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JOURNAL OF THE ITALIAN ARMY FOUNDED IN 1856

MAY JUNE 1985

LIRE S D.M. £·

3,000 2,00 6 2

INTERVIEW WITH GENERAL UMBERTO CAPPUZZO ON THE STATE OF THE ARMY

THE UNITED STATES AND RUSSIA IN THE LAST CENTURY

SOLDIER WOMAN

CONTENTS

~ Number three 1985 ~ , M a y - June

The aim of the R1vista Mihtare is to broaden and update th e technical and vocational !raining of Army Officers and NCOs. To this end it functions as a vehicle for the dissem1nalion of military thinking and as a lorum of sludy and debate The Rivista M1htare 1s also intended to be a means of informing the general public about the Army and military matters through the pubbhcation of articles of current technical and scientific interest European Military Press Association

RIVISTA MILITARE

New Tasks in the Footsteps of Tradition. (Pier Giorgio Franzosi)

BIMESTRALE

Oirettore responsabile: Pier Giorgio Franzosi.

Interview with General Umberto Cappuzzo on the State of the Army.

Redattore Capo: Giovanni Cerbo Telefono 47353078.

The Unified Defense of Europe. A Dream or a Real Prospect? (Vittorio Barbati)

Direzione e Redazione: Via di S. Marco, 8 00186 Roma . Tel. 47353372 - 47355192 . Pubblicita: A cura della segreteria dell'Ufficio Rivista Militare Tel. 6794200.

Soldier Woman. (Fiorenza Tancone)

Stampa: FUSA Editrice - Roma. lllustrazioni: A cura di Rivista Militare Spedizione: In abbonamento postale Gruppo IV - 70%.

The United States and Russia in the Last Century. fC1ro 01 Mar,inol

60 66

Condizioni di cessione per ii 1985: Un fascicolo: Lit. 3.000 - S 2 -

D.M. 6 -£2. Un fascicolo arretrato: Lit. 6.000 S4-0.M.12 - £4. Abbonamento: Italia Lit. 16.000, estero Lit. 24.000. L'importc deve essere invi ato medianle assegno bancario (per i residenti all'estero) o versamento in c/ c poslale n. 22521009 intestato a SME Ufficio Rivista Militare Seziorie di Amministrazione Via XX Settembre 123/A - Roma. Autorizzazione del T ribunale di Roma al n. 944 del Registro. con decreto 7-6-1949. Ouesto fascicolo e stato dato alla stampa ii 30 Marzo 1935.

Towards Enhanced Feasibility and Credibil ity of the «Flexible Response» Doctrine. (Vrttono Bernard)

Technical Data.

Book Reviews.

ullll

Assoc,ato all"USPI Un,one Starnpa Penoo ea 1taha1a

Rules for contributors. Anyone can contribute. In lhe interest of lhe maximum objectivity of information, lhe Rivisla Mililare allows contributors considerable freedom. although ii does not necessarily subscribe to their opinions. The articles are published unedited and free of any editorial constraints and are therefore the sole respons1b1lity of the Author and reflect his personal ideas exclusively The topic must be treated 1n an original way and the arllcles themselves should not exceed 10 :ypewntlen pages 1n length. The Aulhor. got his reward. makes over his exclusive article right to Rivisla Militare Rivista M1lltare can make over Author"s exclusive article righ l lo other pubblicalions and to the periodicals of EMPA (European Military Press As sociation}. The articles should be accompanied by any necessary photographs, drawings and explanatory tables Each author 1s requested to send a photograph of himself, together with his "curriculum vitae» and a 1 0-line summary of the article to be published. The Rivista Mililare reserves the right lo alter the artlcle's title and lo choose the typeface in which it is set.

At the end of 1984, after three years as the Head of the Armed Forces, General Umberto Cappuzzo was interviewed by Rivista MHitare about the main problems facing the Army. He had some very significant remarks to make about past achievements and on the challanges that Âˇlie ahead in the immediate future.

lllZI1 Which of the basic problems that you have raised so often in the past are most relevant at the present time? I'd like to pu t myse lf in the place of the head of a particu lar sector , interviewing himself, as it were , not so muc h to pat himse lf on th e back for what has bee n achieved but to take a hard cool look at the reasons why more has not been done . This is the best way of speaking one 's mi nd and giving vent to one's feel ings , criti cisms , and reasons. We've tackled a great many problems, bel ieve m e, and we've looked at just as many solutions , som e good , som e not so good . But as for th e resu lts, that's another story.

/illll

Are you satisfied?

Fai rly satisfied, as far as regard s the obj ectives I se t myse lf ,

and the on es I have managed to attain in t he meantime. Very satisfied, if I think of what the officers and men have managed to do , with such ge nerosity an d so m uch professionalism . And this is al l the more satisfying wh en I think of the difficulties they have had to ove rcome . It's not a matter of being pessimisti c or optimistic; just of be ing objectively rational. Personally speaking , I would desc.-ibe myself as an "optimist" in my real function as a stimulus , urging on large numbers of fine colleagues , al l of them working conscientiously. As someone else once described himself, I'm what I would call an "optimist of the will", and this is quite usefu l because it pays off , sometimes surprisingly well. But we are not content with what we've achieved, and never can be . We have to be demanding , ever more demanding.

?7lJ What is the state of the Army today? When I talk about the state of t he Army, I could very easily start compla ning about al l th e things that have not been done because it was impossible to do them, but that's not the problem . It' s not just a question of asking for cash that we don 't have , or demanding the attentio n t hat we often feel is lacking ; above all , we have to be clearly aware of our fu ll potenti al, and coolly see how far we have made the mo st of it, and if not, do even more to understand the misgivings within ou r own ranks, to ove rco me them by remaining continually vigilant and steadfast without any half-measures. To achieve what? To have an Army that is credible. This wo.rd "credible" is used and abused by everybody, without really knowi ng what exactly we mean by it. An Army , a structure, an Institution is only credible insofar as it can

project an effici ent image of itseif that match es u p to w hat the outside w orld expects of it. A milita ry Institutio n has its inte rnal credibility , wj') ic h is th e degree o f prest ige it enjoys in its own co untry , and an external cred ib ility, w hich is me as ured in terms of its cap acity to express a ce rtain pote ntiality w h ere necessary . A n d in t he c ase of a cou n t ry like Italy, wh ich only w ishes to defend itse lf, t his is expressed in terms of its defe nce capability. And so in th e e y es o f our citizens , credibi lity means dependabi lity and r.e liability, in terms of a great many mo ral and mat eria l factors . In th is co nnecti on , I hav e to adm it that the situation h as recently improved en ormous ly, compa red w ith wha t it u sed to be. Public opinion towards us is diffe re nt today; the public now understan d us , appreciate us, and qu ite often admi re u s. There has been a ch an ge, and a con siderable one at that. Th ere are many reasons for this , and it wou ld be very interesting to examine them. A single e ven t , or a series of events m ay h ave brough t abo ut what I w ould not hesitate to describe as a "U-tu rn" in publ ic opinion. Let me say at once that I am not t rying to claim th e merit for th ings th at are none of my doing , because the strength of an Institution like th e military institut ion stems from the conti n uity of certai n polici es in terms of the function th at it has to perform ; b ut what I think has played a decisive ro le has been the w ay w e have ope n ed up to society, t rying to esta b: ish a relationship in keep ing with th e t imes . I feel that it is this search fo r a re lationsh ip w ith society that constitutes the genuine value of any organization that is tru ly the express io n of o ur democracy. Italy has never been a m ilitaristi c coun try (and th at is no bad thing!) . But I wou ld go eve n f urth er , and say that Italy has neve r been deeply concerned about m ilitary issues (and t his puts us at a di sad-

vantage!) . And in view of the fact that we have been through some rather painful historical events that have certainly not helped to enhance the image of the Armed Forces, it is easy to see why some of these attitudes exist. But I don't want to dwell on these aspects, even though they also deserve thought to remove so many misinterpretations; yet I should like to stress the fact that there has never been wholehearted appreciation of the military Institution in Italy, in good times or bad. So it was high time for things to change.

What is your ideal Army? My ideal is a "Militia Army" - an Army that the people see as belonging to them, and which therefore expresses not rhetorical "militarism"-which belongs to another age altogether - but an advanced sense of civic duty. When this is achieved, the security function is acknowledged

for what it is: a soc ial f unct ion , above all else. If the count ry were f ully aware of this, and if t he majority of the Italians agreed that "spending a period of t ime to he lp their country" in t he Army was for t he good of everyon e's security , perform ing a service t hat gives a meaning to "being" or "feeling " Italian , t hat wou ld be a great stride forward indeed. But to reach that stage, we have to open up , get the publ ic to understand us, and get across to them. As far as contacts with society are concerned , everything that I have been striving for has been aimed at these object ives wh ich I deem to be of vital importance Then, as I said before , there is the question of external credibi lity. External cred ibility means the impression of effic iency that outsiders have of our mi litary in strument. Basically, it is the degree to which t hey be lieve in our Armed Force 's defence capability.

This raises one immediate question. In view of the resources at our disposal, and the fact that our soldiers are only available to us during their period of conscription, an d considering the general economic and financial state of the count ry , what can we do to get an Army that offers a gu ar-' antee of an adequate defence capabi lity? Apart from the undeniable need to have enough facilities of the required quality and type to respond to any hypothetical threat, th e number one problem is traini ng - in all its aspects. And t his is where we come up aga inst misunderstand ings of all kinds . Many peop le will tell you that they acknowledge the validity of the "defence function"; but very ofte n th is is no more than a t heore tical act of faith. In practice , many people - inc luding many of those I've just referred to - stress the damage we might do to th is area or that if it were to be used for tra ining purposes , in the name of economy and environmental

)

conservation. This explai ns all the accusations and demands, and the t iringd iatribes abou: t rain ing areas and fi ring ranges. Every Reg ional government wou ld like to spread the burden by offloading part of it onto neighbou ring Regions, leadi ng to an endless buck-passing process, that is getting nobody anywhere, wh ich is even worse . We should be concerned about t he lac k of viab le training sites, if we be lieve in the sort of training that justifies hav ing military structu res at al l. I've done what I could to put the right degree of stress on the train ing issue, and the response has been pos itive. There are a few more th ings I'd like to add on t his point. Cred ibi lity also depends on the degree to w hich a1 in st itut ion becom es a cultura l fact. Any organization that has such an im pact on social life must necessarily rely on its own culture. And this culture , in t he broadest sense of the term, is much more than the specialist/technical aspect of to rce use, and has to become the mainstay needed to enable the publ ic to appreciate the demands of security. We have to "invest in culture". It is a high- yie lding investme nt, particularly in the med ium and long te rm. We 've t ried to weaken some of th e commonp laces that are bandied about , accord ing to which the mi litary world is detached from society, inward-look ing an d un productive, almost impervious to what is happening in the outs ide world, harking back to the past without heedi ng the future. And yet we have a great de al to say as far as cul tu re is concerned.

atll

You've often said that we need a "cultural revival". What do you mean by that?

I k now I' m repeating myself, but no- one w ill take it am iss. The "cu ltu ral revival" that I've so often mentioned comprises three th ings: organ ization , method, values. The "cu lture of organization", in the se nse of be ing a system

of principles and rules that govern the way the forces are ordered to attain an end , and the resu ltant structuring of the bodies that make up the command and control functions, is ou r job. It is our privilege (that is to say , the mil itary in general, without mention ing nationa lities) . The "culture of method", in the sense of being a logical sequence of steps in the ana lysis and synthesis of an operational problem to reach a decision, came into existence in our military environment, to meet our needs. And it has always proven its validity by being taken up in civilian spheres , and that cannot fail to fill us with pride. This cu lture, today , is increasingly mak ing use of data processing-so that it is now merg ing with a "computer culture" to rationalize the decision-making process to the ful l. By becom ing increasing ly rationalized when examining the factors of a given situation, method has now acquired an importance that I would not hesitate to define "moral" .

It provides the logical support to decision-taking ... without procrastination, and without compromising. The military man is also known fo r this - his ability to take dec isions at the right time, because his operational duties involve clearcut time and space constraints. When examining different needs, decision-taking involves "optim ization". Neve r compromising. The last (but by no means the least important) is the "culture of values", in the sense of referring to ethical and spiritual benchmarks, which lays the basis for a command action that involves mind, muscle and heart. Any Service is efficient if it has modern weapons, but above all if these weapons are entrusted to men who believe in the cause of freedom, independence and democracy. The will to defend the country is essential to the definition of the operational capabi lity of any military instrument. In an age in which there is a tendency to blur certain values,

it is our duty to revive them - albeit in contemporary terms - to give a meaning to what we are doing and want to do. Without rhetoric, without nostalgia for the past, as such, and without diffidence about the present, as such. But which values? Civic sense, social solidarity, the spirit of service to the community, the ' nation as the epitome of commonly shared ideals, partecipation as the expression of democracy, discipline as the need to live in a commun ity . duty as the respect one owes to the rights of others. In short, duty above rights. These three "cultures" - organization, method, values underpin the main one: the "culture of force use". Since strategy, tactics, logistics, personnel, the study of the operational environment, military history , psychology, sociology etc. are all used to prepare, manage and use an instrument to perform a task , they constitute a specialist interdiscipl inary who le. It is an interdisciplinary who le which, in the modern world with

the fundame ntal proble ms of force ratios between blocs and individual cou ntrie s, constitutes t he substa ntive ele ment for an un derstandin g of international relations. These re lati on s are increasin gly marked by the effect of the .. mi litary factor". Being desig ned to ensure peace , security is a political goal which is also pursu ed by mi litary means . The "cult ure of force use", w hich is the very raison d'etre of the mil itary syst em , transcends the syste m itself to becom e the vital key to understanding the inte rn at ion al eq uilibria. It there fo re has to do with w hat I cal l the "l ayman 's wo rld ", as we ll as our own.

. '!d

Does all this form part of a "culture of security" that has to be put across to publi c opinion?

Certainl y it does . The "cu lture of security" is a real ity.

T his is true abroad, in the advanced Western world , in th e ind ustri aliz ed countries - w here the re are now a great many "Cen tres of Strategic Studies" th at are dealing w ith the same complex issue -and it is also true (albeit rather diffe rently) in th e Eastern world . It is a good sign th at sornethi ng is also mov ing in Italy. The Un iversities are e ven snowing interest. This is quite a comforting sign, and it is thE! measure of an awaren ess tllat cannot be p ut off any lon ger. The posit ive fact is that the "security problem", wh ich is of fi rst- hand im porta nce to us, is no longer the pr ivileged preserve of the mi litary alo ne . In deed , the mi litary co mponent is just one among many , albe it a very important on e. And in the framework of global strategy, all these components must work together to express the reality of the relations that ex ist be tween peo ple and between n ations. The culture of secu rit y is a major ch apter that h as now be-

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and NCOs if we want to keep our eyes responsibly on the future. This means , first of all , defining in advance the optimum profile of the Officer and the NCO that we need in our units, in terms of our future requ irements . From the very beginning of the training process, we therefo re have to know what approach to take, and what developments we have to achieve to reach the configuration we desire. If I may turn now to the officer Turning now to the military embarking on the Academy course, structure, what are the main the biggest problem as we enter achievements in terms of the age of "push-button warfare" personnel, in the past and the is whethe r the typical profile immediate future? of the traditional Officer is cogent with contemporary needs , or We must draw a distinction, whether a partial or complete here , between the professional change of profile is needed. This personnel, the officers and NCOs, brings us to the well- known diand the conscripts. lemma: Is the Chief a Commander The officers and NCOs are or a Manager? I've always been the mainstay of any branch of the totally opposed to drawing disArmed Forces today. A modern tinctions of this kind. To me, an Servi ce is what its officers make Officer is a man with the right kind it , and the contribution its officers of educational backg round to make to it. It is therefore vitally equip him to be both a good important to look after the officers Commander and also a good

gun as a direct resu lt, to my mind , of the traumatic im pact of the "n uclear fact" in the immediate postwar period, and which is gradually becoming enriched. It is a fie ld in which the mi litary have a great deal to say, and this involves them more closely in the great panorama of th e national and internat ion al po litical scene , as skil led profess ionals and ex perts on the paths of peace .

Manager, in the various stages of his career, and according to his functions . Rising up within the ranks, there are certain managerial functions that prevail even over the pure command function, but both these functions are intimately linked right from the start . Th is is why the curricu lum designed to meet both these requirements comprises both the humanities and the sciences, plus information technology (IT) to deal with the new possibilities it offers to the other disciplines. Taken together, these disciplines educate an Officer to be able to undertake a number of different duties with increasi ng respon si bi lities , all of wh ich are designed to involve the use of men and materiel in an operational context to meet the country's security requirements . As you can see, it is a very full curriculum , and even though the young men entering the Academy have to pass through a tough selection procedure before em barking on this fou r- year course, they are not yet awarded the equivalP.nt of a university degree at the end, despite our attempts to gain recognition. We have spoken often , and at length, about degrees, but there are sti ll no short-term solution s in sight, and meanwhile discussions are still goi ng on about whether preference should be given to courses in "military sciences", or - if that name does not appeal - "o rgan ization science". And yet the men grad uating from the Armed Forces' lead ing Educational Establishment possesses a sound cultural education , and equally importantly, they have consolidated thei r psychological aptitudes ... in a cou ntry where one can hardly say that academic qualifications are in short supply! Until one of the many Bills is eventually enacted to deal with this situation, the Army General Staff have taken a decision as an act of faith in the soundness of our comm itment: the specifical ly technical/professional subjects are now taught as part of a more broadly-based sy llabus with a choice of other subjects- science, law, economics, or mathematics

- so that at the end of the 4-year course, the graduates are as close as possible to a degree sta ndard (and ab le to sit exams at civilian universities) , or coul<;i even be awarded a degree in som~ cases by the Academy i:self. This is a very important step forward that should be carefully examined. In addition to the question of the actual syllabus or curricu lum , we must have Commanders w ith outstanding personal qual ities , whatever the curriculum. This is someth ing that we have to bear in mind at all times. In add ition to the education rece ived at t he Academy, the stude nts have to complement t heir education by attending specialist courses at the War College . This new approach is increasingly show ing its worth . We are very satisfied to see the excellent results attained by a large number of Officers who are able to return to their desks in a school that is very demand ing, and who modestly but enthusiastically give the best of themselves to be successful , w ithout demanding anything in exchange. This is a f urtre r demostration of the fact that the "spirit service" of our colleagues is not just a meaning less exp ressio n, but a real ity that brings honour to our Institution. The War Col lege is increasing ly taking on t he character of a post- graduate Institute, w hich deals not only w ith the problems of force use - ie. planning, programming, management and leadership - but also security in terms of a strategy that involves everything and everyone . Th e "g lobal strategy" approach is something new, offering methodologies rather t han mere knowledge, and it makes it easier to deal w ith the major iss ue s of our age, to better understand the rationale of international re latio ns , to give a sense to the balancin g game , and accurate ly define the role and function of every component (pol itical, economic/ fi nancial, industrial, psychol ogical, m ilitary), definig their positions in a comprehensive frame-

work. This is the modern approach that is abso lute ly vital if we are to so lve the proble ms of security and hence of peace. Only in th is way can we train our Officers to make a valid contribution to analyzing current affairs and to fi ndi ng solutio ns to the many proble ms that relate to ou r defence. All of thi s has to be done by taking an inter- Service approach, and an ever broader NATO Al liance- oriented approach. Broad en ing ou r horizons in this way, placing our military wo rl d in a privileged position , wi ll do much to broaden the vision of our Officers and NCOs - or at least a large proportion of them. There are few classes of the Civil Service that can boast o f results comparable to ours in the process of "de- provincial ization" which - to my mind - is what any organ izatio n must necessari ly strive for if it is to measure up to the complex challenges of ou r age . Broader horizons, to meet specific functio nal requirements,

the practice of command or work in structures involving several Armed Forces, membersh ip o f NATO's operational and lo gistic bodies, rubbing shou lders w ith representatives of other countries, joi nt manoeuvres , attending courses abroad: al l this has he lped, and continues to help, to bring our Officers and NCOs upto-date , and even to place them in the avant- garde. We can be proud of t hat. I wou ld also like to add th at, quite apart from its political, military and ethical significance, NATO has been a great opportu nity that has taken us out of our domestic garriso ns and places us on the worldwide stage, getting us used to looking ever tu rther and ever more deeply at the political, mi litary and social situations in the countries of our friends and Al lies, and in those in the opposing bloc. We have become accustomed to scann ing the horizon , reaching beyond the dai ly routine, and the usual repetitive worki ng patterns, and we are now used to making 11

-comparisons between others and ourselves , learn ing from it, deriving hope from it, and gaining confidence. Talking about the Officers who graduate from the Military Academy has taken me into a vast field, and I would just li ke to apply what I have said to the other very important source of recruits: the Ruolo Speciale Unico. This is extremely valuable to us, and it is enhancing profes sionalism all the time , not so much because of the measures that have been introduced as far as curricula are concerned, with the institution of the technical/ pratical course on admission , but above all thanks to the high degree of spacialization in the use of these soldiers in posts that are of vital importance to the Armed Forces, in which a long period of service has to be encouraged, instead of frequent staff turnovers. It is often said that the NCOs are the Army's backbone. And

they certainly are. But unfortunately, manpower shortages make it necessary to take makeshift measures (combining duties etc.), which discourages the men and tarnishes the overall efficiency of the Commands and the Units. NCOs form a group which deserves very close attention. The 1983 Army Act was a great step in the right direction, in that it acknowledged the rightful aspirations of these very valuable NCO colleagues. There is still a great deal to be done, however , in view of the duties expected of the Army in areas that have hitherto remained exposed (air defence, battlefield surveillance), and in other sectors that have to be strengthened by introducing new technologies or through the natural development of the ongo ing innovation processes (for example, transm issions and command and control). Three avenues need to be

pursued: more manpower, more specialization, and more motivation. I am very keen on th e last of these three. The potential of any category of men , in the right numbers and with the right skills, can only be fully expressed if that category is given the chance to give of its best in everything it , does: in other words , if it believes in what it is doing. There is one way to ach ieve this: making everyone feel fully responsible for their actions, whatever duties are assigned to them. Not just forma lly or routine ly responsible, but genuinely responsible, to ensu re that they identify with what they are doing. The Officers and NCOs have their own problems - a great many problems - but they nevertheless manage to devote themselves to their work with a dignity that it would be very hard to find eq ual led anywhere in the country. This is yet one reason more fo r commanders and managers

to do all they ca n to solve these problems.

