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JOURNAL OF THE ITALIAN ARMY.FOUNDED IN 1856

JA-NUARY FEBRUARY

1987 LIRE 4,000 $ 4

D.M. 7 £ 3

BETTINO CRAXI The Day of the Martyrs arid ·Fallen for National .,,, Independence

GIOVANNI SPADOLINI Our Army, Reflection of the Nation

CIRO DI MART!NO Notes on Terrorism

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RIVISTA MILITARE Genna io-Febbraio 1987 Spedizione in abbonamento pos1ale gr. IV-70',t

L. 5 .0 00

A PITTURA DI STORIA ELLA FRANCIA DELL'OTTOCENTO

~ CONTENTS ·

European Military Press Agency

a ,RIVlnA

ffllLITARE BIMESTRALE

Number one 1987 January-February

The aim of Riv ista M ilitare is to broaden and update the tec hnical and vocationa l training of Army 'O fficers and NCOs. To this end it functions as a vehicle for the dissemination of military thinking and as a fo rum of study and debate. Riv ista Militare is also intended to be a means of informing the general public about the Army and military ma tters through the publicat ion of articles of current tec hnica l and scientific interest.

Politics, Economics and Strategy 2

The Day of the Martyrs and Fallen for National Independence. (Bettino Craxi)

Direttore responsabile Pier Giorgio Franzosi

4 Direzione e Redazione Via di S. Marco, 8 00186 Roma Te l. 47357373

Our Army, Reflection of the Nation. (Giovanni Spadolini)

Notes on Terrorism . (Giro Di Martino)

Redattore Capo Giovanni Cerbo Tel: 47357372

14 Pubblicit~ A cura della seg reter ia dell'U fficio Rivista Mi htare Tel. 6794200.

Spedizione in abbonamento postale Gruppo IV - 70% . Condizloni di cessione per ii 1987 Un fasc_icolo: Lit. 4.000 $ 4 OM 7 £ 3 Un lascicolo arretrato: Lit. 8.000 $ 8 OM 14 £ 6 Abbonamento Ital ia: Lit. 22.000 estero Lit. 30.000. ·L'importo devc essere versato su c /c posta le n. 22521009 intestato a SME Ufficio Rivista Militare . Sezione d i amministraz ione . Via XX Settembre 123/A . Roma. I residenti all'estcro possono versare l'i mpo rto tra mite assegno bancar io O vagl ia internaziona le. Autorinazione del Tribuna le d i Roma al n. 944 de l Registro con decreto 7-6-1 949.

M em be r of USPI

Un ,one Sta mpa Period ,C:<l Jta fiana

Introduction to Geopolitics. (Antonio Flamigni)

The Principles of War in Modern Conflicts.

Science, Technology and Training 52

Thinking About Light Infantry. (Aldo Limoncelli)

History 70

The Auxiliary Units in the War of Liberation. The 210th Infantry Division. (Enrico Boscardi)

Proprieta letteraria ;,rtistica e scientifica riservata

Industry and Defence. (Cesare Romiti)

Foto di copertina Giancarlo De Za net

1987

The MBFR Negotiations. Let's not Neglect the Conventional Forces! (Umberto Cappuzzo)

Stampa Tipografia Regiona le - Roma.

Book Reviews.

Rules for contributors. Anyone can contribute. In the interest of the maximum ob jectivi ty of informa tion. Rivis ta M ili tare allows contributors conside rable freedom. although it does not necessar ily subscribe to their opinions. The arti cles are published unedited and free o f any editorial constraints and are th erefore the sole respons ibility of the Author and ref lect his personal ideas exclus ively. The topic must be treated in an or iginal way and the ar ticles themselves should not exceed 10 typewritten pages in length. The Author, got his reward, makes over his exclusive article right to Rivista Militare . Rivista M ilitare can make over A uthor's exclusi ve artic le r ight to other publications an d to the periodicals of EMPA (European Military Press Agency). The artic les should be accompanied by any necessary photographs. d raw ings an d explanatory tab les. Each author is requ ested to send a photograph of himself, together wi th his ··curricul um v itae" and a 10-line summary of the artic le to be published. Rivis ta M ilitare reserves the righ t to alter the artic le's ti tle an d to choose the typeface in which i t is set.

