has morphed into a form of race-based affirmative action with 51.6% of Division 1 student-athletes across the NCAA coming from African-American descent. The benefit of USyd’s EAP program surpasses the US system when academic

performance is compared. According to the EAP information booklet, expectations of those awarded sporting scholarships are firstly to “undertake tertiary-level studies” and subsequently to “represent Sydney University in their sport.” EAP students are provided complimentary access to tutoring for their studies, academic counselling, career-based services, and internship opportunities. Essentially, whilst sport is deemed an important part of their degree, it remains subordinate to academic performance and the actual degree. In the NCAA, where lucrative prize money and national exposure are the most appealing, athletes are encouraged to focus solely on sport. Whilst attendance at class is required, academics take a backseat and in many cases, particularly for “one-and-done” students, degrees are not completed. Instead, students are forced to undertake sporting relating activities for up to 50 hours per week. Minimum mark requirements are met either barely or with creative solutions, and the potential vast academic benefits are lost. Much has been made of the exploitative elements of the US system, and whilst the USyd alternative isn’t perfect, nor of the same prestige or exposure, its autonomy lends itself to be the fairer option for student interests.

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S TAT E

E L E C T I O N

How does USyd vote?

Joseph Verity takes a look at how USyd students will be voting in this weekend’s state election. It’s been asked before whether the University of Sydney (USyd) is big enough to be its own country. Perhaps however, ahead of the NSW election, the more pertinent question is: what would USyd look like if it were an electorate? With an undergraduate population more than half the size of a typical state district alongside its own postcode, the University shares more than a few characteristics with the neighbouring electorates of Balmain and Newtown. The question then becomes: what would the Seat of USyd look like? What role would it play in an election? This question is all the more relevant when considered in light of this weekend’s state election — an election which seems to have grown in importance the nearer it has drawn. The Coalition government must now reckon for the first time with a class of constituents that has particular cause to smite it. According to Honi’s polling, two thirds of USyd undergrads have not voted in a state election before. These students represent a small contingent of a new generation of young people who entered adulthood amidst the implementation of lock-out laws and the associated animosity towards live music and festivals — a policy direction which spurred nascent political party Keep Sydney Open to run no less than 63 candidates in the upcoming election. The results of Honi’s polling are in many ways, fairly unsurprising. We polled over 350 students on issues including their first preference vote and policy priorities. Students’ first preference choices reflect quite closely a typical Inner-West district. Summer Hill, for example, which lies a few kilometres west of USyd, voted in an almost identical way in 2015 to the results of our polling: 43% Labor, 27% Greens, 23% Liberal, compared to USyd’s 39% Labor, 27% Greens, and 21% Liberal. These numbers remain fairly similar for the Federal electorate of Sydney. It’s also worth noting Labor’s historical pre-eminence within the University’s own student politics scene, as well as student politics

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more broadly. Student Labor won the SRC presidency for an historic 13 years between 2000-2013 and is hegemonic in the National Union of Students. What is surprising however is the discrepancy between our results and the current makeup of studentrun political institutions within the University. Though students’ preference for Labor reflects past student politics and local electorates, it is hardly a reflection of the current state of USyd’s stupol institutions. After long-standing dominance in the USyd political sphere, Labor’s influence has begun to wane: last year, Labor’s SRC presidential candidate came second last in a field of four, commanding only 17% of the first preference vote, while only three Labor candidates made it to council. A likely explanation is the involvement of international students in USyd elections — Honi’s polling accounted only for students eligible to vote in the state election. It’s also worth noting the likely untapped reserve of potential Labor voters who are not engaged in student elections. Many of the students randomly polled by Honi were unfamiliar with party politics — to the extent of not knowing the political party to which the Prime Minister belongs — and confessed a lack of political engagement. Currently, SRC elections have a turnout of about 10% of the undergraduate population. If Honi’s polling is anything to go by, Labor’s former glory days may well be there for the taking, if the average student can be persuaded to wade into the SRC booth each September. Honi’s polling asked students to pick the three most important policy areas to them from a list of eleven areas, spanning major policy fixtures as well as issues specifically pertinent to the 2019 election. The most popular were education (despite university funding being a federal policy area), environmental policy, and health. Among the least prioritised were forced adoption laws, First Nations policy, and law enforcement. By cross referencing this data with students’ preferred

party, we can gain greater insight into the policies that, for example, Greens voters prioritise, as opposed to Liberals. In most cases, voters reflect the policy platforms of their preferred party. However, some areas, including live entertainment and venue policy, students did not reflect the common wisdom of most pundits. What follows is an analysis of these policy areas. *****

Public transport With nearly 15% of respondents indicating interest in the area, public transport was the third most popular policy area of the ones we polled. It’s also one of the most prominent policy areas in this state election: both the Coalition and Labor have committed to spending over $40 billion on public transport if elected. Liberal voters were the most likely to express interest in public transport policy. Concern for public transport may easily be talked up to messaging: rather than shy away from the egregiously long time it has taken for the delivery of projects such as Sydney’s light rail, the NSW Liberal Party has made finality a central promise of its election campaign, promising to “get it done” if elected. Liberal voters are no doubt keen for their party to receive credit upon the completion of projects which are at risk of being finalised by a Labor government. Greens voters trail both Liberal and Labor in support for public transport, with only 30% indicating concern. This is perhaps anomalous given the Green’s billboard looming over Broadway advertising its public transport policy, but may also be a reflection of the fact that its two Sydney seats are both already within a kilometre of the CBD.

N SW

Live entertainment & Drugs Live entertainment and drug policy has, since the 2015 election, been tipped as one of the areas most likely to draw the attention of young people. The majority of undergraduates at USyd have graduated high school and entered adulthood only to be met by a historically inactive city nightlife, fierce opposition to any drug reform, and a government averse enough to live music to commit to banning certain festivals. Our polling indicates that these areas matter far less to students than many would have speculated. Live entertainment garnered a measly 5% of voters’ interest; drug policy 4%. This lack of interest is likely a contributing factor to the low amount of first preferences given to Keep Sydney Open (2.6%). Interestingly, Liberal, Labor, and Greens voters were equally likely to preference entertainment and drug policy. Labor has committed to “saving live music” in NSW with a $35 million package, whilst the Greens remain committed to funding and facilitating the arts.

E L E C T I O N

First Nations Policy

Environmental policy Held barely a week after the School Strike 4 Climate, which saw 30,000 people take to the streets demanding substantive environmental policy, the 2019 election is one in which many voters will have climate-oriented policy on their mind. Environmental policy was quite clearly in the minds of students polled by Honi, almost 17% of whom indicated interest in the policy area. The makeup of voters who vote with the environment in mind is almost conspicuously predictable. A student’s interest in climate policy is almost perfectly correlated with the policies of their party of choice. Greens voters were, by a considerable margin, far more concerned with environmental policy than either Liberal or Labor voters, with nearly 80% expressing concern over the policy. About half of Labor voters indicated concern for environmental policy. This comes despite the fact that the ALP is yet to oppose the Adani coal mine, and that NSW Labor has committed to only 50% renewable energy by 2030 — well short of what research from ANU has indicated is possible. Liberal voters were, predictably, almost entirely disinterested in environmental policy in comparison with Greens and Labor voters. A mere 11% indicated interest in the area. The revelation comes as hardly a surprise after the Sydney Morning Herald reported that the NSW Climate Change council has been “largely ignored” by the Berejiklian Government since the Liberal leadership change in 2017.

S TAT E

First Nations policy, alongside forced adoption laws, were both largely neglected by most voters. Greens voters were by far the most likely to prioritise First Nations policy, though it was still a minority which chose to do so. Students’ preferences in this area largely reflect the priorities of the parliamentary parties they chose to elect. According to Honi’s polling, only 5% of students who plan to vote Liberal list First Nations policy as a decisive factor in their choice. The reason for this becomes quite clear when examined in light of the NSW Liberal Party’s approach to First Nations people: their online campaign policy platform makes no mention of First Nations Australians whatsoever. Last year, the Berejiklian government passed laws which allow for children in foster care to be adopted without the consent of their birth parents. The policy disproportionately affects First Nations children, which make up almost 40% of those in the out-of-home care system. The Government ignored pleas from activists, who warned that such a policy would risk creating “another stolen generation.” An equal proportion of Labor-voting students are concerned by First Nations policy at 5%. NSW Labor’s campaign platform makes some mention of First Nations people, including a commitment to a treaty, as well as flying the First Nations flag over the Harbour Bridge. Greens voters were four times more likely to prioritise First Nations policy, with 20% indicating it was an important factor in deciding their vote. The NSW Greens have by far the most extensive First Nations policy of any major parliamentary party, including the commitment to work towards federal constitutional recognition of First Nations people. It seems likely that whichever party forms government will have to grapple with its own stance on First Nations policy before too long, however. Mark Latham of One Nation is, by many accounts, likely to win a seat as an upper house crossbencher, meaning the incumbent government will need to negotiate with him to pass policy. Latham has expressed a desire to see DNA testing introduced for First Nations people claiming welfare, despite no such test tangibly existing.