!7fllJ What is your assessment of the new "Promoti 0 ns Law'? Promotion and careerÂˇ deve lopment is one of the most serious problems of all. Our career is highly selective, and fi rst class men in full possession of their physical and intellectual vigour find themselves "shaken out" . What is to be done? A great deal of hopes have been pinned on the new "p romotions law". Promotion is a very thorny question, as I have ind icated. It is a matter of reconciling needs that are totally incompatible . Firstly, from the functional point of view, military law has established a pyramidal structure , such that the nu mber of officers at each level must necessarily be smaller than at the level immediately below, which gradually squeezes out the numbers of officers el igible for promotion as you

move upwards, red uc ing the selection ratio. Secondly, from the social point of view, if individual interests were followed, the ideal career structure would be cylindrical. This is the structure that prevails in so many sectors in Italy, in defiance of any criterion of responsability or merit. But this wouldn't and couldn't work in the Army. Yet we cannot close our eyes to the painful fact that we are losing excellent men , with first class training, once they reach a certain stage in the career, at the peak of their physical and intellectual vigour. These are people who, precisely when they would be able to give even more of themselves, and precisely when they need to stay in their job in order to provide their family with a decent minimal standard of living , are discarded, without any chance of being useful in any other productive area. This is the problem that has

to be solved. The ideal would be to decouple our peculiar system from the civilian salary system. so that anyone leaving the Forces early on having reached the maximum age limit for his rank should be offered a form of administrative compensation. This would reconcile social requirements with institutional demands. We are moving in this direction, however, and are trying to gain full acceptance of the atypical nature of the military career. The promotions law provides for promoting higher proportions of men - coupled with a lower output from the Academy. But this cannot meet the aspirations of all our men. Some will still be unhappy, even with the law. These will be the ones who -through no fault of their own - will not be eligible tor further advancement. I would, however, like to add that whatever the "promotions law" says (and the present one is not all that bad, in principle!) , the important thing is that the va-

problems , which has led him to tackle them as a whole under the Framework Bill, which I've already mentioned . Let's hope that when it is tabled , Parl iament will fully appreciate its moral significance, above and beyond the matter of salaries.

lit/I/

What are your views on compulsory military service?

rious laws and orders that are greater mobility, greater risks and issued piecemeal should not responsibi lit ies, discomfort and undermine the rationale of career inconveniences of all kinds), there has to be some reward, to development and promotion, at any given time under this or that compensate them. And I'm not just speaking of material even though particular law. these must not be overlooked either. To be functional, a law on Yet the external world - even promotions has to be based on from th is point of view- neglects a strictly observed rationale that us, viewing us with detachremains valid not just for 5 or ment. 10 years, but for a minimum of As the spokesman for these 25- 30 years. demands , I have to make it clear The emphasis that our system once again that the General Staff places on selection is only a wishes to do everything possible means of drawing attention to the to protect the interests of the peculiarity of the military career, personnel. I can't discuss the which has so many different features which need to be recognized. measures one by one, because I have just sent a comprehensive We have always fought to get summary of all the things that are this recognition, and we shall go currently under examination to all on doing so. the peripheral Commands, so that Not to defend corporative everybody knows exactly where interests, but to emphasize the we are. principles of equity and justice. If the military profession , to which we are proud of belonging, What about the new imposes a great many restrictions "Framework Law"? (the obligations deriving from our particular status, limited age range, We have to pay t ribute to the slower career development Minister of Defence, Senator Spadolini , for his sensitivity to our prospects, lower promotion rates,

I wil l merely repeat what I have said on many occasions in the past: compulsory military service-the draft-is very positive on moral grounds, and is in keep ing with the Italian Constitution. From the point of view of force use , we have to recogn ize t hat our soldiers have shown the ir worth when working alongside the professional Armies of ou r f riends and Allies, as is normal practice during NATO exercises. They have earned res pect , and th ey know how to earn it. An even more evident proof of this was peace contingent's 17month experience in Lebanon. I don't want to repeat what I've already said many times in the past, but we are duty-bound to recal l t he fact that what our soldiers achieved in that higly critical area rece ived the unquali fied praise and admiration of everyone, in Italy and abroad . We should be proud of this , and it should give us cause to consider the efforts that our magnificent officers and NCOs make every day, despite all manner of obstacles , without asking for anything in -eturn. And we should remind others of th is too. What a wonderful example they set for the country I And it should also cause us to think about how much more could be done - by improving the situations in which we have the operate - to make our efforts more productive, with a modern approach to efficiency, in terms of costs and benefits. I'm t hink ing, in particu lar , of the need to inc rease the numbe r of men on longer- term service for more highly specialized duties (NCOs and volunteers). Today this has become ind ispensable if we are to cope with the demands in vital sectors. It will enh ance

the stabi lity of the instrument, and raise operational levels . In this way , we wou ld reach Âˇ the optimum solution by striking the right balance bet1,AÂŁeen the proportion of longer term ~ervicemen to conscripts, which would bring the Army in line with the times. All that has been ach ieved already, and the prospects that lie ahead should help us to clear the air and get a better understanding of the complexity of our problems. This complexity demands an expert eye to work out the right solutions, and improvisation and t rial and error is out of the question. Yet how often have we had to sit and listen to civi lian knowalls lecturing us, and te lling us that they are ready to implement the boldest reforms ... In the interests of efficiency, of course!

f;llll You have constantly stressed the importance of training. What are the most significant recent developments in this regard?

I'm a fanatic about training. A peace-time Army can on ly be justified if it produces security. It produces security, in the present context of deterrence, Hit is credible . It is credible, only if it meets a certain number of requ irements (I've just mentioned some of them) , of which preparation is by no means the least important. And preparation is essentially training . When I was a lieutenant, there used to be a fashionable English slogan - "More sweat, less blood". That is just as true today, if not even more so, as it was then . Apart from the recriminations abo ut equipment, the Armies that demostrated greater operational capabil ity in World War II were the ones with the most thorough train ing. Training today means method, realism, commitment 24 hours a day , unflagging application, provided that we have adequate sites for it and sufficient munitions. It also demands

imagi nation, a pedagogic approach, the ability to overcome routine, personal invo lveme nt. The resu lts? W itho ut indu lging in rhetoric, which I detest, I would say that the resu lts have been pos itive . The revival of train ing was one of the first objectives I set myse lf when I took up my post in 1981. There are three ki ngpi ns around which effective training hinges: simp licity, realism, emulation . Everything has to be done to ensure that the commandersparticularly those who spend the longest time in charge of the units at their level - are not frustrated by repetitive and monotonous training duties, cooped up in areas that are too smal l for the purpose and lacking in the features required, wit h inadequate numbers of pe rsonnel (for too many are , alas, creamed off to do other duties), goi ng to waste because of the many operational and didactic constraints. T he Commanders of t he Large Un its have the duty to put life

back into this training. How? Well, this is what the Art of Command is all about. Emulation -the idea of competition and measuring up to others - is one way. But not the on ly one. Sensible training is a game, in which the instructors' capacity and ski ll are revealed . Apart from the procedures that have been proven adequate in practice (training by imitation , for example), we have tried to rationalize the system by going back to something we used to do in the past : we've gone back in time, in order to take a step forward. It would seem that the "single conti ngent" procedure has met with the approval of the majority. To simplify things to the maximum -which is what I have always advocated - I have continually said that to be effective in educational and operational terms, any training must concentrate its efforts on the individual, and be geared

to three fundamental activities: firing, physical education and battlefield behaviour. Once these 3 basic activities have been careful ly dealt with, the rest follows naturally. Once train ed, the individual combatants have to be brought together to perform activities as a corps, to get the individuals to cooperate in functional groups to use weapons and materiel that need several operators, or to create squads or un its. for an increasing number of duties. And even those group activities have also given satisfaction . The exercises have perhaps not been very spectacular, but we have worked methodically, working on real-life situations, and we have seen that you can al low a great deal of room to imagination in mock exercises which are ve;y much in line with modern warfare situations. We have tried to break down the "an kylosis of garrison routine"

by moving a number of units all round the country . But despite all the efforts we have made, accusations have still been levelled against us , even though we are doing our best to make our position clear. One of the most common criticisms is that we are "barrack layabouts", that our young men do nothing all day long, after being dragged unwillingly way from their families to do their military service, delaying their induction into the working world. I shall never tire of repeating that some of the functional activities which are vital to an organized community like ours are just as important as traditional combat training, which some categori.es of men cannot be expected to devote themselves to everyday. There's a whole "machine." to be kept running, if the men are to live and operate. There's a community of men who, after basic training, have to

make sure that whole logical and operational machine runs smoothly, wh ich keeps them occupied on all kinds of small tasks that are not- I admit - di rectly. connected with warfare. But they are riecessary, and they often invol ve a lot of waiting around .. . but even waiting around , in th is case, is an integral part of the operation of the machine. What people tend to forget most of all, for example , is that our huge stock of ve hi cles demands an equally huge stock of dri vers , an d logistics personnel. One can't expect to keep the whole vehicle stock moving around all the time , just to ensure that everyone isoccupied ... fu lltime! Anyway, even in other spheres, t here are often many employees ... who loaf around, workshy , and get paid for it, without the country getting ui:: in arms about it! And while we reject overhasty judgments based on an in adequate understanding of o ur organizatio n, Commanders at al l leve ls have been mobilized to take corrective measures, to ensure that the "down time" - that is structural in character- is used for general training or functional purposes, not linked to the specialization to which the personnel have been assigned, in othe r words . Th is demands contro l, which is the very essence of any command action that is not to remain abstract and unproductive. We want to be - and must be- effic ient. Increasingl y efficient. In a recent address delivered at the inaug uration of the 1984 :_g5 Academic Year at the Carabin ieri Officers' College, I mad e the following point: "Efficiency means organization, planning, method , the capacity to rat ionall y use men and facilities at the right time and in the right places in order to achieve a purpose and to perform a task . The country is t hirsting for efficiency , but it is not enough to demand it. It takes time to obtain it: it takes willpower, constant effort , perseverance, control , sacrifice".

Efficiency can be measured in qualitative terms, but wherever possible it also has to be measured in quantitative terms, too . Contro l affects every aspect of the life and work of the units, but in the particular case of training, it is the assessment that dec ides its efficiency. A modern Army must apply rational methods to assess t he leve ls of preparation of its men, leaving little room for judgments that cannot be quantified (percentage of personne l attending courses, target scores, tim ing, etc .. ) . Hence the rationale of "emulation" and "competition" . Let me say , however , that the purpose of all this is didactic, and not simply to write reports . What is important is to see the weak po ints and the strong po ints, the shortcom ings and the difficulties, the reaso ns for all of them , and then take corrective action to improve t he situation as far as it is within our province. Everyth ing with in our province must be do ne. Al l of us have

to p lay our part, insistently urging , convinced that the good name of the Army largely depends on the conscientiousness that we manage to display. Let no- one imagine that they can get away with leaving it to the others to get the message. Capab le Commanders are the ones who are able to see things in depth, and know whats happening "in the corners". Professional honesty requires us to shed light on everyth ing - the good and the less good - to take stock, and then move ahead. If we all think along these lines - and I have no reason to think otherwise - not only w ill we meet up to my expectations , but we shall make progress in w inning over more broadly- based support, because we shall be respondi ng to an aspiration that is felt by the rank- and-fi le who , more than ever before, want to be professionals in an environment governed by princ ip les based on "authenticity" and "coherence".

This brings us back to the question of the "cred ib ility" of the organiz ation, in re lation to our behaviour and activities, which is a precond ition for the "credibil ity" of the instrument , broadened to include the availability of ade quate weapons and fac ilities . The first of these - the "cred ib ility of the organizatio'n,, refers to t he man we have to train, prepare and motivate . W hat we have managed to achieve already is, in my view, sti ll not enough to meet the needs imposed by modern warfare . On the subj ect of train ing and prep aration, I have frequent ly pointed out the constraints imposed by the shortage and inadequacy of training areas to meet our needs. The "simulator" could help us up to a poin~, but it costs money, and this means that it wi ll take t ime before it is brought into general use, and at all events, it cannot cover the who le of the training pro::;ess.

We will nevertheless go onfinancial resources permitting - but we will not del ude ourse lves . The "rationale of simu lation'' is catching on now be~ause of the growing sophistication_of our weaponry, and it is becoming vitally necessary when deciding on any programme to enhance and upgrade the Armed Forces. Look ing ahead to the year 2000 , this is the rat ionale that we have to come to terms with Basically , and without crystal ball-gazing, we may take it tor granted that the ideal way of providing a sensible answer to the many pro blem s of force use at individual and group level is by using a compute r program and hence a computer, which can rep roduce every possibl e aspect of battle and combat. You have stressed the fact that the parameters of the Army s efficiency include facilities and matE>riel. ,.J -

What has been done in this regard, and what are the future trends?

It's all too easy to sÂˇay that when we are faced with a threat, of which we know qu ite a lot in terms of figures and qua lity, we have to have the facil ities we need to carry out our defence duties . This means that we have to match every tank of a certain type by a tank that can compete with it, and that we have to match weapo ns with a given degree of precision and range by weapons with simil ar - or bette r - pe rformance features to make up for the numerical differences. This kind of competiti on has led both sides to produce in creasing ly more perfect and soph isticated mate ri el, and to compl icate matters sti ll fu rthe r, we now have the socalled "emergi ng technolog ies" to cope with. We can already envisage a new kind of warfare, but I don 't want to go into that.

But under these conditions , we have to equip our units with appropriate materiel. In this regard, I have to adm it that the Army is not in the best situation. In 1975, when the restructuring began , the Army General Staff laid down a 10-year programme to deal with the substantial reductions necessary in the ground forces, and to offset this by improvements in qualitative terms. Today, the Army has still a long way to go to meet the targets set 9 years ago . So we still have a number of objectives that have not yet been attained, wh ile techno logical deve lopment is making it necessary to start on new programmes to acquire the "third generation" materiel. There are therefore gaps to be filled, and newly arising needs at one the same t ime . Everyone knows the reasons tor this: financial difficulties, wh ich have been heightened as a res ult

of cost increases. We are still short of our target in air defence, battlefield surveillance, NBC protection and antitank defence. But there is one thing I would like to emphas ize: all the decisions that had to be taken were taken at the right time. Research and development, and the resultant procurement activities were undertaken in time, and on the basis of clearly defined programmes. Once these programmes have been carried through -within an acceptable timescale, I hope-we will have reached an adequate level of efficiency as far as material is concerned . Let's talk for a moment about these programmes, that have been grouped together into areas of interest, so that whole sectors can be developed consistently and smoothly. These are: - "Basic Weaponry" , comprising light individual weapons, antitank weapons , special equipment (such as night vision and sighting) and NBC protection equipment; 20

- "Manoeuvre and Mobility". Here, the focus has been on completing the modernization of the tank line , procuring wheeled vehicles and improving and upgrading the helicopter stock by bringing into service the A 129, and a family of helicopters derived from it in the future. Other important programmes are the VCC80, a new armoured car and tank completely designed and built in Italy, to serve as the link between those we already have and the 3rd generation tank to be built on a European basis with the complete participation of Italian industry ; - "Fire Support". Here again, the ongoing g round artillery , anti- aircraft artillery, battlefield surve illance and target acquisition equ ipment programmes will be completed. As far as anti- aircraft defence against low and very low altitude planes is concerned, a decision has been taken that I personally consider to be very courageous , because of the degree of confidence it shows in Italian industry: the choice of the

SKYGUARD-ASPIDE system. The 24systems scheduled for procurement wi ll enable us to solve the problem of the partial coverage of t he "Combat Zone" , but it will leave unsolved the problem of the units operating in the Territory; - "Communication- Comma,ndControl". The problem here mainly concerns the development of the CATRIN system (Field Transmiss ion and Information System) , but at the same time, the electronic warfare branch is also being stepped up. - "Supplies and Stocks" .. Priority here is being given to the Automated Mc.nagement of supplies and the reduction of stocks according to criteria of profitabi lity, efficiency and the interest of Italian industry. These programmes cost more than is likely to be available over the next 15 years. This is the rea l, huge problem that we have to tack le. I hope that the basis can be laid at once to find a rational solution to meeting these requirements. The Ministry of Defence has taken the technical decisions and given all the encouragement that is needed, and so the groundwork has been laid. Postponing things would probably spoil our chances of making that "quantum leap" that we have so often spoken about, but which has not yet been taken. One promising sign is that the technicaliadm inistrative procedures will shortly begin with a view to producing the new Italian tank and APC, once the industry is able to meet the specifications that the Army has already laid down.

!]lL/

How is the modernization process affecting the organizational structure of the Armed Forces in terms of personnel, facilities and materiel? An interesting survey published recently said that military experts in the United States are examining the possibility of in troducing changes that are going to revolutionize the organization of the forces, with drastic changes in the classical structures of the

complex and elementary large un its. The Corps, the Division and the Brigade in the not too distant future could we ll be CGmplete ly different from what they ace to day. The present standard makeup should be replaced by an ad hoe composition according to the particular functions the units are called upon to perform, and would very according to the duties imposed by that faction. In other words, it is the peacetime idea of the Task Force that is now gaining ground, organized and composed to do a particular job. Every large unit in future could be organized and structured differently from tre others, and instead of being designed to perform an "average'' type duty, they wil l be tailored to meet casespecific needs. This is an idea that we have to bear in mind, in order to be able to design the kind of developments we want to modernize our Army in good time. In view of the changes we shall be introducing into our units, and particu larly the qual itative improvements, we shall also have to redefine what I cal l the "human potential spectrum" that has to be introduced into our units. To borrow an expression that belongs to the industrial world and I trust that I shal l be forgiven for this arb itrary extension to our ambit! - I think that we are moving into an age in which the Army is ceasing to be made up largely of "personne l with low value- added" to become an Army in which "personnel with ve ry high val ueadded" wi ll constitute the vast majority. In place of the mass of straightforward assault troops that used to play a ve-y definite role according to a certain type of concept of war, we are now introducing the small "functional team". made up of "multiro le special ists" for a different tyi:;e of combat in which -for example - the emphasis is focussed on antitank weapons, miss iles or laser observation devices etc . In other words, the organi-

!illll

able to obtain all kinds of data in real time, gathered by a variety of sensors, and then link them with systems on the basis of we lldefined programs.

The problems of general force management and the conduct of operations can be so lved more easily to the extent that our command and control functions are more adequately performed . It is the omnipotent, all-pervading presence of electronics that is making the quantum leap possible. Using electronic transm ission systems and EDP, we are now

This is of enormous he lp to the decision making process. The positive effects are therefore obvious; but techno logy affects many other sectors, too , enormously enhancing the efficacy of actions with weapons of all kinds , acting on precision and tim ing, automatically coupling observation skills and the capacity to intervene, reducing margins of error and providing the best possible conditions to enable operators to act by weighing up risks and results. I have already spoken my

zational structures will become increasingly more streamlined and special ized . How far is the increasingly large-scale use of technology in the weaponry field changing the criteria tor personnel use and the overall management of the Armed Forces?

mind about the new relationship between specialized and general service person nel in the answer to the previous question , whe n I went into the question of "value added". Force use crite ri a, wh ich are now possible than ks to the increasi ngly widespread use of advanced technology , can be summed up in terms of a red uction in the "time" and "space" factors. At certain levels, at least, the keystone to the whole system wi ll be the personn el element, which w ill rece ive accurate data on the objectives to strike and be in a pos ition , sim ultaneously, to effect t he stri ke usi ng missi les that automatical ly lock on to t he target . Desp ite the undo ubted advantage of this , there is also t he danger of creating a hiatus between the attackers and t he defenders and v ice versa , by interpos ing a man/machine relat io nship between them, dehumanizing th is hiatus , which could have perverse effects, in moral terms as well. The rink in that the operator might feel t hat he is playing a ki nd of game, ready to press or not to press a button, w ithout actively taking part with his heart and his feelings. A whole new philosophy is ope nin g up, w hich imposes the need for a co nt inual process of psyc holog ical as we ll as technical readj ustment, kee pi ng.in step with the introduction of new faci lities and enabling us to pred ict more or less w hat the f ut ure impl ications are likely to be. Commanders therefo re need to study the situation very carefu lly as from now, to avoid being taken by surprise in the f utu re, and to be ab le to forecast react ions and behaviou r patterns. Otherwise there is a risk t hat men w ill be used in a detached fashion, almost like guin ea pigs , as if they were an integral part of the materiel , li ke robots, that do not want to pa rticip ate in or understand what is happe nin g. Ma n, therefo re , must remain the sole , rea l protagonist.

What you have been de-

scribing shows the major changes that have either been introduced already, or that are now being brought in. What do you see as the main challenges facing the Army in the immediate future? The main chal lenge is man. A new man, a different man, the prod uct of a democ ratic process that is now very deeply rooted. A man , in other words , w ho increas ingly wants to be aware of what he is being asked to do, and who wants to partici pate conscienti ously. Tech nology meets so me of his interests , but at the same time it deprives him of a certain margin of freedom ; it enhances his pote ntial , but curbs his creativity; it rel ieves him of physical involvement, but at the same time it "automates'' his behaviour patterns. Bei ng ab le to act eff iciently thanks to a machine that responds to a mech anical impulse is qu ite a differe nt matter from want ing to act on the basis of reasoni ng, and bei ng guided by feelin g.

To defend yourse lf, it is not eno ugh to have technolog ically advanced faci liti es; above all, you have to want to defend yourself . T his is the root of the who le question about consensus. Consensus is a security factor along w ith all the others that conspire to defin e the credibi lity of the mi litary instrument. The second great chal lenge is technology. A fu ll-scale re volution is taking place in the mi litary sphere today. Being electron ics-based , and particularly in view of t he major contribution of computer techno logy, t his re vol ution without precedent in history w ill have a decisive influence on structu res , organizations, stategies, doctrines and force use procedures in the ne ar future. As the century draws to its close, it w ill lead us into a new age of the mil itary art. As far as strategy and operations are conce rned, th e classical concepts of mass, concentration of effort and surprise have to be re interpreted.

But the challenge - as I have already said - relates to man, his very being and the way he acts, and it therefore has to do with the challenge of man himself. Once the challenge is concatenated solidly in this manner, we have to study all over again the whole educational and training process, including the spiritual training and the hierarchical relationships themselves. The third and last challenge is society. I am not referring to society as it is developing, and the newly emerging values of that society, but to society as the depositary of interests, of which the essential ones are freedom, independence, democracy and peace. These are the interests which shed light on the "security function". A number of questions arise spontaneously in this connection: What will the soldier of the future be like? How can we define his training needs, since he will never meet the enemy face to face as I have just said - but will simply be required to press buttons,

wanting to know and to participate while being bo und up with the crazy mechanism of a techno logy which sees all , processes all and manages al l, and which has the institutional duty of guaranteeing security which is being increasingl y sub iected to the co nstra ints of so many c omponent factors, apart from the specific military com ponent? There is no easy answer to t hese questions. We have to proceed w ith wisdom, remembering that developments are taking pl ace so rapidly t hat even choices that appear to be appropriate at the moment can easily be outated withi n a decade. The best way is to proceed w ith "modular in novat io n", to avoid creating irreversible situations. Th e 路路scie ntific module" of the Fiftie s and Sixties has stood its ground until today, but we have had to temper it, by c om plementing it w ith the "hum anisti c module" -in other words, by inserting legal , social and psychological discipl ines into it. B ut now the combination of these two

modules is inadequate , without the aid of the "EDP module路路. And t he process is by no means finished. In th e background , there still lurks the disturbing and harrowing problem of nuclear weapons, with al l their politica l/military, s trategic, operationa l and moral imp lications. T hes e latter imp licatio ns are t he ones which deserve cons ideration and respect above all othe rs. Which brings us to th e last great challenge: the moral challenge . I think that there is no need for me to exp lain wh at this means in mi litary terms. It is a challenge that involves all the others and de mands our active partici pation to find an adequate response to the security issue ; security is the whole raison d etre of our institution. In a world that is shrinking all t he ti me , it is no longe r e xclusively a military q uestion, but the product of many factors. And we sold ie rs have to inc reasing ly fit our duties into a different context in which all the other components (of whic h I have already spoken) have a no less im portant role than ours. Security means harmoniz ing a wide range of interventions that entail all these components . Basical ly speak ing , we look favou rably on what I have , on many occas ions in t he past, defined as the "laicization process" of the problems of defence. Th is is the most genuine meaning of democratic participation.