THE DAY OF THE MARTYRS AND FALLEN FOR NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE The Day of the Martyrs and Fallen for National Independence has been instituted as a means of remembering all those who have given their lives for our unity and independence. We are duty-bound to remember our heroes. No-one should forget their sacrifice, which has enabled us to become a nation that is respected in the world, free to decide its own destiny, . and free to decide on its own form of government. Unity and independence are instinctive values in the history of nations, <:1nd neither force nor blandishments can stifle these instincts when a national has become aware of itself. ltalv is a country that has kn own long years of division and oppression. The great legacy of her ancient civilization , the splendour of her monuments and works of .art. and the wealth of her cities <:1nd towns have attracted the world's attention to her across the centuries. All the powerful men who have set foot on the European stage have set their sights on her, and Italy has been offended, humiliated and plundered, until the day that the ideals of freedom and independence inflamed the hearts of our patriots, who gave up their lives for Italy by the thousand, in prison, on the scaffold, and on the battlefield. Left:

Giuseppe Garibaldi at the Battle of Calatatimi (15 May 1860). Detail of an oil painting by Remigio Legat , kept at the Museo de/ Risorgimento in Milan. Above:

The Battle of Bezzecca (20-21 July 1866}. Det_a,/ of an oil painting by F~!,ce _Zennaro, kept at the Museo de/ Rtsorg,mento in Milan .

Our unity and our freedom has been paid for with blood, defended with blood, and reconquered with blood when it has been taken away from us. Our history has not been cowardly, as some would like to have us believe. It is a history which has its heroes, its fallen, its victories, in battles that Italy has fought against great powers and powerful armies. Let us remember these heroes, who are all near us in the ideals .that drove them on and still drive us on today. Ideals of freedom, progress and unity. We can say that the Italians have deserved their sacrifice. Italy has never been as united as she is today. At last we

speak the same language, and share the same customs, and harbour the same desires. Progress has become widespread, and has broken the historical shackles that used to split the north from the south, the east from the west, and it has now spread throughout nearly all the provinces and towns of Italy. Italy is a free and peaceful country, committed to raising production, increasing her wealth, and enhancing her culture. But this is also due to those good men who have gone before us: our martyrs and the fal len who have fought for us, harbouring in their hearts the twin ideal of peace and freedom. Bettino Craxi

~ ,on · in the Lebanon and It is only too easy to take historia n' of post-Risorgimento P,Opular appeal of Genera l a moralistic stance on military Italy prevents me fro"illy; rtoni are not enough to matters, disapproving of this endorsing the often ac ica c.onvince the Ita lians that thi ngs or that aspect. But. in Italy, ~ accepted ass·umption t ~t the people's army, as our army has always hooer d have rea lly changed", says republi can Con stitution terms it, between "rhetorici n promotion ~g. Galli della Loggia; but let us look at the facts. The faithfully mirrors the population at all costs\~ath than by an as a whole, including all our undue intereft otion, in Lebanon task showed a very Eiifferent army from the contradictions and shortcomings. the early decades. of united traditional image. It was the first It reflects a whole array of Italy, the army may be said to expedition, regardless of the political attitudes, the vitality 1have been dominated by the and the vices of the country. ~ ruthless antagonism among the fact that it was on a rather lim ited sca le, in which all the Some - Sig. Galli detlp-~~ i~ ..• hig_~r ranks and reciprocal forces involved were fully for example - have compar B it iOf.llfathy among the various , integrated, a situation reflecting with the armies of arme .~ · service branches, which often the new approach to the nations like Israel, where thel ~ resulted in each having an entire country is involved in overweening esprit de corps. This organization of the armed forces that has been in force for combat and a total sense of was, however, fairly typical of dedication is combined with a the armed forces throughout th e the lpSt three years and is high degree of specializati on. But · whole of Europe during the 19th . embodied in the 1985 White Paper. oars can no more be compared and early 20th centuries. Let us take the example of with this sort of army than However, during our forty it can with the kind of German years of republican Constitution , the military organization in Lebanon; on this occasion an army envisaged by von Moltke. the army has come a long way army brigadier had the power to At the same time, my from its Risorgimento and order the Italian ships anchored spepialist knowledge as a post-Risorgimento origins. "An