First preference vote

5% The proportion of Liberal and Labor voters who prioritised First nations policy

11% The proportion of Liberal voters who highlighted enrivonmental policy as a major concern

80% The proprtion of Greens voters who prioritised cited environmental policy as a major concern

Policy priorities

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M U T I L I N G UA L

中国社会对酷儿态度的时过境迁 我一生中永远不会忘记的经历是我第一次参加悉 尼狂欢节。 那是在2016年时候，当我看到一个神话 般的彩虹光谱海洋,里面充满了穿着闪亮的五颜六色 服装的人们, 有些在花车上跳舞，还有一些正在跟着 喧哗的音乐声游行,我感到震惊。在他们周围，街上 成千上万的人大喊大叫，欢呼雀跃。这使我印象深 刻的不仅是游行的节日气氛，还有澳大利亚对酷儿 的开放态度。这是来自中国的我以前从未见过的。 ♡♡♡♡♡ 在中国，同性恋在1997年之前是非法的，并且仅 在2001年才在精神障碍里面被除名。然而，许多中 国人，尤其是老一代人，仍然认为酷儿是一种需要 治愈的疾病。 在1997年之前，陷入同性恋行为的人 可能会被“流氓罪”罪起诉。 这种态度可以在1996年 著名的中国电影“东宫西宫”中看到, 该电影描绘了一 个在北京公共浴室被捕的因为同性恋身份而被拘留 和殴打的男同性恋者的故事，。 但是，即使到现在 为止，在LGBT +性别合法化22年之后，社会对酷儿 的普遍的态度仍然是不能容忍的。 2017年，澳大利亚将同性婚姻合法化，但同时， 中国政府禁止网络上公开讨论LGBT +的话题和经 历。 2018年，新浪微博 - 中国最大的社交媒体网站 之一 - 表示该平台将删除“具有色情影响，促进血腥 暴力或与同性恋相关”的漫画和视频，以“创造积极 和谐的社区环境”， “遵守该国的网络安全法”禁止所 有LGBT +相关内容。该决定只是在网上涌入大量投 诉后才被撤销。与此同时，中国的审查机构已经发 布了“夸大社会黑暗面”内容的新规定，现在认为以 酷儿，婚外情，一夜情和未成年人性关系的内容在 屏幕上显示为非法。因此，在电视，社交媒体和其 他媒体上对LGBT +群体的描绘也被禁止，作为文 化打击“粗俗，不道德和不健康内容”的一部分。此 后，政府的决定成为社交媒体上最受关注的话题之 一，并引发了年轻人的强烈反对。 ♡♡♡♡♡ 鲜为人知的是，中国同性恋爱的历史并不总是如

此保守 。 在中国，自古以来就记载了同性恋爱。学者的研 究表明，在1840年代以后的西方影响之前，同性恋在 社会已经正常化了。 据推测，即使是几位中国皇帝 也有过同性恋关系。 根据东汉史学家班固（公元32 92年）的说法，汉哀帝曾经有表示过：“天生，他[我] 不关心女人。”他与情人董贤之间的着名爱情故事， 已成为当今中国酷儿关系的象征。 故事讲述了在两人在同一张床上休息后，董贤躺 在哀帝的袖子上睡着了。 第二天早上哀帝为了不打 扰董贤睡觉而小心翼翼的切断了自己的袖子下床早 朝。这个故事，也被取名为“断袖”，成为描述中国同 性恋关系的词语，并在中国古典文学中占有地位 然而，快速发展到将近两千年后，在毛泽东时 代，酷儿变得隐形，因为它被视为疾病和犯罪。 最 近，随着全球许多国家对LGBT +问题和同性婚姻合 法化的广泛讨论，关于这一主题的讨论在中国重新出 现。 直到2019年，中国政府才开始对LGBT +群体的 权利发言。 政府最近接受了联合国人权理事会普遍定期审议 关于LGBT +权利的建议。这些建议要求保护中国 LGBT +群体的权利。 中国方面接受了联合国人权理 事会提出的有关LGBT +权利的所有五项建议，并声 称它们已经实施了。 但这些官方行动是否大大改善 了中国LGBT +个人的生活还不明确。 ♡♡♡♡♡ 尽管围绕中国酷儿的对话越来越开放，政府的态 度也变得积极，很多LGBT +人士仍然避免向广泛的 社会透露他们的性取向。由于无法成立自己的家庭和 生孩子，中国的酷儿通常面临巨大的社会压力。由于 缺乏新闻自由和无孔不入的对于酷儿消极态度的政治 制度， 许多LGBT +的中国人选择用虚假的异性婚姻隐藏 自己的性取向。这也被称为“行婚”。虚假婚姻普遍有 两种类型。一个是男同性恋和女同性恋之间的婚姻。 另一种是男同性恋者娶个不知道他性取向的直女。这

Carrie Wen (温滢滢)

种情况更为常见，据说占约80％的同性恋婚姻关系。 这种婚姻往往对双方造成无法弥补的伤害，也经常会 引起自杀和自残的风险。 悉尼大学文化研究学士的中国学生陈茜评论说， 假结婚让婚姻中的任何一方都没有幸福，只会暂时缓 解父母对孩子“异常”的焦虑。她还对许多中国LGBT +个体的现实提出了一个严峻的看法，称“他们继续这 样做是因为情况实在是太糟糕了。如果他们不假冒结 婚，就无法继续忍受生活。” 在西方社会，人们普遍认为，在中国面对LGBT + 的主要挑战是中国政府对LGBT +社区的不支持。 然 而实际上，它与我们政府的立场关系不大，更多地与 家庭压力有关。 来自USyd的中国留学生大卫*（化名）描述了出柜 的压力，他说，“我只告诉我的性取向给一些我最好 的朋友。 我感到压力很大，因为我是同性恋，因为 我关心自己的未来。 异性可以结婚生子，但我却不 能。” 陈说，虽然中国逐渐开始接受和理解同性恋，但 传统的儒家家庭结婚价值观仍然是LGBT +人的主要 障碍。“我认为这种倾向是父母试图想修复酷儿的尝 试。 父母希望他们的小孩结婚和生孩子（不言而喻 的和异性恋）使他们的同性恋孩子正常。 然而，这 种希望不会实现，因为酷儿不是病态的，也不需要被 修复。“ “可悲的是，我也知道一些父母其实了解孩子的性 取向，但仍然会强迫他们结婚，因为在他们眼里，孩 子的幸福在家庭血统面前似乎微不足道。” 虽然中国人似乎对假结婚见怪不怪，但仍然令人 震惊的是，如此大比例的LGBT +中国青年选择假结 婚只是为了逃避家庭和社会的孤立而带来的恐惧。 LGBT +个人仍然处于弱势地位，主要是因为他们的 家人拒绝理解他们，并不断尝试“纠正”他们的性取 向。如果家庭和社会能够更多地倾听LGBT+的意见 并尊重他们的性取向，他们能够过上更好，更快乐， 更充实的生活。

Right now, across our university – on our help desks, in our Faculty of Medicine and Health, in Student Administrative Services, and beyond – USyd staff are engaged in desperate efforts to stop senior management making things worse through top-down, ill-considered, poorly-run change processes.

unlearn managerialism Tell USyd Management: If you change something, do it right!

Staff & Student

RALLY Wed 27 March 1pm outside Fisher

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Authorised by Kurt Iveson, NTEU Branch President, University of Sydney

On 27 March, we call on staff & students to rally in support of a university where the skills, experience and commitment of staff are respected. We are the university. This institution is sustained by our goodwill, our commitment, our skills, our experience, and our relationships with one another. When change is imposed from on high without our input, when it is formulated in a way that fails to acknowledge our skills and experience, when it is imposed in a manner that threatens our relationships and our goodwill through constant disruption and dislocation, it undermines the university. So, come to the rally to send a message to senior management that they need to Unlearn Managerialism!

Find out more: www.nteu.org.au/sydney

Authorised by Kurt Iveson, NTEU Branch President, University of Sydney

19.03.2019

Feature

A is for apple

B is for brainwashed: The conservative

agenda in Australia’s secondary education Words by Pranay Jha and Liam Thorne Art by Lauren Moore

A

t university, it is quite easy for us to think our politics developed and, in some cases, began in the halls of the Camperdown campus. After all, for most of us, high school was a fundamentally apolitical space. There were no political parties recruiting, no autonomous collectives, and the SRC was for over-achievers looking to organise a fundraiser rather than a vicious fighting ground for zealous students. When compared to university, then, high school really does seem like a ‘simpler time of yesteryear,’ unsullied by the political battles we face today. However, a closer inspection of high school classrooms across the country suggests our rose-tinted glasses may, in fact, have misled us.