INTERVIEW \iVITH GENERAL UMBERTO CAPPUZZO ON THE STATE

OF THE ARMY

THE UNITED STATES We begin our historical survey starting from 1878, i. e.. two years after tbe centennial of the US Declaration of Independence, whichwas celebrated in Philadelph'ia with an international exhibition, where foreigners and Americans alike could admire the

progress made by the country. And surely the United States, in one hundred years of history, had advanced with gigp.ntic steps . Born as the country of pioneers and small-town farmers, it had become a major political and economic organism . It had reached both oceans , it had eliminated.the French influence along the Misslssippi, the Spanish in-

fluence along the Gulf of Mexico and in California; it had overcome nature's obstacles , and created an agricultural South and an indu.strial and capitalist East, which, with the thickening of the ways of communication (canals, roads, railways) poured its products into the West, which was then the land of adventure, the "frontier" country, as its contemporaries called it.

May 1895 A contingent of the United States Army lands at Guantanamo, on Cuba Âˇs southern coast. The conquest of the last remnants of the Spanish Empire in the Caribbean and in the Philippines determined the final establishmer.t of the United States as a weal world power.

Nevertheless the US was entering a new phase: in 1890, the official report about the census announced that "the entire colonization area had been occupied". The frontier had ceased to exist! The US historians agree on the great importance of the end of the frontier. The adventure was over. Now it was no more a question of conquering and exploiting a continent, it was a matter of consolidating and governing a large population with different interests , tackling the econom ic and social problems created by the advent of the mach ine , facing the conflict between capital and labour, a conflict exacerbated by the huge growth of the population, and the immigration , from eastern and southern Europe, of great masses of men: a cheap labour force, less demanding than the American

in the Chinese question, together with Great Britain , in order to impose the "open door" principle in China, against a more or less concealed partition of that great empire. In 1899 it took an active part in the creation of the In ternational Court of The Hague, already supporting the principle of arbitration in the international questions. A few years later the US -Âˇ supported Venezuela in an economic controversy against some European countries; this role of champion earned the US a great ascendancy in Central and South America. But the liking diminished some time later, as a consequence of the policy concerning Columbia in the Panama question . The lease of this strip of land and the subsequent construction of the Canal are events of world importance and a credit to the US. But the rash method followed to workers. obtain the concession partially From this derived the need obscured this merit. for a world market and, as a After the creation of new outconsequence, a world policy. lets, the intensification of comThe action in Cuba in 1895 munications, and after replacing was the first step. The island gain- the irrational exploitation of nated its freedom, but under the ural resources with a conserpolitical and economic co'ntrol of vation policy, a feeling of optimism the US, which, against payment seemed to spread in the air. of a compensation to Spain, obtainPresident Wilson, in his aded possession of Puerto Rico dress to the people, fol lowing his and the Philippines. A Ph ilip pine election in 1912, reminded Ameriarmed insurrection was repressed ca of its mission of liberty and a little later. justice. Two years later, the outSometimes the US acted with break of WWI would set the US at least a partial disregard for the on a new course. principles of its Constitution, The first years were marked which attributed "full validity by neutrality. Public opinion was to a government only when it was against war: the Monroe Doctrine freely accepted by the governed": had affirmed that Europe would but the status of world powerbe left alone if it did not disturb now within reach - demanded a America . little "forcing". The war was having great The year after the peace of repercussions in the economic Paris (1898), the US intervened field.

The orders from Europe followed one another, in an endless increase. Then the violations against neutrality started: Germany commenced a submarine war against commerce; the "Lusitania" was sunk. The attempt to find an acco rd, accepted at first, was rejected, and this meant war. The bill for compulsory military service was approved and the country' s entire industrial structure was geared to serve the war goals. It was an enormous effort, but the US entry, with new and large resources and in a- by thenstabi lized war, bro ugh about the victory of the nations allied with the US. The country s wealth was increased by the war. After al l debts were paid, the US credits in Europe amounted to enormous sums . When the peace confer-

July 1918. U.S. counterattack at Saint Pierre Aigle. In the last year of WW/ the United States, with 1 million troops sent to the frontline, contributed decisively to the defeat of the Central Empires.

ence was convened in Paris, the US was at the apex of its power . But W ilson had an inadequate notion of the complexity of the ageold European political structure. He hoped to conclude a peace that could remedy the old abuses and give mankind an organ ization capable of starting an area of universal cooperation. Unwittingly he provoked theÂˇopposite effects, by rekindling, with his doctrine of self-determination, the fire of nationalism. His 14 points were rejected. The US did not join the League

of Nations, because the American Senate refused to ratify the treaties. The US had enough of Europe: but its isolationism could only be a relative one . Too many problems were involving the US in the Old Continent's vicissitudes : the reactivation of international trade, the currencies' stabi lization, the settlement of reparations and debts among the Allies. The crisis that was to shake the po~twar world economy had its first major manifestation in 1929, with the collapse of the New York Exchange . In 1933, Franklin De lano Roosevelt was elected President tor the first time . Faithful to the principles of his country's isolationist neutralism, he considered with displeasure both the weakening of the democratic Powers

on the international plane and the Japanese expansion in the East. At the outbreak of WWII, convinced of the close connection between Britain's fate and the freedom of the world, Roosevelt tried to he lp Great Britain by sending war materials. He advocated the nation's rearmament, obtained the introduction of compulsory military service and - with the "Lend - Lease Act" - allowed the government to help the Allies with war supplies. The Pearl Harbour events led to the conflict, with the intervention of the United States, once again decisive, mostly because of the employment of a gigantic industrial potential, pushed to its maximum output. The declaration of the United Nations, signatories of the Atlantic Charter, on January 1, 1942 set the foundations of the policy in defence of freedom and democracy-which the US continued to follow after the war. The conflict's positive outcome had put the US in a condition of moral supremacy vis- a- vis the other Allies , which acknowledged its fundamental contribution to the final success and respected its mi litary superiority due to the possession of both the nuclear weapon and the vehicles to deliver it. The unbalance of the global power between the US, the friendly nations and the adversary was due, moreover, to the enormous

~4.

US economic resources and to a different civil and social condition of the American people at the end of the war. In fact, the loss of .ti uman live s suffered by the US was, in prop or tion, not as high as that suffered by the other countries invol ved in the conflict, with less heavy psychological repercussions on the people. On the other hand, the demographic expansion had amply filled the numerical voids, although the mou rn ing a nd suffering could not be cancelled easily. The postwar recovery was also helped by the fact that the conflict had not eve n grazed the US territory, which had remained undamaged and therefore in a position to express entirely its willingness to promote its development with renewed and intact energ ies.

It can thus be explained the exceptional evo lution of the American postwar economic expansionism, which found a fe rtile ground in the necessities of the other countries, which had become huge inlets, absorbing industrial products a nd food resources. These privileged conditions in the relatio ns wit h the exterior had helped a global internal growth with a consequent increase in sal aries an d improvement of living standards. Nevertheless, th is ex pan sionist pol icy did not have on ly economic motivations, for it aimed at stabilizing and consoli dating the initial postwar supremacy of the United States, making it the hi nge of an organic and perm anent "system" in international rel ations . It was actu ally a goal, a flexi-

Facing page, from top. January 18, 1919. Paris , Salle de l'Horlog e at th e Quai d 'Orsai. The opening of the Peace Conferenc e. The attitude o f President Wilson, who p roposed his famous 14 p oints, was crucial for the new European political order.

Second World War. A poster for the recruitment of volunteers for the U.S. Army Air Force. The United States, which had to tackle serious economic p roblems in the '2 0s and '30s. entered in p ractice th e war only in 1942, a fter the Japanese attack on Pea rl Harbour.

Below. December 1944 . U. S. reconquest o f the Philippines. During WWII the U.S. - besides helping the S oviet Union and Great Britain with the supp ly of ma terials - fought in North Africa, Italy, the Western fron t a nd the Pacific.

, ble orientation, having no rigid schemes or hidden intentions, capable of adapting to the contingencies, in the light of a pragmatism concretely applied, both on the political plane and in the social context. Harry Truman expressed it in his domestic "Fair Deal", and in the famous "Four Points" in inter n_ational policy, with which he set the foundations of a method that up to now has not been disproved. The 'Truman Doctrine" was indeed the codification of the principle of international assistance, envisaged in forms that were poles apart from the Communist conception. The "philosophy" of aid given not only to the countries threatened from the outside, but also to those imperiled by social disorder, was the fulcrum of the US international policy. This "philosophy" is valid to this day, with some expected transformations and with the appropriate adjustments suggested by the evo lution of the times. The "Marshall Plan" concretely carried out the provisions of this declaration of intents, bringing a sensible relief to the traumatized economies of the Western nations.

---

Facing page, from top. Agust 9, 1945. The nuclear explosion at Nagasaki. The conflict with Japan en-:Jed after the use of the two nuclear bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The event marked the beginning of the nuclear t!ra.

November 1950, Korean War. Armoured forces near the Chinese border. In the cold war era, the invasion of Korea was a destabilizing factor involving, on one side, the U.S. and Its allies, and on the other the People's Republic of China.

Below. Vietnam War. Evacuation of a wound~d soldier. The U.S. had been involved in the war in Indochina since 1954, when, a f:er the French withdrawal, it assumed the r6le of adviser to the South Vietnamese armed forces.

In compliance with Presiden t Eisenhower's will, the aid po licy was stepped up considerably. The Soviet Unio n reacted by cooling its relationship with the United States, accused of having the intention to penetrate the economic- political ganglions of the "friendly countries". The American proposal of nuclear disarmament, at th e Ge neva Conference (1955) , did not find therefore a favourable atmoshere; on the contrary, it deepened the spl it between the two superpowers , which started a relentless race for the conquest of space, as an expression of sci entific, industrial and technological su premacy . The election of President John F. Kennedy, a catho lic Democrat, opened the way to

forms of detente and tolerance in the relations with the Soviet Union. After the President's trag ic death - he was murdered in Dallas on Novem ber 22 , 1963 - his successor, Lyndon Johnson, continued to follow his pol itical line, succeeded in smoothing away some intern al attritions (fo r instance , the never settled racial tensions), and attemted very actively to soothe the external contrasts . But the outbreak of hostilities in Vietnam and the "necessity" of the American intervention thwarted all inte ntio ns - however sincere - to help make the international relations more serene . The Vietnamese advent ure was a shock for the United States : the intern al contrasts among factions became sharper , so much so that the new Presid ent, Rich ard Nixon - elected 1968 - felt the need to proclaim his aspiration to bring the American people together again . In accordance with th is esse ntial goal, he imp lemented a number of political actions intended to improve the relations with the Soviet Union , planning - among other things - a progressive reduction of the American presence in Vietnam. The US international image came out improved and its prestige increased enormously when the astronauts of Apollo 11 conquered the moon. T he apex of this peaceful "escalation" was reached in 1972, when Richard Nixon went to China and to the Sovietic Union itself. But these events do not beong to history , because they are part of the chron icle , a report of the life we have lived. We have taken part in it - more or less directly- owing to the impossibility to isolate the internal events of each nation from the entanglement of the closer and closer international conn ection s, which have bee n consolidating in the last decade. Thus, we witnessed gradual and reciprocal overtures between the United States and the Chinese world, although, as regards foreign policy, they both remained on th eir respective positio ns , very difficult to reconcile , in the light to pri nciples that nei31

ther side, for dogmatic or historical reasons, could renounce . The seed sown by Nixon proposes , even after the "traumatic" downfall of the President, a new line of action by the United States , both in its relations with the frindly countries and in the up- and-down tensions with the Soviet Union. The American public opinion ceases to consider the Chinese planet as an impregnable stronghold of Communism, a stronghold even more impen etrable on the dogmatic plane - than Russia itself. A thin fissure is gradually opened, covertly at first, and then more and more openly , in the relations between the two Communist universes, also due to the new trend of the US foreign po licy. Th is policy is main ly hinged on commercial penetration , made possible by the particularly good conditio ns offered to the Chinese world , troubled by problems of incalcu lable dimensions and constrained by its efforts to overcome the technological and industrial gap , vis- a- vis the more advanced Eastern and Western nations. The US economic escalation is simultaneously a goal and a medium, but, above al l, is an assertion of power that com mands

respect and indirectly encourages the tacit dissent with the Soviet Union of countries originally close to it. The im age of the US is strengthened by the possession of a large missile arse nal, characterized by its partition in quotas deployed in the Allied nations, and therefore more awesome. The attempt to keep the necessary nuclear balance unchanged is an aspect of the search for increasingly effective forms of detente. Ford 's and Carter's policies are deeply permeated by this, although with sensible differences in method and general lines. The Third World problem becomes meanwhile more and more pressing. Its reality cannot

be considered a secondary presence in the multifaceted system of de licate internation al equi libriums. The United States, faithful to the "Truman Doctrine" - updated and made more elasti c in order to ad apt it to the new situation - prepares a massi ve plan of interventions, in the "traditional " forms or through favourable commercial, social or eco nomic ties . Above. Vie tnam War. 7arbe" CH-54 Sikorsky Helicopter hauling a truck. Below. Vietnam War. A U.S. monitor on a South Vietnam ese waterway.

The main goal is to create a large bloc of pro-West emerging countries, in orde r to contrast Soviet penetration , especially in Africa. The US favou rs the gro.wth of autonomous dem ocratic systems , in contrast with the Soviet concept of creating th e conditions for increasing the number of Moscow's "satell ites". As a conseque nce, th e US widens the range of its policy as a democratic bulwark against forms of open or disguised subjugation, not ad mittable by the prin ciples of a free society. Principles deep-rooted in t he A merican people since the beginning of t hei r history. T he United States finds it more difficult to achieve, eve ry time and according to ci rcumstances , t he desired international balance owi ng to the widening of its interests and the increase of the "critica l points" in the world scene . From the generic initial post war tension wit h the Soviet Union to the Cuba problem , fro m the Vietnam intervention to the opening of th e Israeli-Egyptian crisis, from the destabilization of the Middle East balance to the Afg ha n "case", from the complex Lebanese problems to the explosive intertwi ning of contrasts among the African countries , the "escalation" of the American engagement has assumed ever increasing dimensions , which do not a llow t he US to avoid a direct invol vement. The result is a unitary but m ultid irecti on al policy, which must be adapted to the vario us conti ngen cies and occasions , difficu lt to carry out owing to the disturbances that could rise at local level and endanger the enti re context of tenous and precario us relations with t he Com m unist world . T his new aspect of the American position req uires a different attitude of t he US tow ards its Allies on the pl ane of t he co mmon defensive strategy: a request for a greater contribution of forces and an increased respo nsab ility of each nation, resulting in a shrinking of Washington's protective umbrella.

The stationing of so phisticated missile syste ms in some European countries is part of this picture and intends bot!-) to keep at a constant reasonable level the imbalance of forces vis-a-vis the Soviet Uni on' s (parity being realistically ill usory, given the impossibility to knqw the real size of Moscow 's arsenals) and t o give the countries conce rn ed a potential deterrent enabling them to take on the desired larger tasks, with in the in dispensable limits to decis ional autonomy as regards the employment of nucl ear warheads. Meanwhile the United States continues t he space competit ion with the Soviet Union obtaining a signif ica nt su ccess- for its possible strategic employment with the construction of the "Shuttle", a spaceship that can land li ke an airpl ane and be employed several ti m es. By this "exploit" the United States undoubte dly scores a point, which also t ranslates into technological and industrial prestige, It is not by ch ance t hat, since the space shuttle's fi rst launch , the A merican economic policy has achieved a nu mber of sign ificant resu lts, expressed b y the constant rise of the dollar in the world m arket. The effects of this favourable phase of the American currency are quite noticeable in the general

Wietnam War A n 'Âˇlroquis" helicopter and a so urveil/an c e- boat typ e P BR p a /lolling the Mekong delta .

trends of the American pol icy in terms of the other currencies' dependence, deeper penetration in the internal markets of the various nations, growth of the Ame_rican economic-industri al presen ce in the Th ird World, and influence on other currencie s. The possible heavy effects of this expansion are m itigated by th e tru ly democratic system in which they take place, for they are the result of openly and fairl y competi ng economic autono mies , which are possible onl y in a regime of real moral and civil freedom. RUSSIA The year 1878 started with a diplomatic fail ure for Russia . Having won the war against Turkey on t he hAttlefield, it saw the St. Stephen T reaty annulled by the Congress of Berlin, where the Engl ish policy , t raditionally anti- Russian in Europe and Asia, succeeded in isolating Russia and undermining its prestige in the Balkans. The cession of Bosnia and

---Herzegovina to Austria further worsened its relations with the latter. A few years later ( 1881) the t ragic death of Alexander 11 - the reformer monarch who had abolished se rfdom and was preparing to give Russia its constitution led to the succession of the con servative and reactionary Czar Alexander Ill. The new Czar's wish to conf ront the li beral and subversive movernents resulted in a reconcil iatio n with the Hapsburgs and Hohenzollerns, who were also anxious to keep the existing politico-Âˇ social order. But the Russian Pan- Slavism could not get along well with Aus-

tria's imperialism in th e Bal kans, and the two empires confro nted eac h other agai n in the Bulgarian question . Thanks to Ge rmany's intervention t here was no war , but Russia's fo reign policy changed its co urse and became aligned wit h France's . In the fol lowing decade (1895- 1905) Russ ia's po licy gravitated towards the Far East. T here it took advantage of Ch ina's confusion after the defeat suffered from Japan. The layout of the Trans-S iberian Railroad was changed, in orde r to reach Manchuri a, and the establ ishme nt of a Russ ian-C hin ese bank was the fi rst step towards eco nomic expansion. China tol erated: but

Russia's real target was the Japanese imperialism , whose interests in Manchuria and Korea clashed with its own. An agreement for the delimitation of the zones of influence in these sectors was discussed several times, but never reached. Thewarthatfollowed, with its unexpected outcome, was a surprise to the entire world and a heavy blow to Russia's imperialism, defeated on land and sea. Part of Sakhalin, Port Arthur and Manchuria were lost. There were deep repercussions on Russia's foreign pol icy. Disappointed in its aims in the Far East, it turned again to Europe and.,

thanks to trench support, sucits roots in the proletariat and was ceeded in a reapprochement to supported by the large Jewish England. Neverthel ess, oth er secomponent, disliked by the riou s problems undermined czararistocratic and traditionalist ist Russia from the inside. The classes. Peasants and wÂˇorkers, peasants, despite the abolition of . led by intellectuals and Jews formserfdom, had not achieved full ed therefore a very dangerous em ancipation and were still subfront against the government. ject to the numerous bonds of rural Nicholas II-the new Czar communities , which thay endured - was unfit to confront such a severy much against th eir will. rious situation. Though he was The workers , whose number not the inept and bloodthirsty brute has greatly increased following that the Bolshevik press made the cou ntry's rapid industrializahim to be , he was not the opention , lived in wretched conditions minded man that the times reand their salaries were ins uffiquired. Weakened internal ly by cient. party fights and politically by the The discontent was kindled yearnings for autonomy of alien by the "Inte ll igentsia", a movegro ups (the Ukrainians were parment of intellectuals, which had ticularly dangerous) , Russia

entered the first world war, consistently with its Slavophile and anti- Hapsburg policy, but in a moment when it needed a pause for solving its numerous internal problems . After a period of harmony and optimi sm , the early victories were paid with heavy defeats, part of the Empire 's territory was invaded by the enemy, the troops were demoralized by rumours of treason in the high circles an d in the Court itself, hand the abyss between the Czar and his nation became even deeper. With the Czar's abdication and Grand Duke Michael's renounciation, the three-century old Romanov dynasty ended . Thus the Russian Republic

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beg an its life but the power was disputed by a provi sion al government and by the Soviets of Saint Petersburg. The provisional government's weakness opened th e way to th e Sovi ets , which took power with the revolutionary coup of October 19 17. T he Soviets' first act after takin g power was the end of the war, which they obtained on hard conditions: but the Soviet leaders wanted to save the revolution. Nevertheless they were engaged in a hard fight for about two more years . The former allied armies, having vainly attempted to rebuild an Eastern front, supported with a series of badly concerted actions the efforts of the White anti- Bo lshevik armies, which were also badly organized and lack-

ing especiall y in the logistic services . Once the White arm ies were defeated , the Soviets had no further obstacles. The occupying foreign troops were withdrawn. With the independence of th e Baltic states and Poland, the Western Allies created a "sanitary cordon" between Russia and the rest of Europe . A Russian attack ag ain st Poland, defeated by the Polish heroism , was followed by the Peace of Riga (March 18, 1921 ). The new government immediately nat ionalized balks , country estates and industries. With the Constitution of 1922, a formal federal organ ization was created with the Union of Soviet Soci alist Republics. In reality the power remained in the hands of Russia

Russo-Japanese War, Uao-tung Campaign. Russian ea /vary attacking a Japanese camp. In 1904, the Russian infiltrations into Manchuria and Korea prompted the Japanese government to react. The Russian defeat caused tragic revolts inside the country.

proper, and particularly of the Communist Party. Admittedly, Lenin supported the theory of "dictatorship of the proletariat", but in fact, he had only given Russia a new autocracy, in full keeping with the teaching and traditions of the entire Russi an history. Another of Lenin's dreams was a world revo lution, the first step of which was the Russian revolt ; on this , he and Trotsky the internationalist had a perfect identity of views.

The year 1924 is important in Russian history. The European nations, one by one officially recognize the new government; within the country, Lenin's death gives rise to a fight betwe.en Trotsky and Stalin, ending with the victory of the latter. T rotsky, who had been the tribune of the revolution and the hero of the Red armies, is sen t into ex ile (he will be murdered in Mexico in 1940) . Stalin was a figure quite different from Len in. A pragmatist, more given to action than thought, he replaced the international ist idea with that of ''Social ism only in one country", going back to the national ist and imperialist tre nds. With a series of trials - and without scruples - has proceeded to eliminate the other Social ist currents and th e enem ies of his dictatorship, and devoted himse lf to Âˇ the industria lizati on of the Soviet Union throug h the five- year plans , an d to the organization of socialized agriculture, allowing just a minimum of individual land property. In 1936 he made changes in the government structure, giv ing a new constitution. Meanwhile the Soviet Un ion was also regain ing its place in world foreign policy, still in keeping with its nationalist and imperialist traditions. The threat of Hitler' s expansionism reapproached the Soviet Union to the Wester democracies . In 1934 it joined the League of Nations, but riew opportun istic considerati ons pus hed it again towards Germany, just as Franco-Anglo- Soviet negotiations for an anti-Ge rman pact were in progress. With Germ an help, the Soviet Union was able to recover the Baltic countries and to occupy part of Po land. Havi ng obt ained the coveted advantages, the Sov iet Un ion then d id its best to cut down the German power, fighting , from 1941, side by side with the Western democracies. The AlliesÂˇ success in the second world co nflict conferred more w eight to the Soviet po licy within the framwo rk of the victorious co untries' relations and, as a consequence , in the world context. Already in 1944, meeting

Ch urchil l in Moscow, Stal in cou ld claim, together with the Engl ish leader, the right to programme the division of Europe in t~o zones of influence: an Ang lo- American zone and a Soviet one. T he plan was act ually carried out the following year at the Conferences of Y alta and Potsdam . Fu rthermore, the progressive expansion of Communism in the Western co untries had increased the Soviet prestige to the point that , within the U. N., the Russian policy acq ui red a preminent ro le , eq ual to that of the major Western powers. Inevitable contrasts resulted from this, giving often rise to harsh disputes, wh ich Moscow used to keep the tension high and to insinuate in the mind of its adversaries the picture of a disastrous break-off and of an open conflict. Thus the Soviet Unio n started its "cold war", with a consummate techniq ue, wh ich expressed itself in the ab ility to take advantage of every oppo rtun ity. turn ing to its own advantage the counterparts' apparent yieldi ngs, wh ich we re d ue to a sense of re spon si bil ity, to cautio n and to a longing for peace. The Co m inform was therefore created , in opposition t o the Marshall Plan . The Jugos lavian regime was condemned , under the

accusation of natio nalist deviatio ni sm , with the intention of giving a further signa l of inflexibi lity to the West, towards wh ich T ito had made some modest openings. The breaking point was reached , perhaps against the w ill of the Soviet Union itsel f, with the open confrontation in the context of the " Korean question". Stalin' s death, in 1953, marked the transition to a pol icy more favourable to detente, pursued by the new leader, Malenkov, whose gu idel ines , both on the internatio nal and o n the internal plane, were followed also by his successor, B ulganin. T he Soviet Union was progressiv ely proceeding towards a clear condemnation of Stalin ism , si lent at first, then creeping, and finally openly expressed at the 20th Party Congress (February 1956) by First Secretary Nikita Kh rushchev. Khrushchev, who was later made Head of the Government, widened the Soviet opening to a dialog ue with the Western bloc, also as a resu lt of the increased Moscow 19 18. A Bolshevik demonstra tion. The collapse of Czarist Russia in 191 7, a nd the subsequent disengagem ent from the World Conflict, ca used a long p eriod o f civil war. At th e end, the Bolshevik forces orevailed.