in the port of Beirut to provide artil lery support for the land contingent. The latter were equipped only with light weapons, an intelligent precaution which served to avoid the tremendous reprisals Âˇ inflicted on our US and French allies. The whole operation showed perfect co-ordination between the air-lift, by means of which the Italian land forces (the largest western contingent, with all the logistic problems that this entailed) were supplied from the homeland for 18 months, and the other land and naval forces deployed in the area to guarantee stability and peace. The Lebanon expedition represented ltaly_'s most significant military task since the Liberation, and it could not have been so successful if it had not broken with the standoffish attitude and parochialism that had marked our armed forces prior to the fascist period . Another significant factor is the internationalization that involvement in NATO has meant for officers belonging to Angioni's generation, a -generation of fifty-year-olds whose training took place against a background of co-operation and shared experience. Such a wealth of contacts was quite unknown to our old national army, whose traditions had remained provincial and parochial, albeit linked to the glorious period of thE) Risorgimento. It is undoubtedly true that our military structures are far from perfect. However, to blame all the accidents and suicides that take place in barracks on "poor and often degrading" conditions is, like all .generalizations. un justified and misleading. Let us have a look at the figures. Of our roughly 500 barracks, 100 already ;lXisted in the last century and in general reflected the efforts made by the "historical" right wing (the It alian governments at the turn of the century) to secu larize society, re-uti lizing

buildings that had belonged to the church. Significantly enough, the expression " lay clergy" was used for the army in the years following Unification, when the spirit of De Amicis, erroneously supposed by some to be mere rhetoric, exercised enormous infl uence. Another 350 were built from 1900 to the end of the second world war and then, unfortunately, only 50 more from the Liberat ion until the present time. The real structural problems have, for example, nothing to do with barracks like the "Baldassarre" at Maniago which I myself have had the opportunity to visit. It was built in 1962, and is among the most modern and spacious in Italy. The real problem is one of in frastructure, and a project to modernize and improve them has already been under study for some years. However, this will call for resources that are not, as yet, available to us. To quote verbatim from the statement I made on television on 24th April 1985: "Plans for renewal are slowly going ahead. As for the number of suicides, figures for the barracks are comparable with the national average. There is, however, no doubt that they do occur; unfortunate incidents occasionally do take place. and there are frustrations and problems of adaptation which I have openly discussed. Above all, there is a sense of futility that must be reckoned with; many barracks fail to offer adequate train ing because they ha\(e no proper firing ranges or gymnasiums. Often the soldiers simply do not know what to do, and boredom becomes a real problem. It is up to the government to ensure twelve months of serious training, including physical training, but the lack of facilities is an Âˇ age-old problem". We must also have the courage to introduce further changes; one such example is the reduction of conscription, which is already under way. Âˇ There are, of course, certain long-standing problems in the

barracks that have so far resisted the combined efforts made by the Ministry, Chiefs of Staff and local COs. One such examp le is the practice of "nonnismo" in which recruits are often sub jected to humiliating experiences; the sort of crude bullying that freshmen used to have to undergo on entering university seems to linger on in some of our barracks. Commenting on the suicides that occurred in barracks in the Friuli region, and which are being investigated by the civilian authorities who have been given a perfectly free hand (an investigation by the Parliamentary Defence Committee is also in progress), I once again made the policy of the military administration on this point quite .clear. We shall all do our utmost to remedy the ills of our country, also those in the military sector. At the same time, I should like to refute some generalizations that have been made in this respect. In the small proportion of its budget spent on defence, among the NATO nations, Italy can only be compared oniy with such countries as Portugal and Luxembourg, and the military structures inevitably reflect the state of the nation as a whole. There are faults to be corrected, age-old problems to be overcome and inveterate habits to be radicated. As in all areas of Italian society, there is also a great reservoir of idealism to be drawn on, and not just the old, familiar vices. Th is is equally true of schools, university, or the health service. Forty years after the foundation of the Republic, we can look back on the progress we have made and see the shortcomings that still have to be made good. As politicians, we must feel responsible for the latter rather than proud of the former; this is the sad truth of the matter. Giovanni Spadolini

(A letter published in the daily newspaper "La Stampa")

If we were to enounce a general definition of terrorism. we could consider it the methodical employment of violence at the service of revolution. This definition goes against the "blind terrorism" cliche, very fashionable in the superficial conversations and in the current statements regarding this phenomenon. As a matter of fact, terrorism is in its essence, and mostly, a motivated fact aimed at a well defined end, albeit of varied importa nce and nature. It aims at overthrowing an existing institutional structure, establishing a new order protesting against a situation, drawing public attention on a specific 6

political, social or ethnica l problem. It is therefore a strategic and tactical tool for fight and propaganda. But even this comprehensive vision does not suffice to define the problem entirely. In this regard one is reminded that also the definitions of human events have a destiny of their own: habent sua fata verba. The term and the phenomenon have actually at their origin an official character. A close consideration of this fact leads us to see in the terrorism of the various historical periods also a tool of government.