There are quite a few obstacles that come in the path of analysing secondary education in Australia. Firstly, and perhaps most obviously, the exact content being taught varies depending not only on which state one is in, but the type of school (religious, private, comprehensive etc.). Secondly, past curriculums are often quite inaccessible, making it difficult to track the ways in which secondary education has changed over time. Finally, although there is a significant degree of academia on certain subject areas, on the whole, histories of education in Australia are missing. However, despite these limitations, an examination of three particular subjects expose how a seemingly apolitical high school curriculum politicises students to influence their understanding of the world around them.

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19.03.2019

Feature HSC Economics: the freer the

students consider the economy and society more broadly, as they move into later life. Perhaps our own university campus is quite a good example of this. It is common to hear claims by students that they are “economically conservative but socially progressive.” It is uncommon to question the system of education that made it possible to abstract the economy from society.

market the freer the students

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On the inside cover of the 2010 edition of Tim Riley’s preliminary economics textbook sit two side-by-side profiles of Adam Smith and Milton Friedman. The profiles are decontextualised and make no critical claims of either figure, opting instead for a descriptive account of their major works. They begin with a brief biography, followed by a summary of works like the Wealth of Nations before finally telling us how these works are applied in society today. Yet somewhere in the seemingly neutral representation of Smith and Friedman’s theories, the unassuming reader is nudged ever-so-slightly towards recognising their works less as theories and more as laws. And so, before even reading the first words of their two-year course, students are exposed to the critical flaw of the HSC economics syllabus — its conflation of the descriptive with the normative. At a glance, HSC economics appears to be quite an appealing subject despite its falling enrolment numbers. Its purpose, as stated in the Economics Stage 6 Syllabus, is to give students an understanding of “contemporary economic problems and issues facing individuals, firms and governments.” Broadly speaking, the course is divided into economic issues and responses to those issues, while also positioning Australia in the global economy. The economics syllabus, however, does not limit itself to a mere historical account of the Australian economy’s functioning. Rather, it quite clearly sets itself the aim of equipping its students with the capacity to identify problem areas in the economy and evaluating the policy responses to it. It is on the path to achieving this aim that HSC economics seems to lose its way. A major flaw in the treatment of “economic issues” by the HSC economics course is that it decontextualises the problems it is dealing with. Taking unemployment as an example, the course covers definitions of the types of unemployment which exist, statistical trends which relate to unemployment and seemingly rational explanations for why unemployment may occur. What it largely fails to consider or raise are the socio-political realities associated with these “theoretical” issues. Subsequently, two problems emerge. Firstly, not only do students have little engagement with political influences on the economy but also consider such socio-political factors to be entirely separate from the economy. This leads students into an incredibly superficial account of the reasons behind social problems like high unemployment rates amongst First Nations peoples or ethnic migrant communities. Secondly, in their lack of exposure to the tangible impacts of unemployment on people’s lives, students don’t have access to an appropriate metric through which they can evaluate economic concerns. For example, in discussing microeconomic reform in Australia, students are encouraged to evaluate government policies over the last decade or so. In this evaluation, which usually tends to fetishise the deregulation, a student who is given little to no background about the real impacts of policy may consider long-term GDP growth to be a fair and reasonable trade-off for short term structural unemployment. In making that assessment, it is likely that no consideration is given to what that GDP growth really means (i.e. who benefits from that growth) or the disastrous impacts which structural unemployment may have on people’s’ lives. Beyond its inability to equip students with necessary evaluative skills, the economics curriculum also provides little in the way of

alternatives to the dominant ‘free market’ ideology of the status quo. This means that students are exposed to a limited range of economic ideas and thinking. In terms of microeconomic reform, there is a strong adherence to neo-classical economic theory which promotes the deregulation of markets in its fetishisation of “efficiency.” On a macroeconomic scale, it involves the application of Keynesian principles, which suggests government spending is a tool to stabilise growth in the economy. The consequences of this limited exposure to diverse economic ideas are twofold. Firstly, they tend to produce a sort of “is/ought” fallacy in the minds of students. By analysing solutions through a singular framework, the course limits the imagination of students in addressing economic issues in society and leads them to the conclusion that neo-classical economics is inherently the most rational option. Defenders of HSC economics may respond by arguing that the course merely informs students of how the economy currently operates rather than prescribing methods of dealing with economic issues. This claim seems questionable, given the syllabus’ express desire to equip students with the ability to “evaluate” and “discuss.” Moreover, the ways in which the economics course describes the status quo appear to have a legitimising effect on neo-classical economics. Often, abstract benefits like growth and efficiency (enjoyed mostly by a select few within the economy) are overstated at the expense of discussing legitimate negative outcomes brought about by policies like labour market deregulation. The upshot of this is that students, albeit implicitly, are encouraged to consider neoliberalism as the ‘most rational’ option. Secondly, by constructing economics in the status quo as inherently rational, students also begin to perceive neoclassical economics as trans-historical. This is particularly emphasised in the “global economy” section of the curriculum, where liberalisation and, by extension, globalisation are treated as inherently beneficial. Essentially, the disparities in economic ‘advancement’ between the developed and developing world are attributed to overbearing governments whose markets are ‘closed off.’ A corollary of this claim is that developing countries are always benefitted by free trade agreements, causing students to often consider ‘more trade’ valuable in and of itself. Almost no attention is given to factors like colonialism that affect the modern distribution of wealth and the power relations that underlie most trade agreements. Additionally, global organisations like the International Monetary Fund who have frequently pushed agendas of neo-liberalism are granted a position of deference with little incentive to consider the real contextual factors that determine the appropriate path for a nation’s economy. The consequences of these gaps in the HSC Economics Syllabus don’t merely stop at students being misinformed about the economy or illequipped to properly evaluate historic policies. They also bear a normative influence on the ways

i am , you are, we must be Australian

History is neither a small and easily digestible subject nor a mere list of facts to be memorised. Decisions about what parts of our global and national history students learn are inherently political — they will shape how a young person comes to understand the legacy behind their home, and the historical forces that have culminated in their present-day privileges and disadvantages. The Australian curriculum is not excused from this reality. In a context of ongoing settler-colonial structures, inherited from two centuries of dispossession and subsequent collective amnesia, it is unsurprising that governments would want control over how kids understand their history of place. Where politicians have control over the history curriculum, we should expect them to act in the hope of creating a national identity advantageous to their own ideology. This is particularly the case with conservative politics, which relies on viewing the past as something to be preserved, and thus requires social consensus on the enduring moral character of a nation. Of course, for university students, this reality should be unsurprising. Ongoing disagreement over the Ramsay Centre for Western Civilisation comes from an aversion towards allowing explicitly conservative ideologues to infiltrate otherwise autonomous academic spaces — the stakes being the sensibilities of young, future community leaders. This thinking also explained the Australian ‘history wars’ spanning back to the 1990s. Like efforts in Britain during the 1980s, Liberal Prime Minister John Howard sought to challenge what he perceived as a “black arm-band” view of Australian history. According to him, emphasis on Australia’s violent colonial past was unnecessary, out-ofproportion and unhelpful for the modern settlerproject. In addition to endorsing revisionist historians like former Honi Soit editor Keith Windschuttle (famous for The Fabrication of Aboriginal History), John Howard encouraged Australians to celebrate a constructed agglomerate of Australian history. This meant celebrating ‘Australia’ on 26 January and those conscripted to fight in imperial conflicts on 25 April. Howard’s project eventually reached into what

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Feature Australian school children learnt between 9am and 3pm. Although not an especially well documented period of our nation’s past, scholarship has begun to catch-up on this matter. Zeb Woodward’s 2013 history honours thesis marks the swings in Australia’s history curriculums have undertaken as a result of its politicisation between 2006 and 2013. As Labor governments would come to do in their own ways, and in the same vein as politicians before him that pushed a neo-classical understanding of economics, Howard sought to shape the civic sensibilities of future voters. On 25 January 2006, Howard stood before the National Press Club and announced his intentions for a revolution to how history was taught, seeking to reflect “Australia’s crowning achievement, borne of its egalitarian tradition... its social cohesion.” The social context underpinning Howard’s announcement should not be forgotten. It came on the back of a month of race-fuelled violence in Cronulla, years of villainising refugees and preempted his paternalistic occupation of Indigenous communities in the Northern Territory. In Howard’s view, “young people [were] at risk of being disinherited from their community if that community lacks the courage and confidence to teach its history.” Although no national curriculum would come from the 2006 History Summit following Howard’s speech, his initiative would come to formalise his position from the History Wars. Robyn Moore, a Graduate research assistant at the University of Tasmania, describes how history textbooks continue to espouse a “white” vision of Australia into the 21st century, meaning that Aboriginal history is often relegated only to the first chapter of the history, and then forgotten, as if erased in the strong march to a ‘better future.’[1] When Howard was eventually voted out and replaced by Labor Prime Minister Kevin Rudd, this politicisation felt a marked shift. A conspicuous effort was made to shape Australia’s curriculums with the aim of helping ‘close the gap’ between Indigenous and non-indigenous communities. This meant giving more time to studying frontier-violence, analysing Australia’s racist past as embodied in the White Australia Policy, and acknowledging broader narratives of intergenerational colonisation. Compared with the active involvement of conservative politicians in Howard’s curriculums, the introduction of a national curriculum under the supervision of the independent Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority (ACARA) reflected some attempt to separate educators from politicians. And yet, even without the active infiltration of conservative propaganda, Australia’s history curriculum continues to be shaped towards something which trains young Australians to be largely proud of their past, and to therefore, accept a modern settler-government as legitimate. Oddly-enough, this was made clear by the conservative response to changes in the curriculum. [2] In 2013, Prime Minister Tony Abbott decried the curriculum’s emphasis on Labor Prime Ministers like Gough Whitlam and the victories of labour unions (clearly advantageous topics for a Labor hegemony), whilst calling for a heavier focus on Australia’s history of business strength, and the inclusion of prime ministers like Robert Menzies. ACARA curriculums are themselves not innocent. This is evidenced, for example, in the narrative underlying Australia’s colonising past. Students are still taught that Australia has gone through the development of policy-stages: from ‘protection,’ to ‘assimilation,’ before finally arriving at ‘reconciliation,’ despite the settler-colonial reality of our present. Where our violent history is taught, it is often not explained to its full extent, and even further, is not complemented by a genuine precontact history of Aboriginal societies. In this context, First Nations’ cultures and communities