7 Soviet prestige, due to the launch of the first two "Sputniks" and to Yuri Gagarin's space accomplishment. On the contrary, the relations with China changed for the worse, due to the Soviet Union 's clear unwillingness to cooperate in the nuclear field. The American blockade against Cuba, in October 1962, started again a very serious crisis; its reflections were in part extenuated only the following year, when the Soviet Union, the United States and Great Britain signed in Moscow a treaty for the interdiction of nuclear explosions in the atmosphere . Khrushchev's sudden resignation in 1964 and the election of Kosygin as Prime Minister did not substantially alter the Soviet policy, by then st abil ized on postStali n criteria , which had been conso lidating with time and had given qu ite satisfactory resu lts , allowing the Soviet Union to acquire international and less prejudiced consideration from its interlocutors. This image , laboriously bui lt with declarations and acts of goodwill, was obscured by tragic events, such as the interventions in Hungary and Czechoslovakia , which destroyed at a blow the credibil ity of "Communism with a human face". Russia was suddenly back to a form of strict dogmatism , smackin g of neo-Stalinism, which did not permit free national interpretations of the communist canons in the countries of the Warsaw Pact, and obliged them to fo llow the Soviet model. The reactio n of the Western bloc and of the greatest part of world publ ic op inion was an immediate and severe condemnation of t he Russian military intervention. The adoption of this position gave also rise to a vast inte llectual movement regarding the interpretation of the Marxist cano ns. This movement led - owing also to contrasting practical interests to heated polemics with Maoist China, which had declared itself the true guard ian of Comm unist orthodoxy.

Since then, the spl it with the People's Rep ublic of Ch ina has never healed so that, after the seventies , it is imprope r to speak of a ''Marx ist bloc", when meaning the Soviet Union and China together . The chronicle of the last decade has recorded a continuous alternation of deep tensions and periods of detente, sometimes real but instrumental, more often only apparent. The fact is that we have witnessed a progressive increase of the Soviet military expenses, which have resulted in arm sup-

plie.s to the sate llite countries and in the stationing of m iss ile bases in the areas of greater strategic importance. The numerous meetings between Soviets and Americans on the limitation and red uction of arsenals have clearly shown the Soviet intention to use its nuclear power as a pressure tool to induce t he interlocutor to yie ld, more in the po litical f ield than in the mi litary one. Brezhnev's contradictory attitude was an evident proof of th is. He, insp ired by a pol itical oppo rtun ism chosen as a method

less more apparent in its re lations with the US rather than with China, whose "th reat" has a "sui generis" character, China being a Communist country. As a matter of tact, Ch inese Marxi sm , afte r the transformation of the Maoist dictates, has been and is today more than ever - an irritating thorn for th e Soviet world. Starting in 1969, when actual mi litary bo rde r clashes occurred along t he Ussuri river , Russ ia has been constantly worried about a possi ble dete rioration of the situation. The exchange of visits of the various "P remiers" and th e trad e agreements stipulated by Kosygin have been of no avai l. In the last fifteen years, all Soviet efforts have therefore been in two precise directions: one aimed at contrasting th e US econom ic and political expan sion ism, the other tryi ng to f ind w ays for controlling the effects of the Chinese "growth" in all senses . This is the true dimen sion in which the Soviet Union moves today, outside th e propag andistic ideolog ical dispu tes, marked by instrumental incidents and opportu niti es wh ich are not dropped without adopting position s aimed at concealing the true underlying motivations .

THE UNITED STATES AND THE SOVIET UNION TODAY

May 2, 1945. Red Army troops C9iebrate Ille fall of Berlin . The collapse o f Nazi Germany and its division into occupation zones mark the beginning of Stalin's expansionist policy and th e con frontation between the two blocs.

of be haviour and confrontation , took som etimes pos iti on s that were disco ncerti ng for the w ay in which he denied with facts what he had repeated ly decl ared in words. On the other hand, this form of apparen t inconsistency has been an aspect of the Soviet political "game" after the seventies , for, in this way, the strin gs of dialogue can be kept in permanent tension and the opposite side is not allowed to make any logical fo recast. This featu re of t he Soviet international policy is neverthe-

The precarious balance and the essential diffe rences exist ing between the United States and the Sovi et Union can be better seen in th e light of th e present orientation of principles and methods of th e two countries . Th e US is increasin g its international "presence" also th rough the dollar's power , wh ich very often has proven uncontrollable, as well as through the incre asi ng devel opment of t he emergin g technolog ie s, at times reaching science fiction levels. T he massive Am erican penetration inside the vi tal gang lions of the friendly countries' industry and trade further cem ents, also from the politi cal point of view, t he already close bond s of the Western world. 39

The Soviet Union opposes to this facto r the build- up of arsenals in the Satellite countries and a series of trade agreements within th e bloc, often in open ly coercive terms. T he "cano n" of mutual technologica l cooperation is included in this web of economic relations with.the Warsaw Pact countries, in order to recover the ground lost in this specific sector, vis-a- vis the United States . The competition in this field , besides its benefici al influence at the scientific level, because it realizes the Hegel ian principle of synthesis as an achievement of mankind , it produces a series of incisive political reflections , wh ich are summed up in the need for an ever increasing acq uisitio n of "spaces". The consequence is a permanent expans ionist tension of the two superpowers, realized with different systems but clearly projected towards technological and commercial achievements, besides the strictly political goals. In this community of interests, the Soviet and American aims are very often focused on the same targt:1ls, sometimes enticing also for thei r strategic importance and for their function as factors promoting the increase of their international "weight". The "conquest" of the emerging countries is the revealing expression of it, in addition to the hu ge Middle East problems which are of the utmost importance, owing to the multiform interests that gravitate towards the zone. The "Chinese question", with its still undefined aspects , which have nevertheless already had their incisive effects on Soviet and American policymaking, enters also in this picture. On one side the attritions with this vexing neig hbour are increasingly worrisome for the Kremlin, which is trying to ease the inevitable tensions through a number of catious diplomatic actions and commercial treaties at moderately fa vourable conditions. On the other side, the United State is improvi ng its progressive approaching manoeuvre towards the C hi nese macrocosm, the ap-

proach that Nixon had started, helped also by the very good relations that some friendly countri es have been capable to establish with the Peking government. But, besides the abovementi oned "battlegrounds", there is an abysmal difference between the two superpowers in the method of considering the political co nfrontatio n. A "general theory" can even be derived from it, and we can sum up its main lines. The Soviet Union is conducting a form of "vindication" penetration, which does not omit means and occasions to make its systematic protest appear as an

answer to alleged offences to its rights. This attitude translates into a technique of hinted threat, never openly declared, but constantly appeari ng on the surface. With such an expedient, carried out also with unquestioned diplomatic skill , the desired tension is constantly kept alive , hoping for weaknesses and consequent , cleverly disguised, "i mpositions", especially in the econom ic and commercial fields . The United States , on the contrary, adopts a system that introduces its political and technological "produce" in the friendly countries , through persuasive "dialogue" and free propos-

Above . Submarine- launched SS- NX- 21 cruis e missile, with nuclea r warhead. Since Khrushchev time, t/Js Soviet leaders have strongly supported the developmenl of a missile component wilh inlercontinental capability. Above right. Launch of the U.S. "Space S/Jul/le". This vehicle can convey any kind of load to space, and return to Earth by its own means.

als, though employing , as the only form of pressure, the power of t he dol lar and the related abi lity to penetrate the industrial and commercial mechanism of the ind iv idual nations. It is an expression of de mocracy, in the widest mean ing of the world , matched by transparency of political and decisional behaviour. O n this grou nd the two Powers certainly f ind reasons for fundamental differences over the conceptual structure of the ethics of government. The Un ited States bases its credibility and its persuasive power on open information , without me ntal reservations , as an ele-

me nt of clearness and honesty before the American cit izens as well as before the all ied countries. The guidelines of the Ame rican po licy are clearly expressed and have systematic corroboration in the concrete reality of the international relations. There have never been sensational refutations in this regard ,- even when delicate situations - almost reach ing the breaking point - could have perhaps just if ied conven ient deviations. The Soviet Union has instead chosen , as main instrument of its pol itical action, the skillf ully man ipulated information , both for supporting its internal power with

incisive soc ial reflections and, at the same time, as a means of pressure on the international plane. This method stems from precise plans tor reaching those goals deemed indispensable tor Soviet prestige. Nevertheless the lack of transparency sometimes proves ineffective, as shown by some difficulties recently arisen in the relations between the Soviet Union and some Communist parties of the West show. Rumania has, tor many years , shown tendentially autonomous attitudes, which are added to the deep dissent creeping among the Po lish people, who find , in the vast Christian component, reasons for moral and social redemption. The Soviet Un ion has been forced to substantial ly accept the two very hot situations, limiting itse lf to an action of contro l, but there is no doubt that the tensions in the Warsaw Pact countries are

a nettlesome problem for its policy. The Soviet Union 's behaviour in international relations cou ld be influenced by them, owing to the tact that the cautious Rumanian "opening"to the West and the effervescent Polish reality have drawn significant sympathizing declarations both in Europe and in the United States. But the latter considers the Soviet methods of control and repression of requests - which, to all democratic consciences appear legitimate civil achievements in line with the times - irreconcilable with the general lines of its internal and international policy. The confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Un ion is thus removed to the social plane, also in the light of the enormously diffe rent living conditions of the twoÂˇcountries . They are two worlds wh ich

Artist's view of a Soviet space station. The USSR plans io send into orbit, in th e early 90 's, a space station of remarkable size, manned by a large crew.

THE UNITEI) AND RUSSIA CENTURY

Resupply of a U.S. space station by a "Space Shut/le ". The modern technolcgies could give the United States the capabililty to develop new armaments, according to the socalled ''star wars" doctrine.

STATES IN THE LAST

reflect two clashing ideo logical conceptions: the American one , which intends to privilege the protection of human rights within freedo m of thought and behaviour ; and the Soviet one, which considers the superior interests of the collectivity preeminent over every form of individualism an d opinion . This is actually the "philosophic" origin of the two policies, whose outcomes are unforeseeable at the moment, because their ethical presuppositions are irrencoci lable. The repeated declarations of good wil l on both sides are not supported and confirmed by sidesteppi ng the snares inherent to these fundamental parameters which sometimes lead to open disputes. One can cite as an example the reciprocal boycotts of the United States and the Soviet Union during the last two Olympic

Games; events which, since their Hellenistic origi ns , marked periods of tacit truce and loyal keeping of a temporary peace among warri ng nations. In the light of the constant teaching of ancient, civil Greece, we hope that the universal wisdom of mankind will prevail. Detente , wished and pursued by al l peop les in the present political world situation, cannot be and must not be a myt~, a chimera, but a concrete show of good will and conscious respo nsibility in the lig ht of true social and civil progress, which is the assertion of the spirit in history and the construction of a better future.

Ciro Di Martino

TOWARDS ENHANCED FEASIBILITY AND CREDIBILITY OFTHE

<<FLEXIBLE RESPONSE>> DOCTRINE

For years , not to say right from its inception, the flexible response strategy has come under fire from several quarters. This criticism has shed doubt on its conceptual validity as a form of deterrence of the enemy's actions, particularly when compared with the pre-

vious strategy of massive reta liation. One of the consequences has been justified uncertainty over the practical poss ibilities of application in the case of conflict. It is general ly he ld that flexibil ity of response to aggression shou Id take the form of a gradua l

and controlled escalation of the means of retaliation. T his can be done by choosing from a vast array of conventional, tactical nuclear, selected strategic nuclear and unrestricted strategic nuclear weapons. However if the defence of large

ground units mainly deployed over a wide front in the immediate vicinity of the frontier can be easily and rapidly overrun by massive Soviet tank units , as i$ feared by a number of high military_ commanders, NATO wou ld obviou sly very soo n (within 24-48 hours on the admission of General Rogers himself) be compelled to make use at least of tactical nuclear w eapons . Furthermore, :he limited size . ailability and operational readiness of the reserves (part of which wou ld have to be air-transported f rom America) seems to indicate that they would not be capable of sealing off any breakth roughs in the forward defences , nor of containing the penetration in depth by the second and third eche lo ns through the gaps opened by the first. Consequently, should the Commander of the NATO forces in Europe actually deci de to try and stop the enemy offe nsive and to set up the cond itions needed to redress the situation, he would not only have to request permission to use nuclear weapons very early in the piece (wi thout necessarily re ceiving it in time) he would also have to use them in large numbers over a vast area , possibly includ ing enemy territory, in order to prevent the enemy from building up his offen sive. In sho rt , the escalation from the conventional to the tactical and strategic nucle ar weapons would of necessity be too rapid and lead to the consequence:: that everyone dreads. This is what reduces t he applicability (or feasibility, to use the current term), and t he cred ibility of the flexible response doctrine, at least in its current concept io n. Th is is due partly to the over-rigid operational planning involved , which is still bound to the needs of forward defence, and partly to the fact th at the avai lable convent onal and nuclear forces as a whole appear to be both qualitatively and quantitatively inadequate from the standpoint of f lexible response. What does this mean? First and foremost it means that the first threshold , i.e. between conventional and tactical nuclear weapons , has been set

too low, as General Rogers has adm itted. In the second place, the level of the second threshold , i.e. the transition from tactical to strategic nuc lear weapoÂˇns , although se lective, must be consid ered too low, should the extremely difficu lt situation aris e of nuclear weapons having to be used on the enemy's territory at very short notice, and not merely as a warning threat. In order to remedy the delicate situation thus created. which will become increasingly more critical as the Sovi et forces conti nue to be strengthened , and at the same time to "raise the nuclear t hresho ld", the NATO authorities have for some time been repeatedly demanding that conventional forces be boosted. This would mean a considerable increase in mi litary spending (at least 3-4% per year annum in real terms). However, too many obstacles stand in the way of these

conventional weapons systerns. These

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with low-power target- seeking warheads capable of effectively eng aging the second and third ec hel ons of the enemy before the latter go through and or bypass the first echelons and dangerously re inforce the attack in depth by his armoured un its. However, Gen eral Roger's proposal is "still arou nd the corner" and, in my opinion, it would be advisable to take the necessary steps to bridge the feasibility and cred ibi lity gaps in the doctrine of flexible response mentioned earlier. In the following the operational plan (forward defence) and the characteristics of the forces involved (the tool) will be examined separately in order to see whether there is room for any effective improvement in

Multiple Launch Rocket System (MLRS).

requirements being satisfied by the various governments because of the pers istent economic crisis . According to General Rogers this increase should be devoted to the construction of new deep strike

their credibility as a deterrent of conflict and in their operational effectiveness. The aim would be to achieve a truly effective form of flexible response characterized by an extremely gradual esca45

lation in the emp loyment of the various defensive weapons .

FORWARD DEFENCE At the time it was init ially introduced as the bas is of NATO 's strateg ic doctrine, the principle of forward defence, together with that of massive retaliation , had a dual po litical aim:

and social tensions in the countries under western control, fanned by the action of the local communist parties, all contributed extensively to increasing the uncertainty and instability. The principle of forward defence was intended as a means of making it quite clear that no attempt by the Russians to extend

570 Gepard/ CA - 1.

• to give expl icit warning to the Soviet Un ion that the west wou ld not yield one inch of any territory unde r the Alliance's protection , even at the risk of starting a shooting war; • to extend a formal guarantee to the cou ntries either belonging to or under the protection of the Allialflce (the Al liance was set up in 1949 and West Germany became a member on ly in 1955) concerni ng the inviolability of the ir territory. It is sign ificant in this respect that the de limitation of the occupied territories arising out of the armistice at the end of World War II represented an anything but stab le frontier, and that the failure of the Red Army to demobilize, the coups that took place in the countries under Soviet occ upation , the serious economic

the area already under their influence or control would be to lerated , as we ll as of conso lidating the pro-western governments set up on th is side of the Iron Curtai n. Although the conventional NAT O forces deployed in defence of the new and uncertain western frontiers were greatly outnumbered by the Red Army, the threat by the Un ited States to retaliate immed iately by using nuclear weapons aga inst Russ ian cities represented a substantive material support for the princip le itself. The main tasks of the smal l number of alli ed troops left in the occupied territories at the time were to carry out border contro l and security tasks and to act as a protective shield for the A lliance. But the sword, or rather the spearhead, of the Al liance was represented

by the strateg ic nuclear forces, which h ad the effective task of deterrence , the'eby making forward defe nce by means of a smal l number of troops in advanced positions bot h feasible and econom ical. Thesubsequentchangeinthe relative strengths of the opposing forces led to the fol lowing gradua l transformations of the doctrine : • the convent io1al component gradual ly increased in importance and size and was also qual itative ly enhanced by increased fire power and mob ility (constitution of new mechanized and armo ured brigade-s ize un its) ; • the ir emp loyment became more rapid and dynam ic (manoeuvre by strongpoint defenders, strengthening of reserves) ; • in operat ional terms, the previous strateg ic nuclear supe ri ority was rep laced by a w ide choice of tactical nuclear weapons which could satisfactorily offset the imbalance in the conventional forces ; • in any case, the strategic nu clear forces were given the capabi lity of respond ing by means of a second strike to any Soviet nuclear attack (mutual assured destruction). This process inevitably affected the development of the doctrine in its various interre lated aspects. The situation has since changed rad ically. Forward defence is still one of the corne rstones of western strategic doctrine, but massive retaliation has been rep laced by "flexible response" . Th is was a conseq uence of the loss of credibi lity suffered by the western nuclear threat whe n t he Soviet Union reached parity in the weap ons field. Deterrence drew its effectiveness from the indeterminacy of the type, size and place of the response (whether co nventional or nuclea r) to poss ible Soviet attack. The re have also been marked changes in the pol itical situation . The fro nt iers between the two opposing blocs have become stable and have bee n offi cially sanctioned by t he 1975 Helsinki accords signed after the Co nference on Security and Cooper-

A 129 multirole h elicopter.

ation Euro pe (C SC E) . The concept of fo rwa rd de'en ce must now co me to te rms w ith the reduction in th e orig inal meanin g of th reat of im mediate reaction and t he wis hful thi nking co ncern ing possible cha nges in the previousl y high ly uncertain fronti ers. What have been retai ned , however, are its clearcut politic al aspects ai med at ens urin g the compl ete t erritori al integrity of all the NATO cou ntries . In the Iight of these changes of situation and function , it is now debatable whether fo rward defe nce shou ld n ecessari ly be implemented as in the past by the deployment of a th in screen of troops along the frontie r. Would it n ot perhaps b e possible and even desirable to seek othe r solutions that, w hile maintaining the

pri nciple, red uce the risks and drawbacks in t he face o f an enemy that can re ly on formidable ag gressive weapons and can also choose t he time of t he attack. THE TOOL If it is accepted that t he basic prin ciples of forward defence and flexi ble response must be mai ntain ed it wo u Id at f irst sig ht seem logical to increase the depth of the positio ns around which the defe nsive battle will tak e place. Howeve r, in th is case the t roops/ space rati o w ou ld dec rease and a further dispers al of forces occur . It wou ld th us be necessary to increase the nu mber of rapi d deployment units availab le, although this w ou ld e ntail c onsiderable expendit ure to set up and mai ntain the new armoured and

mechanized units. One possi ble alternati ve wo uld be to attem pt to set up new weapon systems wh ich could be u sed to del ay and wear down the attac king forces from a distance , at the same t ime boosti ng existing weapon systems . But th is wou ld involve not only hig h costs but al so lengthy lead t imes. A two- pronged approach is w h at is needed: on th e one hand, to proceed with rese arching and develop ing t he arms of the future, in t he hope that they ultimately a llow a reduction and in t he number and th us in the cost of the troops requ ired , and on the other to maximize the costeffective use of what is already available. I shou ld like to make the followin g fi ve brief proposa ls: â€˘ integration between "area de-

fence " and "mobile defence" using a prepared defensive position in contact with the forward edge of the frontier but with deployment in depth and subdivision into two areas ; • integration du ring the defensive movement between regu lar mechanized and armoured units and "local resistance formations" (the use of this term may cause some surprise, so I shall come back to

It is bas ically a question of adding another component to the forces available, name ly "local resistance". This form of defence obviously entails making use of all suitable members of the population who , although issued with weapons and equipment only at the time of the emergency, would have received prior training in the direct defence of the cities and towns. The latter wil l be used as

provided for in Soviet mi litary doctrine ; • the mobile (i.e . mechanized and armoured) defence forces initi ally emp loyed flexibly between the local defended positions will be capable of arresting the attack in depth and of subsequently regain ing the territory yielded to the enemy; • the determination of the population livi ng in the frontier area to resist invasion and their moral resistance will offset their limited firepower and mobili ty. The possible tasks assigned to th ese formations in the defensive battle can be summed up as follows : • to defend built-up areas and any other pre-established position the defence of which would otherwise represent a considerable drain on regular mobile forces (although these areas could be destroyed by one sing le nuclea r weapon, should the use of such weapons be impossible for political or strategic reasons, the loca l popu lat ion can often put an exceptional resistance even if only lightly armed); • lo E:rnyc:1ye , wear uuwr1 a nd chan -

RAF MRCA Tornado fighter bomber.

it later); • extensive use of semi-permanent positions, active obstacles and built-up areas as essential elements of the defensive organization; • organization of a second line of defence to be used if the first line , situated along the frontier, has been breached; • organization of guerrilla activity throughout the territory occupied as a further reaction in the case of the defensive position(s) being overrun. Lastly , it might advisable to plan the employment of the whole range of nuclear weapons and clearly define the phases of escalation from tactical bombs through to euromissiles, earmarking targets in both the national and enemy territories , according to the predictable outcome of the battle. 48

strongpoints incorporated in the actual defensive system. When the defence in place of built- up areas ceases to have tactical significance, these forces can be used in guerrilla operations. The effective use of "local resistance formations" is obviously based on the assumption that they are comparatively cheap and that: • the enemy will launch his initial attack using on ly conventional weapons (escalation would otherwise inevitably and tragically ensue until a holocaust occurred)and that the generally accepted strategic and political reasons will induce him to attempt to penetrate the defensive system as rapidly and deeply as possible, initially overrunning defens ive positions without stopping to mop up in order to maintain attack momentum , as in any case is