The frescoes of the Sistine Chapel, currently being restored among international polemics, belong to mankind as a whole. We take the opportunity of the present reflections on terrorism to reconsider the mirror-like relation between divine creation and human creativity, in the striking images of the "Last Judgement", in the immense human sphere which focuses destinies ana hopes in a supreme gesture, as a definite warning to the wicked. The fresco was painted in the fiery years of the Counter-Reformation in an intransigent and exasperated climate of resurfacing radicalism. The illustrations show some details of Michelangelo's frescoes in the Sistine Chapel.

Emperor Nero, the Inquisition, Stalin's bloody "purges 1' are some of its significant expression t hat come to an horrifying synthesis in the "Terror" of the French Revolution, in which Charlotte Corday and the "Chouans" were certainly not the actual terrorists, but rather Saint Just. Robespierre, Barras and Fouche with the guillotine, the roll of the drums of Santerre, the infernal columns of the Vandee repression, the harsh majesty of the sword of law, A suggestive but widely improper comparison has led some to define terrorism as the atom ic bomb of the poor. The comparison may appear attractive but it is not entirely appropriate. The nuclear weapon is an intimidating tool, but is also an explosive tool, capable of causing enormous damages, ?estroying the adversary' s tndu~tria l or military potential, causing huge human losses. Terrorism instead is and rema ins, mostly a psychological

weapon, whose material effects are only means - of generally modest consequence - which must not be mistaken for the goals of the operation . If we were to insist on the value of terrorism as a weapon, we could be led to conventional or contrived distinctions. We could talk about a tactical employment of terrorism, in the sense of selective and limited actions, and of its strategic employment, with reference to wider-range and more general actions. Nevertheless, we would remain in the realm of apparently logic but substantially false subtleties. It is in fact quite evident that a bomb is not planted in a cinema in order to kill a few people, but rather to frighten or exasperate those who could have been attending the performance. Similarly, the destruction of a bridge in order to block a military convoy is not rea l terrorism, but it would be if the aim of the destruction

were that of preventing the local people from going to the market. Âˇ In other words, we are in a sphere resembling more propaganda than an armed struggle, even though its consequences are bathed in blood, almost always innocent. An instrument of critical periods, of t imes with an uncertain future, terrorism has been rightly considered a cocktail of explosive and psychology, whose consequences actually derive from the dosage of the two components, which must be adapted to the times, places and people. The psychological component - often the prevailing one - makes terrorism a kind of absolute weapon. Being a terrorist is first of all a mood, a mental attitude, which presupposes special ethlcal conceptions as regards both the surrounding reality and human life, class relations, ethn ical or national situations. 7

In order to withdraw from terrorism, one must there fore undergo an actual conversion, which cannot be obtain ed solely by the police or with the employment of arms . It is easier to kill than to convert a terrorist. but it is precisely this difficulty that must spur t hose interested in th e conversion. keeping in mind that the special mood cannot arise and develop without the support of a climate, an ambience, a base , lacking which terrorism would rapidly become sterile and ineffectu al. The need of a propitious environment is the force and. at the same time, the weakness of the terrorist weapon. This in fac t ca n be employed - at least at the start of an insurrectional movement - only by isolate individuals or small groups. Con seq uently, t he fight aga inst terrorism must tend t o eliminate t hese ind ividual s or groups and this is rather hard, if not impossible, if the authorit ies cannot count on t he positive support of the popu lation. 8

The problem is not easy because. on t he one hand, terrorism develops usually in situations of tension. which makes it difficult for the people to support t he established authority; on t he ot her hand , the sim ple neut ral ity or the indifference of the population are not sufficient. With a physiol ogica l compar ison it can also be said that the f ig ht against ter rorism ca n develop in either a surgical or a medical form. The first tend s to be pa inful and dangerous. the second. slow and uncertain; with the combination of the two forms. on e ca n perhaps - up to a certain point - neutralize the inconven iences of t he one with those of t he other, but the therapy remains nevertheless very delicate. The editor of " II Giornale", in a recent article on terrorism writes: "C lausewitz said that w ar is noth in g but the contin uation of politics with oth er means. If he were alive today, he would perhaps say that terrorism is