exist in the Australian psyche merely in reference to colonialism, thus struggling to maintain relevance in a purportedly post-colonial present-day Australia. It is vital to acknowledge that Australia’s history curriculum is far from apolitical. It is worrying that these undercurrents go under-examined, especially given the lack of critical-thinking modules in the history curriculum. Only through a subject like Extension History in New South Wales can you be trained in historiography — the craft of analysing the making of history, such that young adults may reconcile contradicting historical narratives sold to them by politicians.

(Political) development and physical health

From its earliest stages, the Personal Development, Health and Physical Education (PDHPE) syllabus seeks to teach students to identify “who they are and how people grow and change.” A natural feature of this aim is standardising the ways in which people treat and understand not only their own bodies, but those of others. Although this outcome appears to be a noble one, in reality, it bears a significant socialising impact on students. And when politicians begin to interfere with the structure of courses in the aforementioned ways, a subject mostly treated as a fun sports break begins to have a far more pernicious impact on students’ later lives. A telling example of the constraints of the current PDHPE syllabus has been the contemporary dispute over social and personal issues relevant to LGBTQI+ students. For a course intended to prepare students for their personal development, it seems quite uncontroversial to provide teachers with content on gender identities, sexualities and their place in a school environment. However, when The Australian characterised Safe Schools Coalition Australia as a “tax-payer funded gay manual in schools,” the ideological battle over controlling students’ social education becomes unfortunately crystallised. Ultimately, Australia’s PDHPE curriculum has long been gatekept by conservative ideologies, such that the information which reaches young children about their own bodies is contested and to their own immense disadvantage. A significant problem in the PDHPE syllabus is its isolation of physical health from social forces. For example, in discussing sexually transmitted infections, little acknowledgement is given to the politicisation of sexual health, particularly during the AIDS epidemic, where politicians weaponised “public health concerns” to oppress queer communities. The consequence of this is that students consider issues of their physical and sexual health to be inherently personal in nature, leaving them lacking in the critical skills to evaluate and properly understand the factors that influence health policy in the real world. The extent to which the young body and its welfare are politicised extends far beyond LGBTQI+ issues. In 2014, ‘The Australian Curriculum: Health and Physical Education’ was updated to its sixth version, including more progressive and inclusive approaches to defining sexual health (including reference to “pleasurable and safe sexual experiences, free of coercion, discrimination and violence,” and sexuality (including reference to “gender roles and identities, sexual orientation, pleasure, intimacy and reproduction” in its definition). Despite these changes, which were themselves the product of significant lobbying and a far-cry from curriculums 30-years prior, students are still left wanting in many parts of Australia. Family Planning Victoria released a response to the new curriculum, acknowledging its advancements, but concluding that it introduced this information

“too late” in children’s development. Moreover, they did “not incorporate sufficient exploration of topics in relation to sexual and reproductive health and wellbeing... exposing the risk of teachers not covering important components.” This is especially true should one’s individual teacher not be well versed in the topics, feel uncomfortable discussing it, or feel some ideological opposition to the material. In failing to sufficiently guide teachers in how to promote knowledge about positive consent, how to use contraception or what the gender spectrum is, governments are complicit in endangering the futures of their youth population. In much the same way that the NSW Liberal government politicises the bodies of people with uteruses by denying them free access to abortion, the gate-keeping of crucial information via-insufficient curriculums curbs children from living agency-filled lives. The conservative calculus which determines how the PDHPE syllabus is set is quite clearly enunciated in the comparative ease with which Judeo-Christian reforms entered high schools. Whilst the Safe Schools program, costing the public $8 million over 3 years, was met with furious outrage, the School Chaplaincy Program (costing 30 times more and rejected by the Australian Education Union) found easy passage into federal policy. This hypocrisy is equally visible in the announcement of an extra $1.2 million to support the Bachar Bouli program, which seeks to better “integrate” (read: assimilate) Muslim children into Australia by teaching them Aussie Rules football. It seems, then, that what is deemed acceptable to include in our education system’s student welfare program depends upon whether it fits the state’s project of socialisation. Unfortunately, this means that programs which confront issues of sexuality and gender head-on fall to the wayside.

From little tories big tories grow

There are very obvious and serious immediate harms to the faults in our syllabuses. Queer students are left to fend for themselves, students of colour are exposed first-hand to the state’s nationalist project and the realities of class are kept out of our minds. Importantly though, the effects of conservative influences on the education system outlive six years of secondary education. Lines of argumentation in debates on abortion, invasion day or welfare reform are not too far removed from the ideology that subtly finds it way into Australian textbooks. Ultimately, to bring change in public discourse, we must first question the ways our own education has set the boundaries of what that discourse should include. That questioning relies on an acknowledgement of the politicisation of Australia’s curriculums.

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A N A LY S I S

Stoic worshippers at the cult of diligence Cynthia Fang and Baopu He explore the complex factors that link selective schools with mental health issues. Selective high schools are publicly funded schools run by the Department of Education that select students based on academic merit. As a result, they achieve results superior to well-funded private schools, but do so with the same level of funding that government schools receive. From this perspective, they exist in an educational limbo - much more privileged than public schools, but at the same time bound by the same limitations and shortages. They have come under scrutiny, among other things, for supposedly being breeding grounds of depression and anxiety. Unfortunately debates about mental health at selective schools have often been weaponised by people who have little regard for student wellbeing, but seek instead to utilise vague generalisations and assumptions about mental health at selective schools to attack the system and the students behind it as a whole. There needs to be caution against generalising about selective schools: the students, parents and staff who form its communities, and the policies, research and debates that have shaped selective school experiences. But while the public discourse on selective schools in regards to mental health has been buried under sensationalism and misunderstanding, it is equally important to acknowledge that selective schools can and do exacerbate mental health problems, and that they deal with unique psychological pressures that are not as common in other education environments. However, in the same way that the mental health needs of all public schools are not being met, selective schools are not adequately supported to deal with the unique challenges they are faced with. * * * Commentary on selective schools often references and criticises their high concentration of students with Asian heritage: ‘hyper-racialised’, ‘ethnic imbalance’. It is true that, according to My Schools data, a high proportion of selective school students are from language backgrounds other than English: over 90% of students are from such backgrounds in at least half of the top ten selective schools. This unique cultural makeup is accompanied with a set of cultural values that can negatively impact on mental health. For example, often heard from selective school students are stories of how people tied up their self worth with their results. ‘You know your results reflect on your parents, sometimes you don’t even know know what the parents do but you know what their kids are doing at uni, how well they are doing.’ Stephanie*, a former selective school student, tells Honi. She emphasised that although she received neither punishment nor academic pressure from her parents, there was an awareness that her conduct and achievements reflected on her