. ne l the forward echelons of the attacking forces in order to reduce their capac ity of penetration and manoe uvre, and to deny them the use of ground and lines of communication ; • after being bypassed, to keep watch over the movements of the second echolon and logistical supplies, also for intelligence purposes , to allow the use of any long-ra nge and highly destructive weapons the defence is able to bring to bear. Lastly, the NATO countries should ''have the courage'' to add a furthe r element to their forces , i.e. the neutro n bomb, in order to improve their fighting capacity and flexibility of deployment. The N bomb, or "enhanced radiation and reduced blast weapon" (ERRBW in NATO jargon), is an essentially defensive tactical weapon. It has the capability of killing men by radiation overdoses without causing any extensive damage to materials or infrastructure . It is thus suitable for use against attacking forces in that it is effective against troops mov-

r ing over the ground and can knock out ve hicle crews without damag ing the veh i::;les themse lves. In particular, it leaves the terrain and bu ilding ne,pr the place of exp losion comparatively.intact. (The armour cladding of the tanks and transport and fighting vehicles affords little protection against radiation; the rad iation is co nsiderably reduced by earth and concrete, i.e. materials normal ly used to build she lters for the defend ing troops and civil ian popu lation). Furthermore, th is pecul iar weapon has a reduced fall- out effect, wh ich wou ld oth erwise prevent the subsequent use of the territory on which the explos ion took place. For this reason it is more suitable for use in the territory of the NATO countries than tactical atomic weapons. In connection with these pecu liarities, t here is a comparatively long- stand ing plan to replace a certain p-oportion of the tactical atom ic weapons with wh ich the all ied forces in Europe are equipped in order to enhance the ir capacity to arrest an enemy advance and to offset the quantitative disadvantages in the conventional land forces vis-a-vis the enemy. The European NATO countries cou ld th us log ical ly have been expected to ask the United States to take such steps. Instead, the effects of pacifist propaganda on t he western masses, aided and abetted by the Soviet Union, coupled with fears of the possible repercussions on the internal pol itical situation and the wishful thinking that Moscow could be convinced by good wi ll ges tures to negotiate the limitation and reduction of armaments, led President Carter to abandon the mass production of the new nuclear weapon and still act as a brake on the Western govern ments and mi litary authorities in t heir attemps to plan its dep loyment. These essential ly pÂˇs ychological ly based facts stand out as absurd when the defensive problems of the Atlantic Alliance are viewed rationally and could have extremely negative repe rcussions on NATO's deterrent capabi lity, shedd ing doubts as

they do that it has the will to defend itse lf and thereby encouraging the enemy to make an attack. How can the Russians be expected to bel ieve that the NATO countries really intend to preserve their independence and freedom at all costs, even at the risk of a total holocaust brought about by the use of strategic nuclear weapons, if their governments cannot find the common wil l to use much less powerful weapons on their own territory if required

looked. At most, it would be possible to choose to use the weapons with a certain degree of discrimination and se lectivity, without re nouncing the use of any one of them a priori simply because the enemy who is out to destroy us, as he daily repeats in his domestic propaganda, claims it is inhuman. For instance, in order to contain esca lation without giving up any means of defence, should the NATO's Europe- based forces be

McDonnell Douglas FIA - 18 aircraft, denominated CF - 18 by the Canadians.

to avoid being overwhe lmed? There is one disconcerting fact that is no longer a secret, and t hat is the Russians are building N bombs (and Fra nce is about to do so) . On the other hand, under the effects of pacifist propaganda, NATO continues to be seized with doubts and perp lexity as to whether it is advisable to make these weapons avai lable to its ground forces dep loyed in Europe . The on ly defence possible against a vastly superio r enemy employing all available forms of struggle to exert pressu re, i.e. threat of war, and political, economic and psycholog ical menace, in a conflict that may be hot or cold and is ideo logically oriented to wards the complete destruction of the cap ital istic, i.e. Western , world, is "global defence". In other words, a defe nce in which no available means can be over-

equ ipped with the neutron bomb, the Alliance could adopt a new political deterrent and tacticaloperational criterion governing the use of nuclear weapons, i.e. to lim it its first- use to its own territory (in areas preselected according to certain operational hypotheses and consequently evacuated) in direct support of its own conventional forces in order to stiffen up their resistance, but at the same t ime to declare that the second and subsequent nuclear strikes will be directed also against the enemy's own territory unless he desists from his attack . This is obvious ly a much more gradual and flexible use of nuclearweapons and is thus less like ly to lead to immediate escalation. In the general picture outlined above, it will be necessary to go on building weapons of increasing

-destructi ve power and accuracy, and therefore of growing sophistication, in order not to succumb to the enemy, bu t at the same time one must prep are to meet the attack of the enemy infantry with co nventional w eap ons because , should the b alance of power of the mass destruction weapons precl ude the m bein g used , the attack co uld ensure that co ntrol was ga ined o ver the territory required for its manoeu vre onl y by materi ally occupying it w ith his own troops.

CONCLUSIONS Kissi nger's rece nt proposals to increase th e ac tive, material an d moral participation of western European cou ntries in their own defence in th e framewo rk of the Atl ar.tic Alliance (among other thi ngs he suggested that a European gene ral be given command of the NATO forces in Europe), have give n rise to doubts and co ntroversies also in Eu ropean po litical ci rcles. There is a constantiy lu rking fear that suggest ions of th is k ind are a prelu de to

American disengag ement, however li rn;ted and partial. These assumptions and insin uations could also co nce ivably be aimed at damaging the mutual co nfide nce of the partn ers on both sides of th e Atlantic. I personally bel ieve that Kiss inger's proposals are bas ica lly va lid also from th e standpoint of deterrence and correspond to a moral need now telt by the Euro pean public op inion that t he al li ance w ith America is definite ly indispensable and irrep laceable as far as keeping the peace is concern ed . However, thi s sa me pub lic opinion also feels that the security of the free co untries of the O ld Contin ent can not be merely delegated to it, as this would ul timately erode their in depende nce In t hi s view of th e moral values on w hich western civil ization is based, togeth er w ith th e dig nity and aware ness of putti ng them into practice and the will to preserve the m , the need is now felt t hat, also fo r a series of strategic an d political reaso ns , Europe itself should propose that an improve-

ment be made at the operational and co nceptual level in t he application of th e doctrine of flex ible res po nse. In my view , two vital changes must be made as the log ical deve lopment of th e political choices already made w he n th e Persh ing and Cruise missi les were installed to counte r the serious th reat posed by th e Soviet SS 20s, nam ely: • to make ne utron bombs a vai lable to the NAT O forces in Europe as a partial replacement of its tact ical w eapons; prior autho rization mu st be obtained fo r their use on th e territory of t he member cou ntri es to support th e res istance of the larg e ground units in acco rdance with well-defined and f ul ly negotiated operational hypoth eses ; • active partici pati on by the po pulation (resistance fo rmatio ns) figh ting in collabo rati on with the regular large units in the case of ene my attack , to be extended fro m the frontier area to th e w hole of the national territory in the case of invasion. Western Euro pe m ust meet the global threat by means of global defence an d retai n the power to manage on its own t erritory all the weapons it requ ires for its own defence . Neverthe less, the measures outlined above, insofar as t hey consist of modifications to NA TO defens ive strategy , can ideal ly be incorporated also in its "peace strategy", i.e. in its endeavour to reach an agreement w ith the opposi ng bloc in order to reduce t he risk of conflict, and to limit or restrict armaments. Indeed, these measu res tend to improve the bal ance of the opposing forces without increasi ng the threat to the Warsaw Pact countries. This is beca use they do not involve the possibility of conducti ng or sustain ing offensive action, as do t he Pershing and Cru ise missiles wh ich , although installed as a defensive measure against the SS 20's, are actually offensive weapons. In other words, they shou ld not have a negative effect on the currently suspended talks but could even provide a pretext for relaunching them. In particular,

the ren unciation of the "first use" on enemy territory co uld , w ithout substantially red uci ng the possibility of nuclear retaliation a fter poss ible collapse by t he conventional forces, give rise to a new poli tical initiative to break t he present tal ks dead lock. In conclusion, I thin k that if weste rn Europe can ach ieve a • greater capacity for defending itsel f and can prcve that it has the will to do so w hatever the c ost, it wi ll probably have greater leeway fo r taki ng an effecti ve p art in the dialogue between th e Uni ted States an d th e Soviet Uni on , as well as for making n ew, realistic and acceptab le p eace pro posals .

Vittorio Bernard

Genera l Vitt orio Berna rd r egularly attended co urses ,.. . attheMilita ry Acad· em y, th e Ser vice Branch School an d the Wa r Co llege. He holds a d eg ree in civil engineeri ng from th e University of Pa dua . He co mmanded the pioneer co rn pany of the ·'Julia" A lpine Bri gade, th e pioneer ba ttalion of th e "Legnano" Divisi or , the Engineers HQ o f the V T erritorial Military Co mmand, th e "Pinerol o" Mechanized Brigade and a lso served as a General Staff officer. He w as military attache for the Defence at the Italian Embassy in Moscow from 1973 to 1976 . He direct ed r escue operations in Basilicata at th e time of th e ea rthquake in Nove mber 1980 a s Head of the Provinc ia l Operational Centre of Potenza . He was cours e leader o n the Gen eral Slaff Adv anced Course a nd has been Director General of Geniodife s ince 1st Au gust 1982.

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NEW TASKS IN THE FOOÂˇT STEPS OF TRADITION 1

True as it is - and as statistics show - that almost every day in Italy a new periodical is born and another dies, from the longevity viewpoint the "Rivista Militare" is doubtlessly a lucky publication, for it is one of the oldest magazines in the world. A longevity that bears the mark of many cultural battles: during our Risorgimento, in the epoch preceding the first World War and in the second postwar period, when the Ita lian Army was rebuilt, reorganized and restructured. The "Rivista Militare" -which was founded in 1856 by two brothers, Carlo and Luigi Mezzacapo, Neapolitan officers living in exile in Turin, when Italy, according to Metternich 's scornful words, was only a "geographic expression",

was a publication which revealed itself as indispensable fo r filling the cultural void existing inside the Piedmontese army.

THE FOUNDERS AND THEIR TIME

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The Mezzacapo brothers, former officers of the Neapolitan army, arrived in Turin as exiles at the beginning of 1853, having deserted from their army and taken part , as volunteers , in the defence of Rome and Venice. They first took refuge in Genoa with other officiers coming from other States of the peninsula. Having used up the savings they had been able to put aside in the preceding years, the two brothers went to Turin, in the hope of finding employment as military writers and journalists. The Mezzacapo brothers had graduated from Naples Nunziatella Military Co llege -wh ich was then considered the best- together Vl(ith other officers who later oh asserted themselves as pa53

triots on the battlefield and as first - class military writers, such as Carlo Pisacane, Girolamo Ulloa, Mariano d'Ayola, Guglielmo Pepe, Enrico Cosenz, Pietro Coletta. Despite their worthy past and their uncommon culture, the two brothers found serious difficulties in entering the Piedmontese military circles. The Sardinian Army was not a fertile ground for new ideas , debates and military culture in general. Its mentality was strictly conservative, and it was almost impossible for strangers to overcome the barriers of prejudice that were put up, from all sides, against "erudite'' officers. There is trustworthy evidence of this situation, as in the following words by Ferdinando Pinelli: "There was, in the Sardinian Army, the peculiar idea that to study was of no value whatsoever for learning the art of war, and courage alone should suffice. The studious officers, besides being almost scoffed at by fellow students, who ironically called them "erudites", were also disliked by the Government, to the point that a very talented officer, having met with incredible difficulties in obtaining permission to publish a work on tactics and strategy, was forced to have it printed in Paris , where it was highly praised by all experts". If it was impossible for a Piedmontese officer to publish his studies in Piedmont, it is easy to understand the kind of problems that the two Mezzacapo brothers had to overcome,in order to have their work as mi litary writers accepted. They were not lacking initiative , anyway, for already in 1850, in Genoa, they had started the "Military Library for the Italian Youth Inclined to Military Service", in which they introduced and commented the works of Italian and fore ign military writers, making references to the varied politico-military situations of the peninsu la. It was a bold editorial enterprise , in times of deep-rooted illitteracy. Also in Turin the two brothers managed to open a breach in the solid wall of Piedmontese impenetrability. Carlo published as

many as 43 articles in 1854 and the ir valuable contributions". 73 more in 1855, contributing to After its first year the "Rivista" the paper "II Diritto" and to the was suspended for a period of "Rivista Contemporanea", Âˇthe four months, owing to financial best of its time, on wh ich also difficulties. There had been only Niccolo Tommaseo wrote. The ot- one hundred subscriptions, while her brother , Luigi, carried on a the need was for at least three similar activity and, in the end, hundred, just lo face the indisthe two acquired a high reputa- pensable printing costs. Pubtion, as can be inferred from the lisher Carlo Voghera, with a reletters addressed to them by markable show of confidence, numerous exiles who asked for took upon himself the financial their assistance in various mat- burden, allowing the "Rivista ters. Among these, there was Car- Mi litare" to resume publication in lo Pisacane, who begged Carlo July 1857; but soon the fi nancial Mezzacapo to use his good offices problems were felt again, and th is in order to obtain the release of time even more deeply. a young Mazzinian agent arrested There is a letter in Carlo in Genoa. This kind of friendship Mezzacapo's own hand , adwas certainly not of the type that dressed to the War Minister, the Piedmontese authorities ap- Alfonso La Marmora, to whom he preciated. Pisacane also asked describes the damage that the that the paper "II Diritto" published suppression of the "Rivista Miliin its supplements "a work that tare" would do to the Army's culcost me five years of labour, and ture Mezzacapo suggests that the now I cannot find an impresario Minister use the review, and a willing to stage it". He alluded to possible weekly supplement, for his "Historical, Political, Military the systematic collection of all the Essays on Italy" which were pub- Ministry's publications, regardless lished only after his death and of those already appearing in the are one of the most significant Official Military Journal. works of the Italian military liteLa Marmora answered rature. through his secretary, GeneralIn March 1856, Luigi and Car- Petitti, that he agreed to the relo Mezzacapo started to publish quest, affirming that the War Ministhe "Rivista Militare" with the Bare- try would buy one hundred copies ra printing house. In the first years of the review. The fact remains the articles were written almost that the review had to overcome exclusively by the two brothers. the initial crisis relying on its sole The Piedmontese military austrength and could continue pubthorities ignored the initiative, lication only thanks to the pubdespite the clear invitation adlisher's courage and the Mezdressed to them in the first issue: zacapo brothers' will. "All the Armies in Europe have Examing the articles publishreviews that deal with military art ed by the two brothers in the and science. Piedmont alone, in first issues, one understands how which the military traditions are their originality vis-a-vis the ideas so numerous and splendid , sat- then reigning in Piedmont repisfied with a few sheets which, resented the necessary shockdue to their limited dimensions, wave for a deep renewal of the are prevented from soaring up to military thought. Italy was divided weighty and solemn subjects, has in seven states and they already not, up to now, prided itself on talked about a unitary defence of a paper, which, having an esthe peninsula, affirming that the sentially scientific character, loss of the Po Valley did not mean , could freely range in the field of as everybody maintained, utter the most significant questions". defeat, because resistance was The invitation was even more possible all along the Apennines, explicit in the following assertion: down to the extreme solution of "The publishers of this review invite maintaining the national soverthe officers of every branch and eignty in the islands, waiting for the experts on military matters to possible counteroffensives, made give lustre to these pages with easier by the land's conform a-

tion. Th ey also asserted the need to forfity the alpine passes tha:t could be included in the operational lines of the invading armies. But the defence of these passes should not have been a passive one, as fortifications could suggest; on the contrary, it should have been active, with vanguards sent very much ahead to delay the enemy's advance. They closely examined the defensive positions more suitable for resisting an invas ion , from the Alps down to the tip of Calabria, and indicated the most important strategic points that should be protected and possibly fortified . They introduced an innovative concept in the mi litary studies, which, later, was often ignored in the overall vision of defence: i.e. the act ion that can be performed by the

population for resisting an invader; an important action, for the defence of Italy was not only a military question but mostly a national problem. In its substance, the Mez zocapo's outlook is, from certain points of view, halfway between the official Piedmontese vision of a "royal war" which completely overlooked the support of the people to military operations, and the "people's war" supported by Garibaldi and Mazzini. Moreover, while everybody else was just talking about offensive operations against Austria, the Mezzacapo brothers went beyond this limited vision and envisaged "a priori" and in detail how the defensive operations should be developed, after the liberation of the national territory. In this sense, they turned out to be real forerunners in the

military events that fol lowed each other during a century of our country's history. The clearest evidence of this rational foresight can be fou nd in their survey of the operational lines that could be followed by an adversary invading the Italian territory. The Mezzacapos un derlined the great damages the defenders would suffer if the enemy was to get over the Tarvisio line and to descend along the Predi l pass. These forecasts came true punctually fifty years later with the Caporetto rout! Almost a century later, the successive defensive and operational lines adopted in the Italian campaign had precise references in the terrain evaluation made by the two brothers. Carlo Mezzacapo's "M ilita ry Studies on Italy", after appearing in the Rivista Militare, in 1859

were collected in a volume publish ed in Milan by Francesco Vallardi. It represented one of the military texts most appreciated for the novelties it introduced in the studies of military art. The novelties concerned the survey of operational problems , not simply restricted to the abstract relief map of the national territory, as it was then th e use at Commands, but extended to the environment, considered and evaluated as a whole, from many points of view: - human , historical , spiritual and moral, -which characterized each region and unit. It was a new outlook that sharply differed from th e poverty of the contemporary mi litary thought, the main featu re of which was "to advance at all costs" along two ot three directions converging on the objective. This poverty of thought had al56

ready been significantly proved in 1849 chief of staff of the Sard inian Army. It was an open acknowledgm ent o f the intel lectual crisis of the Piedmontese military, expression of t he lack of studies and culture and the consequent inability to rise above the simple tactics and the prestige skirmishes among commanders. In t he light of t hese facts , one can und erstand the meaning of a publication such as the "R ivista Militare ", in a moment when the Italian Army was being created, with 16 ,000 officers coming from various armies , includ ing Garibaldi's own , all with very different doctrin es, mentalities experiences and methods. One can also fully estimate the work done by the two Mezzacapos fo r the cultural imp rovement of these offi-

cers, 50% of which belonged to the Sardinian army and had taken part in the campaigns for Unity, and 25% had fought in other armies and participated in the war events after 1848.

THE VALIDITY OF A FORMULA The in itial programme of the "Rivista Militare" represents one of the basic documents of the Italian military culture , owing to the developments that it set in motion. One can find in it the reasons for the revi ew's longevity arvJ :he validity of a formula which, ever, today, seems the most balanced in the field of military publications. In the programme publ ished in the first issue, the Mezzacapo brothers state that an army has an

"inevitable need ' to have at its disposal a periodical publication, so that the officers will not wander "from the movement of studies and ideas which is t1e foundation of their social condition ". They invite the contribution of all officers and "expe rts in military matters". They maintain that the review should not be written only by members of the editorial staff, or by a limited number of external contributors, but by a plurality of authors. They invited, therefo re, all officers to use the review for present ing experiences and proposals for the solution of the existing problems. According to the editors idea, the Italian mil itary thought should not have been addressed to a limited circle of top officers, but should reach al l members of the army. As a consequence, also the

personal ideas that did not coincide with the "official" opinion should be accepted and published, as an expression of the mi litary thought of a certain period and witness of experiences thet deserved publication. The articles , in order to be published, had only to comply with the rules of military style and propriety, that is , the exclusion of "political questions, useless polemics and personal discussions". The review was conceived , in its potential outline at least , as a precious means through which the military base cou ld have a voice in the choices the summit was called to make, owing also to the vastity of the subjects that would be discussed, which were evenly divided under different headings: military, scientific and humane

sciences. The balance between the scientific and the humanistic side was just the distinctive feature of the review: next to the traditional scientific and technical subjects, the following themes were envisaged: military ethics, ancient and contemporary history, military aphorisms, retrospective and contemporary critique. Therefore , not only did the review adequately stress the importance of technical and scientific preparation but, in a rigidly conservative milieu, incited public criticism on the most inte resting military matters. The pages of the "Rivista Militare" were to be the stage of cultural battles , where perplexities and moods would be revealed, bringing to light the true character of the military culture of the time. According to the programme of

the first editors, the magazine shou ld be enlivened by cultural engagement and qualilified intellectual responsibility, which would stem from study and research , activities almost unknown in the armies of their time. The two editors were foreru nners in this respect, for the official circles then believed that an officer's best quality was "experience on the job" and not culture, considered unimportant. Another fu ndamental feature of the programme was the close re lationsh ip of the Review w ith its t im es . Every study and every proposal should be connected to the military reality of the mome nt. Among other th ings, and in order tofu rt her stress the need for a real link with everyday events, they started the "Military Chronicle" col umn . Its month ly period ic ity was not in contrast w ith the intenti on to be in touch with the times, because it co uld , with reasonable ti meliness, wit ness the main necessities of the army and reflect the problems, enthu siasms, hopes and deceptions fel t by the officers. Th e Mezzacapo brothers said that only "the value of the work can give prestige to the review an gain the favour and admiration of t he national and foreign armies" . It was an easy pro phecy , because t he orders of the Commands, aimed at increasing the number of subscriptions among the officers , dim ini shed the prestige of the magaz ine. It shou ld have been convin cing on its own merits , not because of somebody else's wi ll, not forgetting to avail itse lf also of the "help of the graph ic art" in order to be interesting and we ll accepted.