nothing but the conti nuation of wa r with other means. War. made impossible by nuclear weapons. has fou nd a substitute, which in the end will proba bly lead us to regret the rea l thi ng. Terrorism does not kill so much as wa r. but its kill ing is worse. And, above al l, it is muc h more difficult to be foug ht because there is no ta rget" . These are strong statemen ts and serious considerations. whi ch are nevertheless largely confirmed by sta tistical data. First of all, it must be point ed out t hat the number of terrorist attacks has increased sensibly during the last fifteen yea rs. The " Risks International Inc .", an America n f irm which specializes in the study of this phen omenon - mentioned by t he "U .S. News and World Report" of June 8, 1985 recorded 293 maj or terrorist incidents in 1970. From that year a sl ow but continuous escalation has occurred until 1977, followed by

a rapid acceleration in the two following years (with 2585 attacks in 1979). by a slight decrease in 1982 and again by a sudden sharp increase. In another document, issued at the end of 1984, the U.S. Government reported that: • 5175 attacks recorded around the world from 1973 to 1983 had caused 3689 dead and 7791 injured; • of about 500 terrorist attacks made in 1983. about 40% were aimed at U.S. citizens; • still in 1983, 37.2% of the attacks concerned Western European countries. 25.6% Latin America and 22.8% the Middle East and North Africa, 7.8% Pacific Asia. 3.4% Central and Southern Africa, 2.4% North America and only 0.8% Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. These are statistic data that give a sufficiently clear vision of the phenomenon, but requ ire two .appendixes.

The first is due to the realizat ion that. though the percentage of attacks occurred in the U.S. is very low (2.4%). very often the U.S. citizens are the target of terrorism all over the worfd. The second is the rather sound evaluation expressed by an American expert (Robert Kuppermann of the Center for Strategic and International Studies of Georgetown Univer-· sity), who in an in terview of the autumn 1985 said : "sure, if one compares terrorism with other forms of carnage, be they crimes or road accidents, from the point of view of numbers it represents only a minor problem". It is this numerical eva luation which - though statistically correct - can cause a detrimental moral confusion. It can happen in fact that, also due to the "show-information effect", owing to which a daily scoop is seeked. which should erase the memory of the one occurred the day before, publ ic opinion rapid ly overcomes the temporary

emotion caused by any new terrorist action, without giving the antiterrorist fight the necessary importance. Thus a despicable habit to the phenomenon grows. due to which, on the one hand . the mass media provide terrorism with the amount of publicity it needs and, on the other, the average citizen, at the end. fal ls prey of a regrettable state of indifference. supported by the ever increasing diffusion of daily violence as well as the meager satisfaction of hav ing personally escaped it. What we have said up to this point. beyond the statistical findings and the subsequent - and valid - considerations. reconducts the problem of terrorism to its typically dimensions and. more than that. to the political mould that characterizes it. This essential aspect has found. and still finds every day, creditable and effective supporters. In a conference at the "Jonathan Institute", in June 9

1984, George Shultz affirmed : " ... when terrorism cannot produce ana rchy, it can try to induce the government to an excessive react ion, such as, for exam ple, the imposition of harsh measures of control and restriction, which ultimately alienate the support of the population " . This dang er exists. Towards the end of 1985, t hree cases occurred, which were managed in a harsh mann er. On Septembe r 25, 1985, three Israeli tourists are killed at Larnaca by Palestinian terrorists. On October 1, the Israeli air force attacks in reta liation the PLO Headquarters near Tunis causing about 60 dead. On November 7, the Colombian Army atta cks a few guerrillas, who have barricaded themselves inside the Court House of Bogota and causes t he death of about one hun dred people, mostly among the hostages held by the guerrillas. 10

On Novem ber 24, a group of Egyptian spec ial forces attacks an hijacked aircraft coming from Athens and forced to land at La Valletta, and kill s 57 people, addi ng them to the three passengers murdered in cold blood by the hijackers. The democratic countries have accepted the hard real ity of these reactions, but the fact remains that reta liation - albeit inevita ble - on the one hand does not defuse terrorism , as proved by the attacks at the airports of Rome and Vienna of December 27, 1985, and, on the other, it risks to induce the governments to follow methods that may not alwa ys be accepted by public opinion. As a matter of fact. for a democracy, for a State based on law, it is not easy to comply with th e rules of democratic dialectics when the opposite party denies tout court the validity of these r ules and rejects them . It is true that one cannot talk about pluralism, discussion, negotiations.