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family. Mental health problems in Asian background students are often tied with familial interactions. Many students reported feeling guilt and shame at their own mental health problems when juxtaposed with the hardships endured by their parents. “When I saw my parents working so hard and going through so much daily humiliation just for me, it just felt like I had no right to feel the way I did,” James*, a graduate from a top selective school, told Honi. Almost as a way to repay the sacrifices his parents had made for him, James recalls that he only felt worthy of his parents if he exerted himself towards his studies the same way his parents exerted themselves at work. “We show our gratitude and appreciation towards one another through our hard work,” he said, before reflecting “But maybe using actual words would be better sometimes.” The silent stoicism emphasised in East Asian culture is also reflected in how students respond to emotional difficulties — many do not believe they can have meaningful conversations about mental health with their parents, nor do they see any worth in bringing up their personal struggles with their friends. This is compounded with the well documented stigma in Asian societies regarding mental health, which often blames mental health problems on those suffering from it, dismisses them as a passing sadness, or views it as a shameful defect in character. These stigmas still burden second generation Asian immigrants, who can find it extremely difficult to find support due to a feeling of double isolation — one from their families, and one from wider society. But as competitive as these schools can be, students are also deeply collaborative and supportive. However there is only so much one student can do for another, with their own personal difficulties, assessments, and commitments to take care of. Emily* talked about how she delayed dealing with her issues with anxiety until after her HSC exams had finished because she feared thinking about them too much before they would negatively impact her marks. However, while this

approach worked for her, she now admits that she wishes she was more open with herself about her anxiety. “I convinced myself that at the end of the day, my marks were more important than anything else. It really wasn’t a sustainable lifestyle and looking back, it’s a miracle I didn’t burn out half way.” The negative outcomes that can be brought about by these cultural factors are given an environment to fester within the confines of the selective school. While many selective school students feel a sense of gratitude to the intense competitive nature of their high schools and attribute it to their successes, at the same time, the damaging consequences which can result from this high pressure environment cannot be brushed aside. There exists at selective schools a “cult of diligence”, where hard work is idolised as necessary self-sacrifice, and the ability to power through personal unhappiness exalted as a virtue. Success is viewed as an inevitable result of hard work, so any absence of success can be attributed to a lack of hard work, and as such, a personal failing. Such an atmosphere can breed extremely warped understandings regarding mental health. Emily* recalls a student in her year 12 maths class who would sleep in class because he would stay up all night studying. “At the time, we all looked up to him as an example we should all follow. None of us thought it was messed up that this guy felt like he needed to sleep less than four hours a day to succeed. Instead, we would praise him for his dedication, and say that we wanted to be more like him.” As a result of all this, it is not unusual for students to face persistent issues surrounding self-worth and motivation on their own instead of seeking help, only to disclose it to friends in passing, years after high school. While it is easy from the outside to blame these mental health problems solely on factors exclusive to Asian culture and the selective school system, as many in the media often do, this critique ignores the wider systemic problems plaguing public education, which selective schools are ultimately

are a part of. Like any public school, selective high schools are experiencing a shortage of school counsellors. Top performing schools like Hornsby Girls and North Sydney Boys do not even have one full time counsellor according to their latest annual report, having only 0.6 and 0.8 respectively. Most other selective schools only have one. As a result, many selective schools are unable to provide for the mental health needs of their students on a five day a week basis. “I’m lucky I had my mental breakdown on a Tuesday. If it had happened a day later there wouldn’t have been a school counselor there, and I would have lost the willpower to seek help,” James* tells us, referring to a burnout he experienced in year 10 due to the intense academic pressure around him. But even when students manage to see a school counselor, the advice they receive is often not culturally sensitive. “The counsellor kept telling me I needed to bring my parents to see him. But I kept telling him that I felt that it was a bad idea. They would see it as a betrayal,” James said, adding that “It made me so anxious thinking that they might call up my parents without telling me.” “Some teachers are great, but others are just awful. One teacher would peddle our anxieties by telling us that we couldn’t trust anyone at the school, not even our friends, because our tiger parents had apparently told us all to backstab everyone else.” Studies show that psychological stress experienced by people from Asian backgrounds is more likely to manifest as somatic problems (such as dizziness, lack of appetite and physical pain) as opposed to more traditional and visible symptoms like panic attacks. It is hypothesised that this is due to the unacceptability of the former in Asian cultures. A nuanced understanding of how culture intersects with psychology seems to be unfortunately lacking at many selective schools, from both counselors and teachers. It is then disingenuous to attack selective schools for how they perpetuate mental health problems while ignoring that they, like all public schools, have extremely limited resources to deal with them effectively. While the Berejiklian government has $88 million to ensure two mental health workers for every public school, whether this is a genuine commitment or an empty election promise remains to be seen. For some, however, the change has come too late. “In year 12, some people just disappeared and we never saw or heard about them ever again. Others would still sometimes rock up to school, but you could tell that they had given up,” James* said. “While I ultimately enjoyed going to a selective school and feel like I’ve benefited a lot from it, I wish everyone could have had that experience.” *Names have been anonymised. Art by Shrawani Bhattarai

A N A LY S I S

Defending against robots? I, Andrew Yang Ewan Uncles looks at Trump’s competition for the upcoming US election cycle. In a familiar field of Senators, House Representatives, Governors and former Cabinet Secretaries, there stands a candidate in the 2020 Democratic Party Presidential Primary who does not fit the standard mould. Andrew Yang is a young, Asian-American entrepreneur who is seeking to differentiate himself from both the pro-establishment centrists and the divisive personas on the left. His identity is far from the only thing that singles him out from the pack. His message is also unprecedented. For Yang, Trump’s 2016 election story is one of pure economics: globalisation and large tech companies have automated and devastated millions of jobs, decimating the inhabitants of small towns and rural areas, leaving them incredibly vulnerable to any deified force that professed to have solutions. Such a hypothesis explains why those in Midwestern swing states such as Iowa, Michigan and Wisconsin abandoned the Democratic Party, who they perceived to be no more than enablers for the forces that strengthened global elites and thrusted American communities to the sidelines. Where Trump prescribed the demonisation of immigrants and the reignition of hyper-nationalism as the antidote to the sense of hopelessness across much of the country, Yang’s answer is a Universal Basic Income

(UBI). $1000 a month provided to every American is, in his eyes, the answer to the inevitable onslaught of job automation in the coming decades. Partially funded by a large scale value-added tax on tech giants like Amazon who stand to benefit from automation, UBI will prevent the catastrophic events that inevitably flow from the destabilising process that Yang

such as Medicare for All. Yet, through branding UBI as a “Freedom Dividend” which places the average American as “an owner and shareholder of the richest country in the world”, he seeks to capitalise on traditional American patriotism. It’s for this reason that Yang was able to leave Fox News anchor and Trump loyalist Tucker Carlson in utter agreement when presenting him with

“In a country that is characterised by its hyper-partisanship, perhaps the most profound quality of Yang is his ability to appeal to both those on the left and the right.” anticipates. Where neoliberal economists point to the role of re-training programs sensationally transforming a 60-yearold car manufacturer into a budding software engineer, Yang’s reliable, bureaucratically simple safety net is a form of curtailing the devastating effects that long-term unemployment creates. This, according to Yang, is how to rebuild America. In a country that is characterised by its hyper-partisanship, perhaps the most profound quality of Yang is his ability to appeal to both those on the left and the right. He is unashamedly progressive when it comes to social issues and adopts many of the mainstream Democrats’ economic policy positions

the UBI. He has managed to take a left wing policy, rebrand it to appeal to the everyday American, and convincingly prescribe it to both sides of the political spectrum as an antidote to the economic problems faced in America — a policy that is not, in his own words, left or right, but forward. The left-right paradigm isn’t the only one Yang seeks to destroy. He believes that the entire socialism-capitalism dichotomy is out of date, greying the hairs of labels like ‘social democrat’. Accordingly, the stale ideas of President Sanders or President Warren will fail to address the real problems that will continue to shove the American worker on the losing side of the battle against

the widespread automation of workingclass jobs. Despite his growing appeal, Yang is undeniably politically inexperienced: he has never held an elected office and is an outsider to the Democratic establishment. He openly admits that he’s only running as a Democrat due to the historical failures of third party candidates. It is for these reasons that he has been no more than a blip on the radar of mainstream media. He was dubbed a “longer-than-long shot” by the New York Times, the same newspaper who vehemently dismissed the possibility of Trump emerging triumphant in the Republican primary three years earlier. This, as well as his background as a well heeled businessman with close ties to Silicon Valley, positions him as, in many ways, both a mirror image of his Republican opponent. Yet equally, Yang is the antithesis of Trump: egoless, authentic, and with a vision of unity rather than division. It is the mixture of these qualities which gives Yang the potential for wide appeal. Championing a distinctive message and demonstrating the capacity for broad electoral support, Andrew Yang may well be the boat that can sail across the violent sea separating the Democratic Party and disillusioned working-class Americans.