THE NEW TASKS Our going back to the orig ins of the "Rivista Militare" has a precise re lation with the present situation, because it helps to overcome everyday difficulties and points the way to follow when deciding the fundamental trends that characterize t he fu nctions of this pub lication. Our thought goes back to the f irst editorial of the Mezzacapo brothers, in which

t hey set a programme valid to this day, wh ich req uests all of our energies to reject the frequen t at tem pts to overstep the barriers set up in 1856 about "personal discussions an d sterile polemics." We w ish to keep this barri ers, also in view of the new tasks entrusted to the magazine , w hich are added to the trad itional ones of expanding and updating the tech nical- professional prep arati on of office rs and kee pi ng al ive the traditions and currents of mil itary thought. The new tasks, closely interdependent with the traditional ones and quite absorbi ng, are in comp lete harmony with the Mezzacapos' original programme. In short they are as fo llows: First: help to inform public opinion about the problems of defe nce , widening the discussion with a series of ed itorial initiatives in order to reach the entire national comm unity and , from certain points of view, also the international community , through an Eng lish edition and the publication of special supp leme nts. Second: help to create a culture of security, wh ich is not the heritage of the Armed Forces alone , but of al l citizens, and all State institutes shou ld contribute to its formation . In a democratic system characterized by a plural ity of information , such as ours, the citizen should be adequately informed about the problems of defence, and the military institutions sho uld give their contribution in the sector of publ ic information . Therefore the review, sold now at news- stands, performs an important pub lic func tion, info rming about the mi litary instru ment, the balance between the country's means and the necess it ies of defence, in order to make the problems and scenarios of the nationa l security better known through complete and qual ified information. It fights its cu ltu ral battle , convinced to he lp t he cause of peace and civilizat ion , especially important today when the fie ld of informat ion seems to be coveted by powerful pressure groups,

which have plans of cultural and social hegemony . Therefore the mi liltary institutions' interventio n in the diffu sion o f a "cult ure of security" is fu lly justifie d, because it is the responsible fulfi llment of the words of our constitution, accord ing to a concrete democratic co nception of the State . â€˘ The editors of the national dai lies have acknowledged on these very columns that the Italian citize n is not adeq uately inform ed about the problems of national security. In truth , though lessened, there remains a sense of detachment between the military and th e civilian society, wh ich incities us to operate inside society and for society. T hus the sectors of information an d cultu re entrusted to the "Rivista Militare" are be comi ng leaders in the Army- Country relations, in the attempt to bridge the gap that t he nass-media have been unable to fi ll. If such is the situation in Italy about public info rmat ion on nati onal security, if it is true t hat the daily newspapers are incapable of adequate ly informing t he citizens , it ensues that the "Rivista Mi litare" can carry out a task of the greatest importance . The co ncept of a m ilitary press is just coming to light through the "Rivista Mi litare's" initiative wh ic h is aimed at reaching an increasing number of read ers. If, until a few years ago, ou r publ ication was the expression of a limited cultural group, which used an el ite lang uage, our prese nt contribu tors are tryi ng to -enovate mil itary journalism , in its contents and form, in order to establ ish a better relat ionsh ip w ith the publi c. T hey try to inform the man-i n-thestreet, because to inform means to exp la in ideas and facts , respecting the various pol itical op inions. O ur task is to guarantee the fundame ntal values, such as the comme nt and mu ltiform ity of opin ions, from wh ich the debate of ideas stems. We try to overcome the mistrust of those readers who co nsider our review a veh icle of ideas lim ited to narrow cu ltura l circles,

working with the consciousness commissioned officers of our roots which reach deep in who want to update their prepthe Risorgimento's soil of military aration, scholars willing to imhonour and sense of the State, prove their military culture and putting us above the various par- take part in the debate, citizens who ask to be informed on probties. lems regard ing national securiThe "Rivista Militare" wants to promote not only the ideas of ty. Our aim is to remain above the summit but also those the parties, to work for society spontaneously coming from the and to be mediators between the base. These ideas are the expression of cultural traditions rela- summit and the base, a base as ted to the two trends, innovative large as all Italy, without overlooking the Âˇinternational comand conservative, which munity, to which we are sending since the last century have marktimely messages. ed the military debate in Italy. After all, think ing about the origins of our magazine, it is quite evident that the review belongs Pier Giorgio Franzosi to a vast public: officers and non-

NEWTASKSINTHE FOOTSTEPS OF TRADITION

As for the topic of a political Eu rope and of its possible international role , also the theme of a euro pean defense draws anew , from time to time, the attention of the experts and of . a part , at least, of the public opinion. This is exactly what happens in these days ; it might be co nven ient, therefore, to bri efly look into the principal terms of the problem. Even apart from any deeper political investigation and to better put th e accent on our subject, it should be remarked that the problem itself finds a satisfactory solution only on a political level , i.e. only after having defined the role , the responsabilities , the objectives , the spheres of interest and of action which should be assign ed with an "updated" view, either to the present co mpl ex of european commu rities (EEC , ECSC and EAEC) ;1) or to possible and future european body . In this instance , we see that the institutes, within which a european defe nse shou ld be planned and implemented , acquire a prominent importance. In s·hort terms, three possible solutions might be assumed : to keep alive the present system strengthening , if necessary , some of the inter-governmental cooperatio n instru me nts; to set up a European Confederation having the task bf coordinating the foreign and defence policies o' the member countries ; and, fin ally, to establish a European Federation charged with the management, in a unitarian way, of all the public- political, social , economical , financial, scientific- techno logical and defensive activities of the federated states. Each of such three models entails specific aspects. In fact, a defense po licy , however co nsidered , is first of al l a coordi nation policy. And it seems obvious th at the coordinat ion be conceived, at different levels, as a coll aboration activity or, at an y rate, as a true integration process in direct connection to the specific type of organization adopted . This is , really, the core of the qu estio n. But before entering any further discussion , it might be convenient to clarify what do we intend as

a "defense policy". The "defense policy" might be defined as "an uninterrupted process conceived to grant to a state , or to a group of states, a defensive in strument capable to face, at any

time, any possible external threat and, within certain lim its , even an interna l one". Especi ally for study reasons, we might agree to split th is pro cess into "phases" which form , however, a co ntinu ou s series of acts . And this for a very simp le reason: the difensive instrument set up and kept effective shou ld constantly be "u pdated" in connection with the flow of the political and strategic situations , on one side , and with the scientifictechnological evolution , typical of mode rn armaments and equipment, on th e other. We can , therefore , consider: • a first phase, to determine the political objectives to be attained through a suitable defensive instru men t; within which the decision to belong to a certain party is taken through new alliances or the co nfirm ation of the old ones an d, of course , afte r having clearly indicated the poss ibl e enemy; • a second phase, to define

British infantrymen.

the strategical lines (nuclear, nuclear-conventional, conventional, intercontinental, continental, regional , etc .) to be adopted as a consequence of the choices taken during the fi rst phase ; • a third phase, to set up the organ izational model to be assumed in connection to the selected strategy (type of nuclear "deterrent", nuclear tactical complex and conventional complex, priorities for the aerial, land and naval forces) keepi ng in mind the possible "scenarios" and the possibl e theaters of operation; • a fourth phase, to define the financial resou rces necessary for the various programs (one maximum, optimal; one, or more, intermediate; one minimal , capabl e to grant an acceptable defensive effectiveness); • a fifth phase of actual assignment and allotment of the avail able resources, in connection with a series of organic implementation programs ; • a sixth "operational" phase,

c oncern in g the force s organ iz a ti on , -t he man ag ement of th e re search and te st program s, the producti o n a nd d istrib uti on of e qu ip me nt , t he t raini n g, e tc . (to s how h ow all th es e ope rations are st rictl y and mutu ally c on n ected , the wo rd "ope rat ion al" h as been p ut w it hin inve rt ed c ommas) . T h e cl o s e re lation between the new instit ute s a d opted , o r the ol d on es kept al ive, and t he w ays of a com mo n defen sive policy is here partic u larl y e v ident. But t h is point de se rve s to b e c larifie d . In case of a d efe nse b a s ed o n th e ex is ting in st it utes- inte g rated , if nece s s ary , w it h t ho s e o f th e Western Eu rope an Union (WE U) , w hic h alread y t ake s c are o f de fensi ve p rograms - it wou ld b e impossible to a ss ig n, w ith in a s trateg ic an d op eratio na l int e g ra ti on , h ig hly am b it iou s o bj ectives (2) . B etter cou ld b e d one adopting a c onfe derative struct ure . How e ver , t he o pt ima l ass um p tio n, even m ore d ifficu lt to c arry into effect , remains s til l th e cre a tio n, in a rea s on able n umber of y e ars, o f a tr ue Fe derati on , t he o n ly fo rm c ap abl e to grant a u nitaria n na ture to the d efensive , a nd no t on ly de fe nsive, p ro blems o f the memb er s ta te s (3) . No ne o f t he th re e e hy po- th e tic al s oluti on s now mentioned s eems achie vab le on th e short run. But t he decisio n to bas e the defens e upon th e pres ent institu tes, bec au s e b eing precise ly the le s s am b it ious, m ig ht p erm it to start w ith a s ol u tion , if not im m ed iately , at leas t in re lative ly n arro w li mits o f ti me . A part icu la r p oint n e eds to be c larifie d before c on sider ing t he m ut ual re latio ns wh ic h might in te rven e - in th is c ase t he co nditio na l is mandato ry - b e tw een the va ri ous in stitu tion al mode ls and t he p h a ses of a po s sib le euro p e an defe n se po licy . B e it for p o lit ical reasons (loy al ty towa rd s a ch oic e tak en s ev era l y e ars ago, b ut stil l ful ly valid fo r many years to c ome) or for techn ic al gro u nd s (eco nom icfina ncial a s we ll a s scientifictech nical im p o ssi bility to ach ieve , on ly w it h w e stern europ ean re s ou rces , a "to tal" def ens e s y s tem) , the defi n ition o f t h e po lit ical

objecti ve s for a possibl e e uropean Below. D utch in fa n try men. defen s e sys tem , here identif ie d w it h t he f irst p h as e , appe ars rela tive ly e a sy (it is perhap s the . Faci ng page . on ly sim p le as pect of t he p ro b - Multirole fighter MRCA Âˇ Tornado â€˘. le m) , a nd an e xpected o ne a s well , at le a st in c onnect ion t o t h e probable developments of the present situation. And this independently from any instit utional

mechanism possibly adopted. It can be affirmed , therefore, that the system shall in any case operate, be it a development of the existing or a new one, w ithin the Atlantic alliance and for the preservation of the east- west balance, unless - desirab le, but scarcely probable - a general and controlled disarm ament intervenes. Obviously, a europe an defensive system shall not be a crystall izing element , but form , with its capability to face a wartime or different confrontation, a de terrent factor against any armed clash. Either in the global frame of international relations or w ithin the east- we st balance, it should contribute to a climate of real detente and factual cooperation which - it seems worth to note - might be the most valid assumption to establish, in a certain

number of years, not only lower and less heavy bu-dens of military balance, but also ever better civic ties between the nations. The specific ways of such an action, necessarily bou nded to long terms, shal l be obviously determi ned only at political level. In other words, within the institutional mechanisms above considered. Having cleared all this, it se ems now possible to highlight the mutual rel ations mentioned before. In the more limited hypothesis - i.e. the one util izing the exising insti(utes, stregthened if nece ssary - the construction process of a eu ropean defense might be started through permanent and periodic meeting s of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Ministers of the community members. Du ring such me eti ngs and, whenever

necessary, through directives dictated by "ad hoe" summits of the Chiefs of State and Premiers (4), the Ministers could determine tim in g, nature and pha~ing of a common defense policy. . At the same time, a "european" General Staff should be estabilished and charged with studies and tests necessary for the

european Parliament, by the national Parliaments of the Community's member countries or , as a form of cooperation , by both? To discuss at len ght this theme would require much space and is therefore impossib le in this instance . We shall only note here that, in the first as well as in the th ird case, an agreement

etc.) tak ing in account the substancially "national" nature of the latter; for the other solution, they could set up the ir links on almost exclusively "federal" bases. In both instances, the political control over the defensive decisions and activities should lay within a Parl iament (confederal, in the first case and federal, in the

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political decisions, on one side , and w ith the translation of such decisions into technical terms (strategic, tactical, organizational and logist ical ) , on the other. The Staff cou ld be flanked by civ ili2n experts w ith specifi c knowledge in different fields (f nancial, industrial, etc.), directly co nnected to defensive activities. Moreover, very narrow links should be established with t he principal public and private bodies dealing w ith sc ientific and technological researches, in one way or another applicable to the defense. For obvious reasons, being the Western European Countries ruled by democratic regimes, all t he considered initiatives should undergo, durin g their definition or implementation, proper parli ame nta ry controls. And here arises a prob lem not easy to so lve: such controls shou ld be exe rted by the

within member states cou ld be necessary to define again authority and powers of the european Parliament. Within th is hypothesis, as well as within the other previously mentioned, th e attainment of a valid politica l-techn ical balance is a "cond itio sine qua non" for the success of any initiative . In both solutions, confederal or federal, unique Foreign Affairs and Defense Ministries could be formed for all the member countries of the existing Communities and, obviously , for those who would join sooner or later . However - and this is evident - such Mini stries would operate within a context and at very different conditions in each considered case: in a confederative solution, they shou ld base their relations to the remaining public bod ies (financial, economical, research,

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second one), elected through universal suffrage. To create such a Parliament should not be particularly difficult. It is already a consolidated praxis by every Union of States, however conceived, to consider a body of such sort. The difficulty lays, instead, in creating that kind of Union: less hard tor a confederal solution, more for a federal one. For each po litica l body , the progressive development of the various phases mentioned before could, of course , be only of one single nature, i.e. within a clear confirmation of the western and atlantic cho ices. However, t he technical imp lications of such an option m ight vary sensibly depending from the institution al model adopted. Th is appears evident , fi rst of all, on the strategical plan . The selection of a strategy is not an

isolated fact stand ing on its own: in many cases it is a compulsory consequence of other choices. And this is pa rticularly true in our case. Practically , each of the indicated institutional models imposes a specific strateg ic line, with inevitably narrow margins of manoeuvre. Within the hypothesis of a defense based upon the present institutional mechanisms, as we have seen before , it would be impossible to divert very much from the actual genera l lines. The european strategy would remain confined within th e NATO strategy: it could be based upon more narrow links between the european forces, on an operational coordination con ceived both as a european and as a NATO function, on a more large flexibil ity , on a mo re integrated engagement of the reserves; it wou ld keep unchanged , however, its con-

ventional strategic nature, only valid until kept under the protection of the U.S. nuclear "deterrent"; the "deterrents" of France and U.K. are and would be considered, in this hypothesis, as national forces. O n the other hand, the ir capabil ity to survive and react is largely co nd itioned by the ex istence of the so more powerful american "deterrent" . Another st rategy cou ld be associated , on the contrary, with the confederal hypothesis; however , even this one would be limited , however in lesser proportions . One could imagine, in th is case , a certain operational coordination between the trench and the british "deterrents", although not without enormous techn ical problems given by the fact that both "deterrents" follow sensibly different procedures and adopt different structures , weapon systems and communication. It

could be , in other words , a strategy substantially keepi ng its conventional nature, but wi th some nuclear aspects not deprived of a certain "credibility". (It seems wo rth to mention that the "credibility" of a nuclear "deterrent" is bounded not only to techn ical factors. but also to the existence of a political authority charged , wheneve r necessary , with the terrible responsi bil ities of the actual use of the "deterrent" itself). It appears evident, at this point, that only the implementation of the federal hypothesis could pe rm it to the europeans to set up - be it clear-, merely as a deterring instrument - a well balanced nuclea r-conventional strategy. Of course, not a planetary strategy, unnecessary for a european Federation linked to NATO and not ach ievable for technical as well as for economic- financial reasons, but rather one li mited to a conti nental range . Without entering in further details, whose discuss ion wou ld go beyond the lim its of this article, WP. may only affirm that , with in the different institutiona l models earlier described, the forms of the here outlined strategies should be defined during the second phase, obviously in connection to the sele(;ted model and to the related pol itica l objectives. Obvious reasons forbid also a deeper discuss ion around the possible implemen tation of the remaining phases. We can on ly try a very brief description, always in connection to the three hypotheses cons idered. Fo r a european defense based upon the present institutes , the organizat ional mode l should on ly slightly differ from wh 9 t exists nowadays. Common command structures could be set up, if so required. A more narrow coordination on the log istical plan could be actuated as well. As far as the definition and the allotment of the financial resources are concerned , not much more of what is done today could be accom plished . Probably some sound results could also be achieved for the development and the distri bution of equipment , if not

Facing page. Antitank "Milan" weapon system.

Right.

Belgian paratroopers on patrol.

standard ized , at least capabl e o f a good interoperability. Pro fitab le outcomes could finally be reac hed in unifying or, at least , harmonizing the training procedures . For the hy pothes is of a european defense based on a confedera l structure, t he process sho uld not b e a ve ry different one . Better res ults in unifyi ng headquarters and training procedures could be probab ly gai ned . A particul ar care shou ld b e required, however , to overcome the obstacles inherent to a structure including "s upernat ional " and "nation al" elements. In th e case o f a federal european defense, the coordination could be obtai ned in a much more tight way at every level. The existence of federal bodies havi ng spec ific financial and econom ic authority , could or should , at least , perm it a more organic resources allotme nt, with favourable con seque nces in every field , to begi n wit h t hose concerning equ ipme nt' s deve lopment and production. Moreover, t he actual central ization of pol itical power achievable through a federal structure could really g rant new opening s to all the activities. To close - but not to conclude, since the matter remai ns open a few othe r co nsiderations. We have discussed here t hree hypothet ica l so lutions, referred to the connections between the three instit ut iona l models and t heir related lines o f deve lpment for a unifi ed european defense. T hese are the th ree solutions more close to the models alre ady experimented in various pa rts of the wor ld , inc luded Europe. Which does not exclud e the possibi lity to find other so lutions , even comp letely different . The main pain:, at least for the author of these notes, is another. A rea lly unified european defense can be constructed. Its imp lementation shows enormous obstacles , both on t he psycho-

log ical as wel l as on t he material plan. A very stro ng po litical will is n ecessary to overcome them. If such a will shall support the efforts of those who bel ieve in Europe, the defense o f the Old Conti nent - in tended as a peace factor and not as an overwhe lming and violent one - shal l become a factive real ity. On the contrary , it would be on ly a dream . Vittorio Barbati

Notes (1) Economic European Community; European Coal a nd Steel Community; European Atomic Energy Commu nity. (2) It see ms necessary to re mark that th e WEU is formed by only seven members, whereas th e Commun ities count

nowad ays onto ten (and shall amount to twelve v e ry soon). A probable integration of WEU w ilhi n the Communities would ari se. thererore. several pro blems. (3) As already know n, w ithi n conf edera l structures, the Confede ration manag es in a un ita ri an way on ly the foreign a nd the defense policies, leaving to the con federated states more or less broad margins of manoeuvre in all other fi elds. On the contrary, with in fed eral structures. the Federa tion directs and con trols , very often in a partic ularly sharp way, all the activities of th e federated states fi nancial, monetary (budge t pl anning and contro l, control of th e financial interm ediate means . rund management, etc .). economical (shares, en terprises management, p ublicworks, etc.), social (assista nce, socia l security, etc.) , j udicial (civil and crimi nal law). Tod ay. however, more than one con fed eral sys tem te nds to attribu te - although substancially re specting local au thonomies - mo re coordinating powe r to the ce ntra l bodies. Âˇ (4) It is wo rth to note tha t, among the Chie fs of State of the commu nitarian member countries, only the President of the French Republic bears real responsibilities and political power.

The problem of the permanent use of women in "mi litary" tasks has a long and contin uous history. Of course , th is cont inuity is more ep isod ic than uniform and easi ly ident ified. The woman- soldier, the woman- warrior and the woman-legionnaire have appeared in history at irregular intervals on ly to return once again to t he shadows fo r vary ing len;:iths of time that seem to depend o n various factors. The first of these factors is now commonly defined as "loss of historical memory". T hat is, in the effort to reconstruct an entire and sem i- co ncealed network of variously displayed "female" ski lls, equal attention cou ld not be given to them all. One reaso n for th is is that in each age, and therefore in each artistic, histo rica l and literary period, certain iss ues are given priority over others . Consequently. alt hough considerable research has been done on the art istic achievements of women throughout th e ce nturies and on t heir dai ly behaviour in t he home or t he church, very li ttle has been done to reconstruct the contribution women have made to the sector that cou ld be defined as "mi litary organization". Furthermore, for many centuries the main thrust of women's demands related to their unjust exclusion from the civilia n professions, f rom the right to study and from public life in general. However, in the absence of a schoo l system in any way like the modern one , the right to study merely amo unted to general statements regardi ng women's intellectual capacity, whbch was in no way inferior to men 's. Only in very rare cases was it of any use to the cause of sex equal ity to emphasize wom en 's traditional "warl ike" virtues.On ly afte r the conso li dat ion of a non-clerical state educational system was it possib le for t he generic "right to study" to be related to professiona l activities or actua l jobs . The problem of women 's permanent service in the armed forces for dut ies of a defensive or auxi liary type was of necessity "heteronomous" rather than autonomous for as long as it remained a mere append ix to the much wider claims being

advanced. Furthermore, it could not be given a final solution through institutions hallowed by time and tradition , such as the Military Academies or -colleges. Until the nineteenth century, the creation of women's fighting units was not so much the result of a process of emancipation whereby

episodes that are not however the rule or cannot be related back to the problem of women in the broad sense. For instance, F. De Roberto wrote an article for Corriere della Sera in 1910 entitled "The crisis in feminism", also commenting on a text by Baron Marc de Villiers , Histoire des Clubs des

non-conven tional tasks were extended also to women, but rather a response to nati onal crises: revolutio ns, uprisings and revolts. Those articl es in the daily press deal ing with the problem of training women 's armed forces limit themselves to citing glorious

femmes et des "Legiones d 'Amazones ( 1). As De Roberto informs us , the book te lls of t he three great crises in feminism in France over the last century: during the French revolution, in 1848, and during the FrancoPrussian War, al l three of which

l coincide with the creation of women's army corps on the initiative of the women themselves. "Whi le a new era in the history of the world is opened by the declaration of the rights of man, the emancipated women of France demand that also those of women, of th irtee n mi llion slaves, shou ld be proclaimed. What do they demand? They demand many things: to be ordained priests and to preach in church from the pulpit; they demand that also men be compelled to take wives without dowries and that a law should be passed conferring po litical rights on women ove r the age of twenty and depriving of them the men over forty". A group of women citizens of C lermont Ferrand make it known to the legislators that the time has passed when spinning was the only activity allowed them. T he female inhab itants of Aval lon so lemn ly dec lare that "while French wome n have so far on ly produced chi ldren, from this day on they wi ll give birth to men . But these and other good inte ntions are not enough . Women must act like me n and since the most resolute , manly and vigorous activity is war, they too want to fight" (2). Theroigne de Mericou rtfounded the popu lar Club of armed women, a lady from Vingnerias wrote to the Assemblee in name of al l those who were t ired of working , obeyi ng and keeping silent to ask them permission to set up a "vigi lant m ilitia". A petition was signed to demand that an army composed of ten tho usand wome n and ch ildren be set up with the Aristophanes- like oath of "reno uncing the sed uction of love until fel low cit izens have won their laure ls of glory". De Roberto wrote that t he only difference between the old play and present real ity was that Lisistrata made he r compan ions take an oath of abstinence out of love for peace , not for war. Meanwhile, in the provinces, the female militias were being set up by the "capitaine" Darn , at Trie under the lady co lonel Feurier, at Bordeaux t hey were already several thousand strong, and at Grenoble they had acqu itted themselves

we ll in the uprising against the Vendeens . Madame De Moulins commanded the national guard of Mormant, and one hundred and twenty-seven women at Perouges below the age of 50 set up the guard of Bellona, the goddess of war. At Isle a company of Dames de St. Barbara was formed. In the

large cities, the revo lutionary citoyennes of Clara Lacombe were agitating for the mobilization en masse of all female patriots between the ages of 18 and 50. Citoyen ne Lecointre declared that women are no~domestic animals and would form "a phalanx". According to De Roberto , in

'48 we f ind a similar series of attempts to organize women 's armies: one citizen suggested setting up the leg ion of the Vesuvian es, electing himse lf colonel, and hundreds of women joined up , "rebutting the witticism to which their volcanic name gave rise with the declaration that the burning lava would emancipate them" . It was also demanded that a women's Guard unit be formed, open to all young women between the ages of 15 and 20, as well as of units in which husban ds and wives would serve together. Nevertheless, while the more bellicose were set upon taking to arms, others declared that women must not become emancipated "by turning themse lves into men, but rather emancipate men by turn ing them into women ... ". For a start, it was necessary to destroy the difference in the dress, without of course becoming indecent or ridiculous, "nor abandoning gracious forms and good taste". Dr Malatier proposed abolishing the corset, considered an instrument of deceit. La Voix des Femmes advised its readers to wear men's caps perched on the top of the head , like men. "Cut your hair, and it will become stronger. .. ". The Vesuvianes insisted on all men being obliged not only to marry, but also to remarry if necessary. T he women of the Fraternal Society of the two Sexes of the fi rst revolution swore that they would die spinsters rather than marry aristocrats, while the numbers of the New Woman now pledged themselves to refusing as husband any man not willing to share with them "the re giment of the state". The provisional government was asked to extend voting rights to unmarried women who had come of age. The wives, like slaves, were evidently not allowed to express their opinions freely. About twenty years later the country suffered foreign invasion. Felice Belly, du ring the siege of Paris, announced that th irty thousand women would flock to the flag because "they love the martial apparatus and have an instinct for war, for ambushes" One thousand five hundred women enlisted

in the battalion of the Amazons of the Seine and Louise Michel, together with Madame Leo , wou ld have set off to liberate Strasbourg if only the gover1ment had not had her arrested. As a result of the proposal to arm women , a "weapon" known as "God's Finger" or the "prussic thimble", des ign ed to prevent them being raped by the enemy, was presented to the members of a women 's club. This device cons isted of a rubber cube worn on the f inger and filled with prussic acid. One touch of it would be enoug h to lay the Prus sian out cold . But - wrote De Roberto - "the setting up of the Amazons, of the female marines, of the Deathshead Carabineers, together with the foundation of the women's cl ubs, the chairwomen of which wore pistols at their be lts .. . , did not stop the leaders of the revolution, who were for a short time happy to receive the women's aid, from ultimately getting rid of them" . Robesp ierre made use of the revolutio nary citoyennesfor as long they worked towards the fall and suppression of the Girondins , al though he subseq uently admitted that the ral lies of Sansculottes

cou ld no longer be co untena nced "as t hey were too ridicu lous and gave ca use for gossip" After having tolerated the women, the Jacob ins then betrayed t hem. The National Conven:ion'\lve nt eve n fu rther and banned all forrns of women's associations (3). Don na Pao la, a well-known w rite r and jou rna ist , and a conte mporary of De Roberto, whose real name was P. Baronchelli Grosson, wrote in La scena illustrata, again in 1910, about the "military" habits of the quee n of Pru ss ia, Victoria, and of the Kro nprinzess in Ceci lia . "O n more than one occas ion the Ka iserin has appeared on the parade grounds of her country and also in the illustrated magazi nes of five continents wearing the un iform of Co lonel of the H1.,ssars ... Who says that a woman be a bad mother simp ly because she is capable of holdin g a sabre in he r han d and of usi ng the cutting edge against her co untry's enemies?