Eerie silence over Ramsay James Newbold speculates on the future of the USyd-Ramsay partnership. It has been three months since the last update on the University of Sydney’s (USyd) negotiations with the Ramsay Centre for Western Civilisation. The Centre, it seems, has not been idle. The University of Wollongong signed a Memorandum Of Understanding (MOU) with the Ramsay Centre in mid-December 2018 and the University of Queensland (UQ) remains in negotiations with the Ramsay Centre. These discussions follow the Australian National University’s rejection of a partnership with the Ramsay Centre, citing concerns over academic freedom. This comes in a broader university funding context where underfunded universities take private money from unscrupulous industries such as the fossil fuels and arms manufacturing industries. Our universities are not guided by principles of social justice, but by money and profit. UQ has taken $13.5 million from the current executive chairman of DowDuPont. DowDuPont is a corporation responsible for numerous environmental and humanitarian disasters. Amongst it’s achievements, it holds the unenviable status being the last company to cease the production of napalm during the Vietnam War. USyd has $13 million invested in fossil fuel corporations such as BHP Billiton, Rio Tinto and AGL. It is little surprise then that these

universities would consider teaching the colonial and elitist Ramsay Centre curriculum. An indicative curriculum for the BA (Western Civilisation) provided by the Ramsay Centre sees only three weeks of the entire three-year course dedicated to “comparative literature,” affirming Board Member Tony Abbott’s own words that the Centre remains “in favour” of Western Civilisation. This governing logic of university management can be used to speculate about the future of USyd’s negotiations with the Ramsay Centre.

Ramsay from USyd. This raises two key possibilities. The first key possibility is that the Ramsay Board is less concerned with USyd negotiations now that another university in New South Wales has signed on. If this is true, then there are several paths negotiations could follow. In fact, the Ramsay board may have given up on USyd completely. A Centre Spokeswoman told Honi that negotiations with USyd remain “ongoing,” although they refused to comment on the specifics of negotiations.

“But the recent UOW deal for an entire Ramsay degree potentially flips the entire power dynamic.” The makeup of the Ramsay Centre Board ranges from conservative union officials to corporate elites to former conservative Liberal Prime Ministers. The money to found the Ramsay Centre was left as a bequest by Paul Ramsay, a Liberal Party donor who made his fortunes from privatised healthcare. The governing logic of the Ramsay Centre board is money and conservative ideology. The Ramsay deal at Wollongong — which was kept completely secret until the MOU was announced — is thus far the first and only signed Ramsay deal. It’s announcement also coincides with the beginning of a radio silence over

USyd NTEU Branch Secretary Kurt Iveson told Honi he had “not received any updates” about Ramsay so far this year. University Senate Undergraduate Fellow Francis Tamer did not respond to questions from Honi. Activist pressure from USyd students and staff has forced negotiation concessions including watering down the Western Civilisation degree into a “Western Tradition” major and reducing restrictions on academic freedom. From the Ramsay Board’s perspective, the UOW deal is far superior and may make a deal at USyd redundant. Alternatively, USyd negotiations

may be on the backburner as the Ramsay board focuses on UQ negotiations and preparation for the commencement of teaching at UOW in 2020 — the Ramsay Centre has already begun hiring staff at UOW. The second, more worrying possibility is that negotiations are continuing in the new context of Ramsay having a signed deal under their belt in New South Wales. When Ramsay had been rejected by the ANU, USyd was in a stronger negotiating position to ask for small concessions under protest from staff and students. But the recent UOW deal for an entire Ramsay degree potentially flips the entire power dynamic, forcing USyd to adopt UOW management’s method of secret negotiations. Concessions might now be reversed as USyd desperately attempts to secure the Ramsay board’s funding. All these paths lead to the same conclusion for student activists and staff. We need to double down until Ramsay’s defeat is certain, and we must direct our solidarity to universities like UOW and UQ who are fighting the very real possibilities of Ramsay being taught on campus. A USyd Spokesperson told Honi that they are still waiting for a response to their proposed MOU, “and will update our University community once we have further information to report.”

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C R E AT I V E

A COMPREHENSIVE TABLE OF SIMILARITIES BETWEEN MARIO KART WII AND REAL LIFE Victoria Cooper Mario Kart Wii

Real Life

Throwing a green shell and it coming back to hit you

Realising the other person is right mid-argument

Consistently running into walls

Applying for jobs and hearing nothing back

When Bullet Bill drops you off in the middle of chaos

Going from being financially dependent on your parents to subsisting on your own

Burning out before you started because you pressed the accelerator too early

Peaking in high school, dammit

Being so far in front that you have time to ride around and collect all the boxes

Privilege

The panic of every corner on Rainbow Road

Being locked in a perpetual state of overthinking

Being flattened by a steroid-boosted growth mushroom Coming 6th again and being played that loser soundtrack Streams of unexpected lava When you don’t know where you’re going Not being able to control your Kart on the ice in Sherbert Land

Mosh pits at music festivals Telling your friend that you feel ugly and them replying “same”, when you actually wanted a compliment Predatory men commenting on your Instagram When you don’t know where you’re going Wearing a skirt on a windy day

Forgetting which screen you’re playing on

Relating to others by claiming your friend’s wild story as your own

Blue shells

Tequila

Multiple blue shells in a row

Well, this is injustice now, isn’t it?

Getting blown up by your own bomb

Googling your symptoms

Always falling off that one bit in Maple Treeway

Selectively ignoring your lactose intolerance

Clicking the orange cumulative speed mushroom one too many times

Mistakenly having a coffee at 6pm

Growing impatient at the pace of being accidentally offroad, committing because it’s easier than re-finding the course

Staying in a bad relationship too long Art by Victoria Cooper

One Night Johnson Ly head heavy, book heavier mind and soul superimposed on the concrete seat. moan with injury as foolish thinking plants a seed of confidence, determination to devour knowledge in one night. one book, one chapter. a soft exhale, momentarily lifting a page of the textbook a slight uplift, a light inhale. one page, one paragraph, one yawn to signal effort. Art by Shrawani Bhattarai

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C R E AT I V E

YOU ARE NOT LIFELESS Karishma Luthria You are not lifeless. You are as alive as the trees rustling in the warm autumn wind. You are as alive as warm water flowing on soft black pebbles. Blood coursing through your veins, an orange-ish hue of your past floats across your mind. You continue to ponder why you are not worth anything. “Why am I like this?” you ask yourself in the mirror as you feel the circles around your eyes in concentric motions. “Why are they so dense? Why am I so unhappy?” In the suburbs of New York, you lie on your couch, lucidly thinking about the changes you need to make in your static life. I speak to you, and ask, “what do you want from life?”

I hear nothing back, but the indifferent hum of the phone line.

I ask you again, and you say coldly: “nothing.” For years as a child I idolised you for being the person you are: unabashed about your individuality, happy and hilarious, but now even the phone line feels heavy, ten thousand miles away. Your strength and ruthlessness made me proud to be your little sister. But somehow, New York changed you. A dystopian life of dreams unmet, because of mental unrest. “She looks better than me” “I can’t believe they are at Fashion Week and not me” “He doesn’t want me for the long term, but I’ll still be around him” And there goes another cycle of self deterioration, as does the skin on your toes. I see you on video, and you stare at me blankly, the only time your face lights up is when you look at new life fondly. Perhaps, that’s all you’re looking for: a new start and someone to believe in and love you. Hold you when you need it most, and I hope you get it after realizing the importance of loving yourself first. Because If only you could see yourself from my eyes, you’d know you’re worth all this and more.

Art by Nell O’Grady

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C U LT U R E

In conversation with Sagrada Familiar Brandon Hale chats with one of Sydney’s up and coming instrumental hip-hop bands. Sagrada Familiar, as their name might suggest, are as much a family as they are a band. Six of the band’s seven members cultivated their ties at USyd’s Conservatorium of Music; two of them even happen to be brothers. However, above all else, Sagrada Familiar are bound together by a love of hip-hop. I met up with them at Paragon at the start of Semester One to discuss their album, their live gigs and their plans for future projects. Sagrada had humble beginnings. The group began as a hangout activity in early 2015 between Dave Quinn, Ashley Stoneham, and Roshan Kumarage, who would while away hours experimenting with instrumental sounds. Charlie Sundborn, a friend of Ashley’s, would join them while he was still in high school. Kieren Brereton was eventually brought into the fold to play guitar, as the nascent group wanted to add another layer to their music. Eventually Sid Spring-Winer was brought in on vocals, while Jack Stoneham, brother of Ashely, was the last to join the band in 2017. Roshan recounted how the band settled on the name Sagrada Familiar. ‘’I was wearing a bag imprinted with had a graphic of the Sagrada Familia Cathedral, which my friend got for me from Barcelona, and we thought, ‘that’s kind of cool’. When deciding on the name we agreed we may as well be called that. Simple.” In terms of their musical