It must not be thought that this have the good fortune to be raised ~vocative image of the woman sol- to such lofty hei ghts and yet did dier, this twentieth-century ama- we ll by thei r cou ntry and were an zon, is a historical novelty, one honour to womanhood" (5). O ne of those strange things concocted of t he best soldiers in the army by Chance to amuse contempo- of the f irst French Republi c was a woman, the w id ow Brulon. T he rary society" ( 4) . In Donna Paola's view, there daug hter, sister and wife of so lwere woman warriors in all ages. diers k illed on active serv ice, she With the intention of establish ing jo ined the army immed iate ly after a line of historical continuity, she her husband's deat h. Sh e displayed great cou rage at the siege begins by citing the legendary Amazons and the Hierodules, the of Ca lvi, in Corsic a. She remained ministers of the temple of the war- in the act ive army for seven years - from 1792 to 1798 - se rving rior goddesses like Artemides and in seve n campaigns under th e Athaena. "But without getting name of Liberte and reach ing the invo lved in the uncertainties of the fairy tales", the journalist went ran k of sergeant-m ajor After on , "the stories of our times show be ing wo und ed by a bomb sp linter in her left leg she resigned from us striking examples of women active duty and was decorated who succeeded in overcoming their timid nature and who put on w it h the Leg ion d'Hon neur on the warl ike dress and fought and died recomme nd ation of Marshal Jerome Bonaparte. However, the for an ideal, which was often inseparable from the good of the tradition of the woman so ldier was country . Let us not speak of Joan destined to reappear in a kind of go lden ag e during t he Napo leon ic of Arc .. . let us instead think of lesser known women, who did not era . At the t im e of the Corsican, hu ndreds of soldiers' w ives accompan ied t heir husbands th rou gh th e horrors and dangers of war. T he "ge nerales" also had their mome nt of g lory and sharerl

the honours w ith t heir husbands The "generale" Ve rdi er, for instance , took her place in the first line o f a defens ive sq uare in Egypt ; during a w it hdrawal she found herself in the rearg uard and was able to save a number of wou nded by load ing t hem on to her horse . Also Auge ron, Ney, Lasalle and Bernadette we nt on the ir cam paig ns w ith the ir warrio r wives beside them . Napoleon envie d the m t he ir good fo rtune . Since Joseph ine, a fearfu l and elegant woman, re fu sed to accompany him am id t he h ardships of the battlefie ld, Bonaparte had no scruples about taking w ith him Madame Foures , w ho used to go into battle beside her husband, a captain. In the war of Spain the Napoleon 's wo men so ldiers covered t hemselves in glory, es pecial ly Madame Sans-Gene and Virg inie G uescu iere, k nown as "le beau se rgeant" and who was awarded t he Leg ion d'Hon ne ur. The story of th is brave wom an is extraord in ary. Since her brother, w ho had been called up,

was weak and sickly, and no t strong enough to march, Virginie dressed up in man 's clothing and reported to the regiment in his place. At the battle of Wag ram she saved the life of a captain and won her sergeant's stripes. At Lisbon she saved her own colonel, who was surrounded by the enemy, receiving a bullet wound in a shoulder and a bayonet wound in one side. Not even during her long stay in hospital was her true sex discovered. Again wounded in the abdomen at Burgos, she stubbornly refused to be operated on, in order not to give herself away. However, the surgeon made use of drugs ... Another romantic story is that of Dr James Barry, t he inspector general of the military medical corps , who died on July 15th 1865 and whose grave can still be seen in the London cemetery of Kensal Green. Only after "his " death was it discovered that General Barry of the medical corps was actually a women and had never graduated from medical school. The factthat she was a woman had been discovered

several years before by Colonel Wilson and a medical officer, but she had sworn them to secrecy . It is not known exactly who she was, although she was treated with such respect in high quarters that it is quite possible that her secret was already known. Barry not only had been appointed military surgeon without having done the necessary studies , but had also received very rapid promotion, skipping the intermediate ranks and going straight to the top of the ladder. An even stranger case is that of another woman who dressed up as an officer and practised as a military doctor. Her name was Mailod and she lived until the mid nineteenth century. "She succeeded in joi ning the British Indian Army)), wrote Donna Paola, "and served in it for many years. Her colleagues made fun of her because of her effeminate ways , but she never answered them, so as not to give herse lf away . The only time she lost her patience she challenged the lieute nant who had insu lted her to a duel and shot him dead''

(6). The conclusion drawn by Baronchelli (whose pseudonym was Donna Paola) is somewhat pessimistic. She ends her survey of famous women soldiers by saying that it is siill too ea rly for women to succeed in giving up their beauty and seductive powers, which they consider to be their greatest talents. "It is perhaps fo r this reason that the woman soldier will not engage in propaganda among her companions of the same sex. She may well be a parade soldier, but to be really serious requires a greater spirit of sacrifice than perhaps our dear little women can muster" (7). In more recent times, the Chief of the Defence General Staff has instructed the Centre for High Defence Studies to examine the problem of introducing a women's military service into Italy with special reference to the lawn. 66 of 1 st February 1963. This law , by opening up all public posts to women without imposing limitations on t hei r duties or ca-eers , also provides for their enlistment in the

WOMEN'S MILITARY SERVICE IN THE WORLD C HARACTERISTICS OF THE SYSTEM COUNTRY

SINCE

SECTORS OF EM PLO YMENT

S EnVICES

r,GEOF CAT :GORIES OF EMPLO YMi:NT RECRUffMEN

T RAIN ING COMPARED \NITH MALi: PERSONNEL

NA1 0 COLJNTRI ES

BELG IU~l1

1972

3 services

CANADA

1971

3 services

All, excep1 unhcnllhy and dangerous o nes (I)

ONs., NCOs. ORS

17 years

Similar

Adrrnnistration. Medical.

Oi ls .. NCOs. ORS

17 years

Sim ila(

A drninistratior.. Se1v ices

Otts., NCOs, ORs

16 years

Similn.r

Ac·mimstr;:iuon. Supplies.

OH,; .. NCOs. ORs

10ycmrs

Simila,

Not over ·10 ;,cnrs 40 years

Si1r1ila1

Comm unications, Servic e:;

DENMARK

197 1

3 se:vices N(!tion,11 Guard

rRIINCE

19 72

3 t;ervices

Tec hnical Services. Medical W EST GERMANY

19 75

UNITED K INGDOM

3 services

Medical

Offs.

3 services

Administration. Medical. Signals. HO Seo:ices

Of's . NCOs. ORs

17yeafS

Olis. 9 wks nong rnds 8 mnlhs NCOs & ORs6wks

20 years

S Ow eeks

GREECE

19'.'8

3 services

Administration, Servicos, Logistics

O11s., NCO,;, ORs

NORWAY

19 ?7

3 services

Non - combat

Of1s . ORs

HOLLAND

19 72- 79 (3i

3 serv iccs

Non--cornoat

Otts., NCOs. Co,po,a ls

17 tears

s,mil;u

USA

1942-?8 (3)

3 scrvicc:!S

1942· Medical . Admini~lf<i tion: 1978: Various B ranc hes and Services {cxch.Jrlmg corn~at)

Olis., NCOs. O Rs

17 years

Similar

1967

3 services

Medic al. Communications, Air Ocfonr.e, Repair wo1k

Offs., NCOs,

19years

Administration. Si9nals, HO Services

NCOs . ORs

19 yea·s

I yea, course

1/lyc,ars

Simi!af

18 years

(>f1s., NCOs 4-6 months Three days a wc,ek

Ofis sim il~r ORs E>inonths

VVARSAW PACT COUNTRIES USSR

CZECHOSLO VAKI A

POLAND

1967

ROMANIA

19?3

S1gn<J.ls, Medical. Civil Deience

:i s ervices {4 i

Medical, HQ Se,viccs

3ser,11r:m;

ONs., NCOs. ORs

Pnlri,x;tic.: Guards OTHER COl/NTRfES ARGENTINA

1!)77

3 seivices

EGYPT

ETH IOPIA

19 73

3 services Pcop\c,'s Militia

YUGOSLAV l/1

1974 (3) 19 80 (5)

NCOs

18 ~,ears

Medic al . Administra tion. Te lecornm unic.:tion:.

Otts .. t-!COs, ORs

17 yeaiS

:l services

Medical, /\drninistratiop.

SWE DEN

1978

Air Force (plnnned lor 3 seo,ices}

SWITZERLAND

1940

Independ ent corps, la ler assigned m J\rrneo Forces Army

TUNISIA

r. .1edical. Miscellaneous Services

3 mo nth course

HJ yc<Jrn

Probal) ly reduced

20 years

S imila:,

18 ycnrs

S imila·-

18years

Basic 2 7 day course

Tea it Oei encc

3 services

SOMALIA

18 years

Nursing, M ilita ry Po lice, Air Fo rce

Co mrnunica1ions, Tcchnical Se1vices Air $urve1Jlanc:e

Offs .. NCOs, ORs

Ofls.

Adminis1ration . S ignals, Supplies. Posts a.nd telegraphs

Otrs., NCOs. ORs

Medical. Administration. Signnl. lni onnatics

NCOs

$ im1lm

COUNT RIES WITh COM PULSORY WOMEN·s M ILITARY SE RVICE CH INA

ISRAEL

1959

3 ser.t1ccs

Medical. Si~Jnals, Mapping, M iscellaneous services

Ofls.. NCOs. ORs

18 y ears

Strni'ar

3 services

/\II

Ofls., NCOs. O Rs

18 years

Basic.. 4 wk trainir\g

( 1i Sectors ol emptoymenl ciecided by Sovereign (2) Already medical g raduates (3} Date of initial use of fom;,i e pers onnel and the prom ulgf:tion o l last regulatory legislation (4} 1·here arc cmmnlly no w cmen on ac1ive d uty (5i New law being implernen,cd

Armed Forces. The procedures for implementing this law were further defined by a joint forces work ing group which adopted the solution envisaging the setting up of a single interservice women's corps. The careers and personnel were to be limited and separate from those of the men. The corps itself was to come under the command of the Chief of the Defence General Staff and have duties in the medical, technical, administrative and communications sectors . Between 197 4 and 1980 numerous draft bills on women's mi litary services were presented. In April '74, Sen. Spora presented a draft bill providing for the creation of a women's voluntary service. This was followed in June of the same year by a draft by the Rt. Hon. Messeni Nemagna. During the seventh legislature three draft bills were presented: by the Rt. Hon Preti, in December 1976, by the Rt. Hon . Miceli and others in June 1977 and by the Rt. Hon. Accame in February 1979. Finally, during the eighth legislature a draft bill has been Notes (1) The text by De Villiers is extensively quoted also by Raymond Caire in his re cent book La femme mititaire des origines a nos fours, Paris., 1981. (2) De Roberto La crisi de/ femminismo, on Corriere de Ila Sera, 20 Oct. 1910. (3) Ibidem. The fascination of women warriors, whether the Greek Amazons or the Latin virgins has never ceased to exert its seductive power both in times when women are demanding more freedom and in those when they seem to acritically accept the roles imposed by tradition or custom. Another newspaper article, this lime on the Giornale d'llalia of Aug ust 191 o, shows how an archaeological find made at Belmonte of two tombs of women warriors immediately leads lo an association or ideas between them and the virgin Camilla, the queen of the Volsci sung by Virg il. Th e article, signed by "an archaeophile'', re lates that the virg in Cami lla is no longer a "poe ti c image of V irgil , but histo ric real ity ... and just as th e richest sepu lch re recalls Camill a, so th e nearby tomb perhaps r efers to her comrades " comites lectae pacisque bonas bellique ministras ", i.e. Lavinia, Tul lia an d Tarpae ia". II Giornale d'lta lia, Scoperta d i due to mbe di amazzoni a Belmon te , 1st Aug ust 1910. ( 4} Donna Paola La Seen a lltustrata, 1st December 1910. (5) Ibide m (6) Ibidem (7) Ibidem

presented by the Rt. Hon. Accame (Regulation of women's voluntary military service), by the Rt. Hon. Miceli, in June 1979, by the Rt. Hon. Tassone on the new provisions governing compulsory military service and by Sen . Crollalanza in March 1980. The problem of women doing military service seems to have been launched towards its final solution by the contents of the draft bill presented to the Council of Ministers by the Minister of Defence, Lagorio, in 1980. The main points of the draft bill may be summed up as follows: voluntary recruiting of officers, NCOs and other ranks on permanent service; the use of women soldiers in all sectors, except in actual fighting units; the same career structure as for men; slight modifications to the juridical status to accommodate the female condition; the same pay, health care and social security for both sexes.

Fiorenza Taricone

SOLDIER WOMAN

Fiorenza Taricone is a graduate in philosophy and letters and has done fu rther studies in modern history at th e University of Rome She is a student of women's history and has written articles, essays and a book \ entitled "La condizione della donna nel XVII e XVIII secolo" (The condition or women in the 17th and 18th cenluries). She has wri llen another book, about to go to press, on the women of the nineteenth century. This book also deals with aspects of women's action in the va rious civilian and military sectors of the state.

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LIGHT CHAFF NAVAL LAUNCHING SYSTEM

BREDA MECCANICA BAESCIANA s.p.A. EFIM ll;[i:ANZIARIA 7111 e'. BREDA 1

2 Via Lunga 25128 BRESCIA (Italy) Tel. 030/31911 Telex 300056 BREDAR I

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rm MODULAR LASER SIGHT Selen ia has developed a new Modular Laser Sight. The MLS-6 is the basic module of an integrated Day/Night laser periscope. The comb ined use of the MLS-6 with the standard 12 night elbow o r the recently developed pass ive IA elbows results in an integrated set which can be fitted to most of the head mount assembl ies (from the standard M32 Sight

to the most advanced stabil ized head mirror units) . The design modu larity caters for installation in the larg est variety of ta nks and armoured veh icles without structura l rewo rks. The light we ight and common aperture concept lead a lso to fi eld appl ications such as for batterfield surveillance and artillery forward observes, bot h on a tripod and on Remote ly

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Piloted Ve hi cles. The bas ic configuration of . MLS- 6 contains a Lase r Visual Un it (LVU) and a Laser Electronic Unit (LEU) . Interface material for integration with the chosen FCS or data link is part of the equipment. The LVU directly f its the periscope type M32/M35 and may be mounted in lieu of the ex isting M32/M35 day channe l at fie ld level. The line of sight is boresighted by means of easily accesssible wedges . For different installations, a 4 cm optica l aperture and an attachement plate are the only mechanical requirements. The electrical interface with an electronic FCS is implemented through optically coupled isolators. The interface w ith a mechanical FCS is implemented through a se rvo unit. T he adopt ion of a minilaser transmitter and of a common aperture concept, permi tting the laser pulse , the return signal and the overa ll dayli ght scene to pass through the same aperture, has led to an extremely compact system. The resulting smal l volume and lig ht we ight are a prem iu m for in sta llation into armoured veh icle t urrets and RPVs . Internal bores ighting fac ili ties , prov isions fo r integration w ith 12 and pass ive IR night e lbows, internal generation of muzzle reference reticle, access ibility for injection of CRT or RPU generated symbols and mark, are the most outstanding features of the equipment.

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. AIR CARGO DELIVERY SYSTEMS Irvin Systems s.p.a. designs and manufactures a wide range of air cargo freight and parachute deli very systems, including equipment for specialised packaging, handing, air cargo dropping and air freight delivery.

"IRVINGLIDE" AIR-CARGO GROUND HAND LI NG SYSTEM The "lrving lide" system is designed spec ifically for the efficient ground hand li ng and loading of air-cargo and is already being used in conjunction with the Lockheed C- 130 Hercules aircraft. The syste m is mobile and flex ible and can be added to, or configured for , any shape of warehouse . It has the capab ility of transferring pallets , or shutting them between docks for stag ing, so that they go to the aircraft in preplanned order to provide correct aircraft loading trim.

Main features of the system are: platform height of 42 in (1070 mm nomin al) from ground to rolle r, loading at 90 degrees to the aircraft fuse lage centre line , portable warehouse dock roller platform system, USAAF specification trailer beds, Aircraft door crad le and Multi - station. The "lrvinglide " system is designed to be operated manually and does not require the use of forklift loaders.

CONTAIN ER DELI VERY SYSTEM (CDS) Irvin systems manufactures also a full range of parachute systems designed for droppin g load units of up to 2,500 lb (1,100 kg nominal) from altitudes of between 1,000 and 1,500 feet (300-450 m) above a dropping zone. Operation of the system is initiated by putt ing the aircraft

1sola1or/shock mitigo:ti ng easier wheels 25 MPH rating

Roll er H ays can be rotated 901> for end loading if n eeded

into a climbing attitude , to all ow the load to move rearwards under the influence of gravity and be released. The system is capable of dropping loads singly or in controlled mu ltiple sequence. For a typ ical air-drop operation the aircraft is equipped with a special load restraint (buffer- stop) system to prevent forward movement of the load in the event of violent deceleration of the aircraft. The Irvin CDS system comprises: Parachute (s), load units, nets, straps and harnesses , and relase equipment as applicab le and in - f li ght restraint (buffer-stop) system .

PLATFORM. AI R-DELIVE RY SYST EM (PLADS) The PLADS system is designed for parachuting loads secured to stressed multimodular platforms from altitudes of between 1,000 and 1,500 feet (300- 450 m. nom inal) above a dropping zone. Maximum all- up weight that can be dropped is normall y 37,400 lb (17 ,000 kg nominal), however, prov ided the aircraft has suffic ient hold capacity and structural and operational lim itations permit, heavier loads can be carried but require additional or stronger materials to be used for load secur ing, the extraction parachute system and the risers of the main parachute clusters . Operation of the system is initiated by the release of an extractor parachute wich in turn withdraws the load fro m the

IRVINGLI DE RAMP EQUIPMENT 42 INCH TRAI LER

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.r,a aircraft. As the load falls away, the main pa rac hute system is deployed by means of a static li ne. The size and number of main parach utes and t he si ze of the extractor pa rachute is determined the we ig ht of the load be ing dropped. Main co mponents of th e PLADS system are: • Stressed multi- modu lar platform: 88 " or 108" inch gauge width . (Th.e se can be supplied in two versions : lig ht - IMI 6.5. 1/2 or heavy - IS 6 .5.3/4 - ). Other platforms may be us ed provided they are compati bl e wit h the aircraft deck: • nets, straps and harnesses, and relase equ ipment, as appl icable , • parachute , ext ractor, IM I 1. 10.4 , or others, as appl icable , • p arachu t e , ma in , IMI 1 .2 .1 5, or others, as appl ic able .

LOW-ALTITUDE PARACHUTE EXTRACTION SYSTEM (LAPE$)

The LAPES system is designed to withdraw load units, by means of ext racto r parachutes, from aircraft flying 5- 1O feet (1 .5- 3.0 m . nominal) above ground level. Maximum all - up of a load

con to l system (tow plate) I.S.

unit is normally 34,000 lb (15,400 Kg), however, heavier loads can be carried , subject to ai rcraft capabil ity. T he load is secured to a heavy du ty metal platform and

• stressed multi-mo dul ar pl atfo rm : 88 or 108 inch gauge width, complete of accesories fo r attitud e control and multi

depe ndant upon operational

platform a ir-drop. Oth er

requirements , load units can be despatched from the aircraft sing ly o r in co ntro lled multiple sequence.

platforms may be used pro vi ded they are compatible with the aircraft deck; • nets, straps anci harnesses, and release equ ip ment, as appl icable; • parachute drogue: IMI 1.1 0. 5, IM 1.10.4, or other, as app licable; • parachute , extractor: 15,22,28 feet diam eter, as applicable.

Operation of the system is initiated by re lase of a drogue parachute. The drogue pa rac hute effects deployment of the extracto r parachute w hich in turn w ithdraws the lo ad unit from the aircraft. Main compo nents of the LAPES system are : • electro- hydraulic drogue release and ai r- drop sequence

11.5. 1 (A/B) ;

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25 MM AUTOMATIC CANNON TYPE KBA The Oerl ikon KBA cannon is a 25 mm calibre cannon which fires the NATO standardized 25 mm ammun ition . The KBA cannon has a range of appl icat ions as naval armament, for air defence purposes, as vehicle armament and as helicopter armament. The rate of fire, weight, size and low recoil force g ive th is cannon good versatil ity. Many KBA cannons are already in serv ice, mainly in NATO countries . The 25 mm KBA cannon is a pos itively locked gasoperated gun with a rotating bolt head and percuss ion firing.