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inspirations, Kieren notes how the band has a wide range of hip hop inspirations, such as J Dilla. Whilst not trying to emulate any one artist in particular, they allow their inspirations to come together when crafting their songs. For example, Ashley mentions how he drew inspiration from James Blake when they were writing ‘Im Okay’. Ashley went onto explain their artistic process for writing songs. “We think about it in terms of instrumental beats — what instrumental will serve as a good base for a song. That’s how we’ve always thought about it.” Kieren detailed how they produce their songs. “A lot of our songs start off like a blank canvas we all try to contribute to. For example, ‘I’m Okay’ was a song we each made from scratch as a collaborative piece with its instrumental beat as a starting point, that went through a lot of changes before it became the finished product.” Contrastingly, ‘Wake Up’ and ‘Come Fly’ started off as songs that Charlie conjured up on GarageBand during high school. “Those songs would then be changed around and adapted based upon everyone’s insights into how it should be, of course with the added sounds, whilst still retaining its basic instrumental beat,’’ Charlie explained. So far, Sagrada has released one

album, Unfamiliar. As a band that puts as much time into creating original music as possible, Sagrada spent two years working on the album before it was released. The album’s material was written in 2016, but it wasn’t until April 2017 that they would be in a studio recording their album. Cooped up in the now defunct REC studios near Central Station, Sagrada spent ten days recording the 16 song album. “Shit was missing, the board was broken, it was a bit dodgy,” the band said of the studio they recorded in. Despite the dire state of the studio, Sagrada were able to bang out Unfamiliar within the 10 days, ready for release. It wouldn’t be another year before Sagrada released their debut album to the public, on the 18th of March 2018 . The band spent the time leading up to that point making a few final arrangements, including addings synths to a few songs, creating videos and commissioning covert art, crafted by Kurt Brereton, Kieren’s Dad. Unfamiliar would go onto be released gradually in the space of a month in March. ‘I’m Okay’ and ‘Wolf in a Mist’ were released as a double single; ‘Ever Gonna Grow’ was then released as another single in quick succession leading up to the full album release. Both the double single and album release were launched at Lazy Bones in Marrickville. Sagrada have also played at Sly Fox supporting the Baldwins for

their single launch in 2016, as well as other artists including Glen Lumanta, Motherfunk, The Honey Nothings, and Dobby. After their album launch in September, the band took a brief hiatus, as three of the band members were focused on their studies, while others travelled overseas. Sagrada did confirm however that they are currently working on producing new music. The band is focused on taking a different angle to produce their new songs, taking a digital DIY process of making music One thing is for certain, this time Sagrada are really focused on producing the music and working out how it will sound live after it is produced ­— a new approach when compared to their preparation for Unfamiliar. So far, the band is aiming to produce an EP, but remain open to the possibility of making another album. “The process is different this time, it’s not as preconceived as last time,” remarks Kieren. The band reckons they should have this next piece released for 2020 Whatever the case may be, based on the success of their last album, especially how unique it was, their next release is certainly something to look forward to! You can find Sagrada Familiar’s music on Spotify and Soundcloud. You can also follow them on Facebook and Instagram.

P U Z Z L E S

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S R C

President

R E P O R T S

Note: These pages belong to the Office Bearers of the SRC. They are not altered, edited or changed in any way by the editors of Honi Soit

Jacky He You are not Alone! As semester proceeds and increasing amounts of pressure from study kick in, students might find it increasingly difficult to keep up a healthy state of mind. Remember to engage in sporting activities, take plenty of short breaks so that you don’t become overly stressed and burn out before

the end of the semester.

Our caseworkers are very friendly and will be willing to address any of the issues that you have.

D E T C A D RE

At SRC we understand that times can be tough, but remember that we are always here to help! If you ever need any kind of mental health consultation you can always contact the SRC on 9660 5222 to book in a private one-on-one confidential session with one of our experienced caseworkers.

Climate Change Strike

On Friday 15th of March, hundreds of students, both international and domestic, took off on a strike to call for actions

to stop global warming and raise a communal awareness towards climate change. The climate change march has landmark significance in showing how much the issue concerns our future generations. The council at SRC endorsed this progressive move so that companies and factories may understand how

serious this issue is and begin implementing strategies to minimise carbon pollution. We sincerely hope that government and companies would hear our voice and take more progressive approaches to tackle climate change together.

provided during the week or about health projects on campus more broadly contact us.

We met together with the following girls who responded to our call out including: Kate Scott, Holly McDonald, Amy Mifsud, Caroline Song, Angel Opie, Charlotte Plashik, Sonia Gao, Olivia-James Mckeown, Connie Zhang, Sarah Sekandar and Hannah Kingsmill. If you want to contribute towards an online publication aimed at promoting women’s issues and opinions contact us.

Wom*ns Officers Gabi Stricker-Phelps and Crystal Xu International Women’s Day: We volunteered with a group of USYD Women to the UN IWD workshop and breakfast #MorePowerfulTogether. Read more, donate or volunteer for UN Women via:http://www. unwomen.org/en. In the afternoon we organised the screening of Period. End of Sentence. Cady Brown reflected, “The climax of the film- where the woman suggests the name of the sanitary product company will be “fly”- moved me significantly- as the movement is exactly what they wanted

women to do- is to fly.” Sanitary Item Project: We have free sanitary products in the SRC office under the Wentworth Building for any student at USYD. Meetings: We met with ViceChancellor Michael Spence and Sophia Zeritis. It was a highly constructive meeting where we discussed our major project ideas, sexual assault and harassment policy and the ways in which the university can work with the SRC to deliver the best outcomes for USYD

students. We attended the Safer Communities Advisory Group Meeting. If you would like to attend (or have people attend) the Bystander Training Program which teaches about what to do when you witness assault or harassment and to safely intervene or Responding with Compassion, we can arrange this. We met with the University Health Officer and The Breakfast Club where we discussed organising a Women’s Health Week in September. If you have ideas on health services that you would like advertised or

Events: Upcoming events include: Vege-Table MondaysAddison Road Community Centre Marrickville from 18th March Shared Table Project for local homeless women: 28th March #Feminist Conversation between Roxane Gay and Christina Hoff Sommers 29th March. Female Journalism:

Autonomous Collective Against Racism Swapnik Sanagavarapu, , Ellie Wilson, Himath Siriniwasa and Mahek Rawal The Autonomous Collective Against Racism is receiving a total rebrand this year, as we hope to turn the traditionally inactive collective into a powerful force for student activism. This year, ACAR will have a specifically anticolonial focus, as we will

work to organise around issues of Aboriginal justice in collaboration with FIRE, ISJA and Anticolonial Asian Alliance. The anti-racist focus of the collective will still maintain primacy in our on-campus organising, especially in relation to fighting the scourge

of fascism and Islamophobia. In light of this rebrand, ACAR has been quite sucessful at rebooting the collective. During Welcome Week last month, we recruited over 40 new members of the collective. In coming weeks, many of these new recruits will feature

alongside familiar faces in the autonomous edition of Honi. We also had our first meeting of the year, where we established our aims for the rest of 2019 and collectively agreed that anti colonial struggle should be the focus of our activism this year. Follow us on Instagram at @

usydacar and like our Facebook page to keep up to date with what we are doing.

Education, Queer, and Intercampus Officers The Education, Queer, and Intercampus Officers did not submit a report in time for the deadline.

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S R C

C A S E WO R K

Did you know? Withdrawing from a subject before 31st avoids a FAIL on your transcript & HECS*

March SEM 1 August SEM 2

*International students will need special permission from their faculty.

Need help or advice? Your SRC is here to assist you. The service is FREE, independent and confidential. Phone for an appointment: (02) 9660 5222

H E L P

Ask Abe SRC caseworker help Q&A Flatmat Problems Hi Abe,

receipts of you paying rent just in case.

My housemate doesn’t pay rent. Can I break into his room and sell his stuff to make the money that he owes?

If you are on the lease and he is not on the lease you could have him move out. If he has no written contract he has no rights, and you can ask him to move out immediately.

Practical Dear Practical, No. That would be illegal, and leave you vulnerable to being prosecuted. Your choices for action are dependent on whether he is on the lease and whether you are on the lease. Start by asking him to pay his rent. This is by far the best solution. If that doesn’t work, and you are not on the lease, you could notify the landlord of your situation and see if you are able to pay your rent separately. Chances are the landlord will not care who is not paying rent, and take you all to the tribunal, but as you are not on the lease you are not financially liable, and can find somewhere else to live. Keep

If you gave him a written contract, he is considered a sub-tenant, and you would be the head tenant, meaning he is covered by the Residential Tenancy Act. To get him to move out will require you to be compliant to the law, and you should seek legal advice (e.g., from the SRC Legal Service) to do this properly. If you are on the lease and he is too, you are co-tenants. The easiest thing to do here is to leave the tenancy. Bear in mind that you are financially liable for whatever debts are incurred both as an individual, and as a group. Again seek legal advice to ensure that you get the best possible outcome. Abe

We are located at: Level 1, Wentworth Building (G01) help @ src.usyd.edu.au | src.usyd.edu.au | fb: / src help

Do you have a legal problem? We can help you for FREE!* Police, Courts Car Accidents Consumer Disputes Visa Issues Work Issues Govt Services

...and more Level 1, Wentworth Bldg, University of Sydney 02 9660 5222 | src.usyd.edu.au solicitor @ src.usyd.edu.au ACN 146 653 143 | MARN 1276171

* This service is provided by the SRC Legal Service, funded by the Students’ Representative Council, University of Sydney and is available to USYD undergraduate students.