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no The dual ammun ition feed enables an immediate selection of either of two ammunition types with first round response . The ammunit ion is belted. For its cannons Oerl ikon has developed and produces the appropriate ammunition types TP-T, HEI-T, SAPHEI- T and APDS- T . Th e typ ical KBA installations are GBM- A01 naval gun mounting (fig . 1) , "D iana" twin field AA gun, turrets types "Mad is" (fig. 2) and T25 and the heli-borne system type GBH - A01 (fig . 3). TECHNICAL DATA Calibre 25mm Rate of fire 600 ro undsi min. Muzz le veloci ty vo 110- 1335 m/s Mass o f comp lete cannon ready fo r integration 11 2 Kg

DATA

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HYDRO~CLEANERSAND HYDRO-SANDBLASTERS Hydro-c leaners an d hydrosandblasters by Cristian ini can be used for clean ing, pa int remo val , descl ing , ru st and oxide removal for intens ive maintenance both in the plant and in centra lize d W orks hops, or in places where qu ick and effic ient work is requi red . T hanks to the vast range of accessories, such as lance and nozzles , spec ia l heads for the indise cleani ng of pipes, tanks , etc., any requireme nt of cl ean ing , sandlb lasting an d sanificatio n ma y be met with. In the Armed Forces, whe re very modern equipm ent is employed almost everywhere, a large qu antity of co mbat and transportation eq uipment is used. T hi s kind of eq uipm ent must necessarily be extremely reliable , w hich requires a very intensive mainte nance prog ramme. The use of hi gh pressu re water cleaners, allows for the prec ision cl ean ing of all rr ilitary equ ipment such as jeeps and trucks , aeroplanes, hel icopters, boats, kitche n equipment, deposits, pa rabo lic antennae ,etc. Such intensive cl eanin g not on ly increases the life of paint and other coatings , but also allows fo r th e ea rly detection of corros ion, damage and fue l or oil leakage, as well as for their immediate re pair. Hot water cl eaners, w hich are provid ed with an independent boil er and fu el burner, can be used for th e remova l of grease depos its and foo d wastes , as well as fo r sanitiz ing and emptyin g war surplu s devices of thei r expl osive conte nts th anks to th e extens ive water heating poss ibi l ties (248Â° F) . T rai ler-m ounted units , wh ich functi on with eit her hot o r cold 81

TECHNICAL

no water, are provided with their own diesel fuel motor and selffeeding pump , and are therefo re able to operate independently in places which are difficu lt to reach, or where water and power supply cannot be guaranteed . Thanks to the possib ilities of suct ion and injection of any kind of chemical product together with the jet of water, high pressure wate r cleaners can be effectively emp loyed in disinfection, sanitation, etc. All high pressure water cleaners can be transformed into highly effective hydro-sandblasters by mounting a very pract ical accessory for hydrosandblasting: sand and water ejected together aga inst the surface to be treated , thus remov ing paint or surface coating.

DATA

THE PALMARIA 155/41 SELF-PROPELLED . HOWITZER

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R E VIEWS

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J. Alford: "Greece and Turkey. Adversity in the All iance" International Institute for Strategic Studies, London, 1984, pp. 151, L.2,90. Th e unity of NATO in the eastern Medite rranean has been put into question by the adversary relationship between Turkey and Greece. The disaccord between these two nations has deep historical roots; it regards an essential problem for both states - sovereignity and freedom of the seas in the Aegean - and it cou ld have repercuss ions for the strategic eq uation of the entire Mediterranean. The problem is complicated by the domestic instability of both states. Greece in particu lar considers Turkey a greater threat to its own security than the Soviet Un ion. This explai ns the curre nt attitude towards the USA on the part of the Gree k government wh ich has taken a hard line, actuall y subordinating its NATO membersh ip and acceptance of American guarantees against the Warsaw Pact threat to western support in its relationship with Tu rkey. How far is Greece prepared to carry this li ne? It is difficult to say . The fact is, Greece cannot do without western support . Still, complicated and unstable domestic political issues come into play w hich can have a decisive effect on fore ign po licy. Turkish concerns are altogether different. Turkey does not consider Greece a threat to its security. Stil l, it finds itself in a position simil ar to that of t he German Federal Republic as regards its relations w ith the USSR. It has a common border w ith the Soviet Union and its foreign policy has occasionally given signs of neutralist leanings. Like West Germany, it has often looked at detente not on ly as a way of establishi ng more normal relations with the USSR, but also as a means of en larg ing its own field of action, even in its dealings with the Islamic

world. Factors favourable to the continued unity of the Alliance in the eastern Med iterranean include a strong sense on the parts of both Greece and Tu rkey of belong in g to Europe, and above al l their mutual need for cooperation, along with the necessity of obtaining econom ic and mil itary aid from the West. In any case, the problem is a crucial one for NATO, not only because Greece and Turkey block Soviet access to the Mediterranean , but also because of Turkey's greatly increased importance in light of a possible Un ited States intervention in the Gu lf area.

Julien Freund: "Sociologie du Conflit" (Sociology of Conflict), Presses Universitaires de France, Parig i, 1983, pp. 380, FF. 160. Conflicts constitute one of the fundamental phenomena of any society. As such, their study shou ld constitute one of the central points of sociology. Modern societies, whether they be democratic or totalitarian , are extremely complex structures. Especially in democratic societies , conflict is continuous due to the plurali sm of values and ideologies. In totalitarian societies confl ict is absent only in appearance because the authority in power has succeded in repressing all forms of open opposition. It is through conflict that societies find their balance and continue their deve lopment in both foreign and domestic affairs. The two aspects are intimately connected. J. Freund gives his complete endorsement to t he theory of C. Schm idt establish ing the central position of the "friendenemy" relationsh ip as the essence of politics. He both develops and completes it with a more general vision of the role conflicts play in society, their origins, the ir

contents, t he difference between conflicts and games, crises and dialectics, t he sign ific ance of peace and the relationship between conflicts and law. â€˘ A large part of this well-known French sociologist's investigation deals specifical ly with military conflicts, inasmuch as these are the best known and most widely studied. But his exam in ation and considerations can be generalized to cover any type of conflict, whether economic or ideological, political or commercial. Of particular interest are the sections dedicated to strategy, tactics, and the limits of rationality. As regards strategy, the author declares himself to be in agreement with the theses of R. Aron, themselves derived from the teach ings of the School of Clausewitz . In practice, however, he tends to stray from those theories. Strategy becomes completely incorporated into politics ("Strategy is first and foremost the sum total of long term objectives taken together with the historic universe which makes the intelligent decision possible") or it gets reduced to a simple vision of the operation taken as a whole , that is, to its pure ly operational dimension. In such a case it might make more sense to stop speaki ng of "Strategy", and to begin usi ng the term "Grand Tactics", inasmuch as tactics are directly related to the employment of means . At a certain point this somewhat exceptional view leads J. Freund to affirm that in operations of li mited scope, conduct is a matter of tactics independent of any strategy. This affirmation appears rather questionable as eve n in the case of an extremely limited use of fo rce there must exist a strategic objective derived from a po litical end and combired with a conception of the whole w hich integ rates the ind ivid ual tactical operation with the general strateg ic action. Of much greater interest are

BOOK REVIEWS

the considerations ot Freund on the limits of rationality in conflicts. Above all it is necessary to distinguish between rationality of conflict and rationali lty in conflict. The first can be investigated only in the context of a philosophical and ideological conception of the world. It is therefore a pseudoproblem which can have no answers because these would have to be based on axioms which are by definition a-rational (and not irrational , which is something else altogether). The utilitarian concept of rationality has precise limits in that it presupposes the availability of perfect, exhaustive data and a identical system of evaluation and values for each of the two adversaries. In conflicts coincidence, chance, and passion all play their parts. Any method attempting to rationalize these factors would amount to a digression bordering on the irratio nal. The concept of rationality in conflict can never be an absolute. It can only be a limited concept relating :o the coherence of contingent actions carried out according to the original decisions and values. It consists definitively in the maintenance of the instrumentality of the means with respect to the ends. And it calls for a precise perception and acceptance of "the irrational side of rationality", so as not to harbour false expectations of what it can actually express in a situation of conflict where fundamental interests are coming into play, in particular the internal power of entire political elites .

W. O'Brien: "The Conduct of Just and Limited War". Praeger, New York, 1981, pp. 495, $ 43.95. The moral problems connected with war constitute one of the foremost issues of the day. In the past, most debates on the subject have taken place in the evangelical churches. Now, 1owever, they

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have also reached a position of formulation. importance in the Catholic church, The problem is not a new one. especially in the United States. The principle of military force being Particular attention has been given justifiable only in certain to the traditional doctrine of t he circumstances was also present in just war, derived from the classical culture . In the first place, Augustinian-Thomist tradition and war was to be entered into only already relegated to implicit for reasonable motives. In the retirement following the Second second place, the military Vatican Council's Encyclical operations were to be carried out "Gaudium et Spes" and the in such a way that the sum total messages delivered by Popes Paul of the violence used was VI and John Paul II before the U.N. proportionate to the objectives, and General Assembly's special limited solely to the scope of sessions on disarmament, military necessity. The Christian messages which virtually limited doctrine on war had substantially the concept of a just war to the inco rporated this formulation. It has right of leg itimate self-defence. also been the inspiration for all of These debates cannot be international law and, in its ignored or considered only substance, the strategic thinking perfunctorily as if they were nothing according to which combat more than abstract disquisitions far violence should always be limited removed from reality. The fact is by political objectives and by a that in the democratic countries rational calculation of the they have a profound impact on relationship between ends and public opinion. They therefore means, benefits and costs. influence the degree of Therefore the contrast acccptabililty and consensus which between the just war theory and defence policy must receive to be the theory of limited war is found credible and valid. They also not so much in the concept of express ethical principles which proportionality, which is included must be kept in mind , and they in both, as in the distinction furthermore constitute an essential between combatants and noncomponent of the values of western combatants. This distinction civilization, values which the assumes a more absolute Atlantic Alliance is called upon to significance for the theoreticians defend. of the just war; for those theorizing In his monumental treatise, a limited war, the difference is a Professor O'Brien of Georgetown more contingent one, conditioned University sets out to reconcile the by actual circumstances and taking moral principles with political into account the realities of the realism and strategic rationality. operational situations and the His essential point is the practical impossibili ty of avoiding substantial convergence of the collateral damage to the civilian limited war theories with those of population and the environment. the just war and ethical foundations The advent of nuclear arms, and of strategy, particularly in relation even before that the Douhettian to nuclear arms. The concept of theories of domination in the air just war and the concept of lim ited do not substantially modify the terms of the question. They only war are both founded on the add new dimensions to the principle that presupposes a proportionality between the use of problems of proportionality and distinction. Most obviously from an military force and the objectives it proposes to reach. Beyond this, ethical standpoint but, after some careful thought, also for political they are based on two differing approaches. The first, an ethical- reasons, an unlimited war of mutual moral formulation; the second on destruction has absolutely no justification when entered into a political and strategic

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HH deliberately. But the option of threatening "second strike" and "anti-resource" retaliations is a different matter. Naturally, between an "anti-city" strategy and an "antipersonnel" strategy the second is easily the more justifiable, both from an ethical and a strategic point of view. Not surprisingly, Professor O'Brien is a convinced supporter of the new American "countervailing strategy" (codified under PD 59) as opposed to the previous strategy, MAD (Mutual Assured Destruction). Also of interest is the approach used to justify nuclear "first use", the foundation of the American guarantee to Europe, and the transposition of the nuclear deterrent's intrinsic stability to the conventional level. The cause of morality is not well served by abandoning a strategic structure whose deterrent power is stable for another which might one day contain destabilizing tendencies.

G. Treverton: "Crisis Management and the SuperPowers in the Middle East". Ed. Gower, London, pp. 183, ÂŁ. 8.65 This volume contains a series of essays on the Middle East, an area which in the second post-war period has constituted one of the world's principal trouble spots. The first part of the volume illustrates the Arab- Israeli conflict, its implications, and possibilities for futu re evolution. The second part analyses the politics of the superpowers and the procedures they have used in managing the various crises which keep striking the region, sometimes bringing them to the edge of a direct confrontation. The final part of the volume examines the repercussions of the Iranian revolution, the Palestinian problem, and the change in relations between Egypt and Israel. Behind all these facts one can manage to see a vast and compl icated network of interests, relations, and influences coming from both the USA and the USSR. 86

The Middle Eastern conflict has taken on a character and an importance of global significance, becoming much more than a struggle of merely regional interest ever since, at the beginning of the 50's, the Soviet Union was able to establish itself in t he Arab world, and especially in Egypt, thanks to the outcome of the first Arab-Israeli conflict. The Soviet penetration reached its height in 1967 and was offset by the unconditional support that Israel received from the United States. The results of the 1956 and 1967 conflicts demonstrated to the Arabs that Soviet aid would not allow them to obtain a victory, but merely a political neutralization of Israel's military victories. After 1967 in order to oppose the Soviet presence, the USA undertook various peace initiatives which stretched out over the period of the so-called Canal War, a war of attrition which developed from 1967 to 1973 and culminated in

the Egyptian attack of October 1973. Th is last event brought a number of different factors to light. First: the failure of American policy up to that point to solve the crisis. Second: Israel's military vulnerability. Th ird: the extension of the conflict to the Persian Gulf states, which in the past had played a substantially marginal role. The oil embargo which followed clearly demonstrated the dramatic dependence, and therefore the vulnerability, of the West as far as the shipments coming from these countries were concerned. Fourth: Egypt's definitive acceptance of the fact that complete dependence on the USSR would not allow her to reach the political goals she had set herself. All these factors gave new space and momentum to the American initiatives. There were some concrete results, as in the case of the Sinai accords. This was only a limited success given the difficulties encountered by the United States in bringing pressure to bear on Israel. The stalemate was overcome by Sadat's attempt

to negotiate direct accords with the Jewish state during his historic visit to Jerusalem in 1977 and by the Camp David accords at the end of 1978. The Iranian revolution. however, established a new ' instability in the Middle Eastern picture, adding itself to the unsolved Palestinian problem. For the USSR, which had seemed to be shut out of the area, new possibilities for action suddenly opened up. In concrete terms, these will not go away until the Palestinian problem is resolved, making it possible to forge an Arab-Israeli peace agreement which is also acceptable to the moderate Arab states, and first among these, to Saudi Arabia. In short, the Middle East is a critical area for global stability. The internal stability of the moderate regimes in the Persian Gulf, whose oil resources are critical to the West, depends on the so lution of the palestinian problem. The instabi lity, however, is at once both the cause and the effect of the Soviet Union's presence, and as the experience of past years has taught, it will be possible for the Soviets to foment crises right up to the point at which conflict becomes inevitable. Though certainly they intend never to step over that line and run the risk of a direct confrontation with the United States.

A. Pierre: "Nuclear Weapons in Europe". Council on Foreign Relations Books, New York, 1984, pp. 118. $ 2.50. Political relations between Europeans and Americans have experienced some difficulties over the past few years. Many would say that the Atlantic Alliance finds itself going through a period of real transition. Perceptions, interests , and value systems on both sides of the Atlantic are tending to move further and further apart. The close compatibility of multi- polar detente

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DH with deterrence, still essentially a bipolar phenomenon,Âˇ which was hypothesized by the Hamel report no longer exists. Europeans consider the Un ited States military guarantee to be less solid and less dependable than in the past. As they see it, the political and econom ic costs of an Atlantic human ism are too heavy. The question arises as to whether the sole possibility for saving the Alliance, together with its positive effect on global strategic balances and European security, might not lie in a frank consideration of the differences and divergences. On ly in such a way can the present tensions in transatlantic relations be kept from developing into a crisis . The Council of Foreign Relations has taken the initiative with a broad- based research program which covers all the critical aspects of Euro-American relations (from deali ngs with the USSR, to the North-South dialogue, to questions of economics and finance) with a mind to further developing American and European points of view. The first topic of study is nuclear arms . T heir role has been a subject of heateo discussion right from the foundation of the Alli ance. With the installation of the euromissiles , they constitute a central point in the strategic debate currently going on in the West. In four studies - two European and two American: W. Hyland (USA), "The Struggle for Europe: an American Poi nt of View"; L. Freedman (UK), "United States Nuclear Arms in Eu rope: Symbols , Strategy, and Structure of the Forces"; P. Warnke (USA), ''NATO's Illusion of a Nuclear Defense"; K. Voigt (FRG), "Nuclear Arms in Europe: the German Socialdemocratic Point of View" the problem is examined using a number of different approaches in an attempt to find an answer to these fu ndamental questions. Must the security of Western Europe depend indefinitely on the USA?

What roles and functions shou ld be given to the eurotactical and eurostrategic nuclear arms in the event of a Soviet attack carried out exclusively with conventional weapons? Can a conventional bu ild- up reduce the West's dependence on nuclear arms tor security, and if so , then what type of conventional bui ld- up? What would be the consequences of NATO's adopting a declared policy of "no first use"? Should the INF negotiations be merged with the ST ART talks, or shou ld they continue to be held separately? Should the MBFR talks also deal with either short- range nuclear arms or battlefielddeployable nuclear weapons? Just how important are negotiations to arms control and disarmament in East- West relations, and to European security? These are very widely differentiated problems, all deal ing with the substance of western security, and the various authors answer them in widely different ways. On t he possibilities and limits of a wholly conventional deterrent, however, the answers are all pretty much in agreement. NATO must strengthen its conventional forces and reduce its dependence on tactical nuclear weapons. Stil l, it will be impossible to present a conventional deterrent as reliable and credible as a nuclear one , among other reasons for the fact that the absence of a forward line of defense is a political impossibility. As a consequence, it will always be necessary to maintain a strict relationsh ip between conventional forces and theatre nuclear weapons, even if this relationship may become less automatic and organ ic than what the actual strategy of the alliance calls for. As often happens in th is type of study, all references are to the Central Region , completely neglecting the very notable differences and pecu li arities of the Northern and Southern Regions. Indeed, it is to be hoped that Italian experts will play a more active role

in these efforts. For the tact remains that little by little these very stud ies produce the evolutionary tendencies of NATO strategy, which wi ll , sooner or later, suddenly appear before our eyes , putting us in the unpleasant position of having to "take it or leave it", much as happened in the case of the eurom issiles, and allowing us nothing in the way of an active contribution, or, more concretely, an adeq uate opportunity to look after our own particu lar interests and our own national point of view.

R. Roosa: "US - Soviet Relations. A Strategy for the '80s". United Nations Association (UNA) of the United States of America. New York. 1981. pp. 102. $ 9.95. Relations with the USSR, which have dominated Un ited States foreign policy since the end of the Second World war, entered into a crisis stage following the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. This interrupted a period of detente during which many had hoped that the differences between the two superpowers might slowly dim inish and eventually be asborbed, allowing the military balance to be maintained at a much lower human and financial cost. Tangible results from this lessening of tensions were the SALT I and SALT II talks, which stabi lized the Âˇ equilibrium of strategic nuclear forces. The fact is, however, that the USA and the USSR were pursu ing peaceful coexistence and detente with divergent, if not totally opposing objectives. In particular the USSR has been able to transform itself during this period from a regional power to a world power. The invasion of Afghanistan and the pol icy of the new United States admi nistration have interrupted the process of detente and revived the tensions, setting off a new arms race whose cost

is becom ing prohibitive for both countries. It seems more and more apparent that the resulting "impasse" must be overcome in order to establish the basis for a possible round of talks. This is wh at the UNA has tried to do, promoting a series of meetings with the decision makers of United States and Soviet foreign and military policy. The conclusion of their study is that the USA and USSR cannot hope to be "partners", but, on the other hand , cannon afford a direct conflict either. They must realize that cooperation is a necessary goal , but one which can only lead them so far. Military balance will remain an essential eleme nt,but by itself it will not be enough to allow the USA to normalize relations with the USSR, something which can only be done in connection with a stable, long- range , effective diplomacy and initiatives on the economic and psychological fronts. It is necessary to go forward without the illusion of either reaching a permanent state of cooperation or of attaining a crushing victory over the adversary super- power. Realism must prevail. It is especially important not to lose sight of the effect which foreign policy decisions and perceptions of external threats and national interest can have on public opinion and therefore on domestic politics, not only in one's own country but in the adversary's as well. The Eighties will be difficult, deci sive years: the new challenges can be overcom e only with a great sense of realism and a clear perception of national realities. Only in this way can the most dangerous tensions be de-fused , those which might otherwise escape the control of the United States and Soviet governments, leading to an armed conflict. East-west relations are in turn influenced by North-South relations. When judging the initiatives of the two superpowers in the third world, their global political repercussions should be kept in mind. The USA, in

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particular, if it wishes to be successful in its relations with developing countries, must extend to them the same concepts of civil rights which it upholds in its relations with the Soviet Union, and which represent the trade~ff for the concessions granted the Russians with the Helsinki accords. A similar approach will give new energy and vigor to a western policy searching to regain its lost positions in the third world.

R. O'Neil (ed.): "Security in East Asia". International Institute for Strategic Studies. London, 1984, pp.193, ÂŁ. 3.30. The strategic situation in the Far East is much more unstable than the Eu ropean situation. In the first place, it is not made up of two opposing blocs, an in Europe . On the contrary, there are at least four principals , with the USA and the US~R being joined by China and Japan, this last country joi ning the list even though it is tied to the United States by a treaty of alliance. In the second place, profound rival ries exist between the different states - as in the case of North Korea and South Korea, or Vietnam and the ASEAN countries - which can provoke tensions , or simply influence relations between the two superpowers. In the third place, the reg ional powers are prepared to use their conventional forces as an active instrument of their politics. Such was the case with Vietnam's invasion of Cambodia and with China's subsequent show of force against Vietnam. A fourth destabilizing factor is the domestic instability of many nations. As a consequence, the strategic equation in the Far East must be evaluated on four levels: as it relates to the super-powers; as it relates to the major regional powers (China and Japan); as it relates to the other regional powers; and as it relates to the domestic stability of all the states

in the area. This volume , like th e others in the IISS's Adelphi series, is a collection of essays by the world's foremost experts in the partic,ular field who examine topics ranging from the interests to the perceptions of the USSR, the USA, and China on problems of security in th e Far East, from the correlation of the variou s forces to the role which Japan and ANZUS can play, from China's objectives and the influence they can have on the regional strategic context to the socio- political- economic- military transformations now taking place. In this respect, four points are particularly interesting : the changing relations between China and the USSR. between Ch ina and the USA, and between Japan and the USA; the United States' increased in terest in the Far East ; the prospect of a Chinese military build- up in the eighties; Japan's perplexity over United States policy in the area anrl her attitude of caution towards tying herself too closely to the Americans. Obviously, there are no clearcut answers. What emerges instead is a very complex pictu re with a potential for extremely dynamic change . In particular, it is impossible to evaluate questions of Far Eastern security without keeping in mind the interaction of the various levels within a global context - the international level, the regional level, and the level of domestic politics - and the potential effect that transformations in the area's situation can have on European secu rity. The fact is that the USSR could diminish its military presence in the Far East in order to consolidate its forces in the European theatre.

tangram integrated logistic system The systems and the types of equipment required for the operational, control, communication and command tasks in a modern army are becoming more and more numerous; complex and sophisticated. They must be mobile and able to operate on whatever ground, in different points, often very close to fire line. Movements must be rapid and capable of being done in total autonomy, without depe1ding on external variables. To solve this problem, tilos (Tangram Integrated Logistic System) has been created. The tilos system isÂˇ formed by two wide-body, crosscountry, military-sl:laped vehicles, made of aluminium, armoured against the NATO 7.62. They are called: VTL, the towing vehicle, and TU the towed unit. Of the two, the towed unit houses the operaticnal system or the basic logistic function with the relevant equipment; the other one, the towing vehicle, houses th e complementary functions, besides being a towing unit.

Therefore, the towing vehicle solves the operational-logistic problems connected with the functioning of the main system: for instance, the transport of the personnel employed in the running and/or defence of the control centers, or the generation of electric power, the connection with other canters, the supply of water, food, etc. tilos is not only the best solution for any C31 problem, but is also the ideal means to create field hospitals and NBC decontamination canters, since the towed units may be coupled to create adjoining spaces in which one can operate in an air-conditioned state. tilos may also be used as an element for mobile bases in support of emergency airports or of light surface craft. tilos is the actual answer to the problem of transporting ÂŤalways and everywhereÂť (and particularly in tactical areas) systems and equipment. tilos is the answer to any operntionHl -logistic problem, when hJgh mobility and complete autonomy are of vital importance.

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