The SRC can help with tenancy and accommodation issues. See our online guide or call us. srcusyd.net.au/src-help/accommodation-issues/ accommodation-guide/

Withdrawing & Discontinuing a subject Hi Abe, At the beginning of the year I enrolled in 4 subjects but I’ve had some family stuff happen and now I don’t think I can cope with that workload. What should I do? Overwhelmed

have on Centrelink payments, visas, and travel concession cards. Dropping from 4 to 3 subjects will not affect your full time enrollment status, but if you are an international student you may be in breach of your visa. International students require faculty approval to reduce their study load. Abe

Dear Overwhelmed, The HECS census date in Semester 1 is Sunday March 31. This means that you can drop any subject before then, without any academic or financial* penalty. Before dropping any subject, make sure that you understand the impact it will

*International students have an administration fee deducted from any refund.

Check out the SRC Guide to Withdrawing and Discontinuing: srcusyd.net.au/src-help/academicappeals/dn/

*Abe is an undefined breed of terrier who has had a lot of life experiences that allow him to give you excellent advice on a broad range of issues. To ask him your question email help@src.usyd.edu.au.

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P U Z Z L E S

Cryptic Crossword

Cryptic Crossword, This Way and That, and Target by Tournesol Quick Crossword by Some Hack

Quick Crossword

T.W.A.T. Answers across and down are the same 1. 1997 film starring Rowan Atkinson 2. 2004 film dir. Jeff Schaffer: …Trip 3. 2012 film starring Ben Affleck 4. 1952 film dir. Fred Zinnemann: High …

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ACROSS 2. Rather backwardly, you and the Italians do what the knights say in The Holy Grail (2,4) 7. Movie featuring ill-lit Monroesque leads (4) 8. Fellowship of Sobriety swaps hollow beer for top champagne (7) 10. Dealer mixed up with deep shit! (7) 12. Gary Oldman as Sirius, for example (4) 13. Mechanics’ Opera (6) 14. French morning (4) 16. Latin threeway with nonessentials (6) 17. Twilight, Eraserhead, Venom, Top Gun (7) 19. Odd angle is just a number (3) 21. There’s nothing healthy about this mutant display! (3) 22. Oscar, start exercising! Swim with us, motherfucker! (7) 23. Irishman says ‘I’ll lubricate’ (3) 25. Sailors in a local building (1,1,1)

ACROSS 1. 1996 Arnold Schwarzenegger Movie (6) 5. Marx Brothers Comedy (4,4) 9. Sylvester Stallone, Woody Allen and Sharon Stone play this insects in 1998 flick (4) 10. Sandra Bullock Cyber Thriller ‘The ___’(3) 11. Happy, Thorin, and Gary Oldman in Tiptoes (6) 12. 1938 best picture winner ‘Life of ___ Zola’ (5) 13. Robert De Niro’s relationship to Anne Hathaway in this 2015 film (6) 15. Free Willy Animal, and notorious 1977 disaster movie (4) 16. George Clooney film, UP ______ (2, 3, 3) 19. Yorgos Lanthimos Film and canine cavity (8) 20. Animated Pirate Assistant (4)

Target

27. Staffing a local bar (7) 29. Independence Day goes loudly onward (6) 31. See a corrupt faculty (4) 33. Swank’s slush trusts (6) 35. King Edward (4) 36. Spooner’s boyfriend supportive of no volunteer (3,4) 38. Reverend, Prof. Moses means 9 – 5 (7) 39. Orgasm together with me (4) 40. Get on the boat, auntie, but begin kneeling (6)

DOWN 1. Brood on rubbish (6) 2. Theatresports get even better (7) 3. Mahershala did acts containing Annie Hall’s catchphrase (2-2-2) 4. Employ those I’m talking to, reportedly (3) 5. Energetic bairn goes crazy in TV organisation (7) 6. Scattered newts run amok around riverhead (6) 9. Goblin motorcycle show (3)

22. 2003 animated film based off Errol Flynn classic character (6) 24. Jack Lemmon won an Oscar for ‘Save the ___’ (5) 26. Cher and Nicolas Cage star in ‘Moon___” (6) 28. Early Hitchcock film, ‘Jamaica ___’ (3) 29. Spielberg’s 1971 T.V. movie (4) 30. Ideology of Michael More (4-4) 31. Rocky’s Wife (6)

DOWN 2. French Actor from ‘Leon’, Jean ___ (4) 3. Whoopi Goldberg movie (6,3) 4. Director of Rules of the Game (6) 5. Spike Lee Joint (2,3,5,5) 6. 1961 Historical Biopic about Spanish figure ‘EL___’ (3) Target Rules: Minimum 4 letters per word. 5 words: Bo Rap 10 words: Green Book 20 words: Vice 30 words: The Favourite

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11. One way to get out: bowl wildly without the ball (1,1,1) 15. Firstly, nab two heads of endive... on second thoughts, Scottish root veggies (5) 16. Carry my tailless animal symbol (5) 18. Bird is fair on her head (5) 19. Saying that ‘a dork eats first’ (5) 20. Big rising bolt (3) 24. UN in London say hell to half of Kentucky plagued by misfortune (7) 26. Sandra is a cow (7) 28. Directors cry, ‘serve up a tonic’ (6) 29. Police officer around redhead with a hat (6) 30. Streetcar absorbs you with Stella’s final suffering (6) 32. Confusion in irregular audio (3) 34. Socrates, Plato and Aristotle put their heads together in a bath (3) 37. You started getting into Religious Education for the bread (3)

7. Blaxploitation Staple (5) 8. Best Picture Winning Western (10) 13. The Storm, The Wild, The Woods (4) 14. Eddie Murphy and Rex Harrison character (2,8) 17. 1969 Counter Culture Road Trip film (4,5) 18. Director of Classic John Wayne Westerns (4) 21. ‘Who Killed Captain Alex’ movie is from this country “in which everyone knows Kung Fu” (6) 23. Actress Emily___ (5) 25. First Name of Psycho Actress (4) 27. British Youtuber in ‘Laid in America’ (3) If you’re interested in more like this, come along to FilmSoc’s trivia event on Thursday 5pm at Manning

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SINCE 2019 FREE FROM INTEGRITY | PROUDLY DEPENDENT ON CORPORATE SPONSORSHIP

THE INDEPENDENT BURSTING: Daily Telegraph columnist literally burts vein after seeing Honi front cover >> p12

THE DEPENDENT BRINGS YOU NEWS EACH WEEK COURTESY OF OUR SPONSORS. THIS WEEK, THEY ARE: KINKY.COM & AUSSIE EGG FARMERS

ADVICE: Scavenger hunt elitist eager to prove self-worth at Law Camp >> p10

Hard-boiled senator meets his match: a sexy (egg) white An eggcerpt from an upcoming autobiography by the egg. It’s a warm autumn day and I just got laid. It is in this moment that I see that shining eggspanse of Fraser Anning’s forehead — so beautiful, and so smooth. And suddenly, I feel myself getting hard. I want Fraser Anning to run his hands down the shining curves of my shell and stroke my hard exterior. Inside, I am all runny already. I want to rub my inner membrane against his bald head and have him dip his fingers into my yolk and raise it to his lips.

Before and after the encounter

“See how you taste?” Fraser whispers. “Your yolk is so soft. So thicc, and so salty.” My yolk quivers. Does he like his eggs scrambled or fried? Or does he like them hardboiled? “Gag me,” I whisper into his ear. “Gag you? How? You’re an egg,” he says. “Please… whisk me!” I moan. “Whisk me away! Yes, yes!” “Yes what?” “Yes, sir!” I whimper, struggling

against my restraints. Damn this eggshell. I am helpless, caged against my will, so hot that I am frying inside. I want him to break me, free me from this eggsquisite torture. “You eggsotic omelette,” he whispers in my ear, and I feel my inner walls pulse as they eggspand and contract. I know these thoughts are sinful. I don’t want to be eggscommunicated from the Catholic Church, a noble institution of which I am a proud, quivering member. But I think I must make an eggception for this devilish

egg. “Shall I make you… come?” “I can’t come, I’m an egg,” I find myself whimpering in eggstasy. “I want to fuck you egg! I want to be buried inside you!” “Fraser,” I yelp. “Eggscavate me!” And with a cry, I launch myself into his embrace. “I’m cumming!” I scream, despite being an egg. And then — I eggsplode, my white essence splattering all over his face.

The Theresa Files: Will EU, will EU not? In a world first, The Dependent has obtained copies of confidential documents circulated amongst the Tory cabinet regarding the UK’s status in the European Union. THERESA MAY?

MAY SHE?

MAY SHE WHAT?

COULD SHE WHAT?

MAY SHE NOT?

SHAN’T SHE?

SHAN’T I?

WHERE?

WILL SHE?

WHY?

WILL I?

YAY

WILL ANY OF US?

MAYN’T SHE?

TO WHOMST’D’VE?

MAYHAPS

WHY?

MUST SHE?

NAY 23