com prom ises with someone who, with tota lita ri an mind and methods, does not accept a peaceful confrontation, represses individua lities, t reads on dissension. But it is also true that with terrorism, as with crime in gen era l, an ex clusively repressive response does not solve the problem . The answer must be main ly a political one. If terrorism is to lose ground, if this mi xture of situat ions and forms of violence - whi ch outs ide any log ica l meaning is classified as international terrorism - is to be prevented from causing fear and dea th, we must first of all find out the "pol itical" reason of terrorism; why the Israeli dead int ermingle with the Pa lestinian victims; why, in a w orld in which tons of explosives are statistical ly avai lable t o each inhabitant, there is this antinomy between reason and justice on one side, and arrogance and killi ng violen ce on the other. This is also what President Reagan affirmed in his message

to Congress of April 26, 1984: " ... we must admit that terrorism is a symptom of greater problems. We must therefore strive to extirpate the causes of frustration and despair which produce and teed terrorism". Nevertheless, this stubborn willingness to discover the roots of the evil. this continuous effort to reach clear agreements and constructive negotiations must not be separate from an attitude of coherent resolve in opposing and retaliating - in case of need - any manifestation of unlawfulness and violence. This is also the undeniable meaning of Minister Spadolini's statement on the occasion of the 327th Anniversary of the "Granatieri di Sardegna". After mentioning that " ... all of Europe is living days of great anxiety and worry" because "for months and months an inhumane and monstruous challenge has repeated ly confronted us in our seas, in our cities, in our airports: the challenge of international

terrorism", the Minister of Defence continued: " ... terrorism must be isolated, terrorism must be defeated; this is the imperative of the moment, to which the Old Continent and the West as a whole must answer, in the indispensable partnership between Europe and the United States". "Defence against terrorism" - Minister Spadolini continued "is the primary, essential interest of Europe, which cannot be renounced". And this defence, in order to attain its goals, must be seen not only as a coordinated adoption of measures regarding public order and political provisions. It must instead be considered as a complex operation, that can have a positive outcome also through the solution of a cultural problem. And it is in this essential .aspect of the intricate present reality that Europe - besides its political and military options can give again deep meaning

and significance to its existence, its function, its responsibilities, in line with the universal contents of civilization. Modern civilization - as a matter of fact - despite the contradictions that tarnish its image and the serious disorders that affect its essential values, is anxiously and determinedly seeking a reawakening of consciences and a reemphasizing of these values. But - as I wrote in a previous article (Rivista Militare, Eng. Ed., no. 1/1986) - the theory of the repetition of the historical phenomena leads to hope that, as the end of the first millennium opened the way to development of a more human conception of the human being in the light of St. Francis' teachings, similarly the end of the second millennium brings about a sharp moral and cultural progress and the consequent advent of the "new man". It will be this man - engaging all his strength in the construction of a more serene

coexisten ce among al l peoples - the sole antidote aga inst the execrable and absurd manifestations of t errorism. It wi lf also be th is man who, t o the ment ioned cockta il of explos ive and psycho logy, which is t he essen ce of

terrorism, will have the knowledge and t he abi lity to oppose a well ba lanced mixt ure of politica l, milita ry and social measures, introduced and operating in a catalyz ing c ultural contest, capable of encou ragi ng the civil progress and the

vi ctory of the unive rsal spirit over mat ter .

Ciro Di Martino

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CONVENTIONAL FORCES! real. since both points of view FOREWORD logically apply to the same goal: the creation of conditions of It could appear rather embarassing to tackle the subject sufficient security; security per se, prescinding from the level of security from the· point of of the balance of forces, in the view of disarmament for first instance; equal security for someone who - owing to the both parties at the lowest office he has held until recently possible level, in the second has had, like myself. to study case. the same subject - that of To be even more precise, security to be more precise from the viewpoint of the threat, believe I can say nevertheless that. even with this different the latter being a key element expression, the profession~!. to which it was my duty to refer in dealing with the programming, thought related with my origin, which I do not intend to put planning and management of the mi litary component under my aside, prompts me to remind to those sometimes hurriedly respons ibility. advancing judgements and In connection with the new suggestions that, on the military office I have been appointed to, plane, security is - especially taking part in negotiations today - a question of balances which have as their goal the and, in the· light of the nuclear reduction of forces in an area impact, is affected by the· Centra l Europe - of very high incidence of vulnerabilities that density and therefore of very must be of equal degree for high dangerousness, one could both parties. question the limits of In the modern strategic compatibility, at least from the vision, in substance. the essence specu lative standpoint. between of security is in the balancing the two different evaluations of of forces and in a simu ltaneous the same problem . vulnerability which expose to Apparently, in fact. the equal risks both parties to which stress I laid then - and I still our eva luation refers. lay - on the need to continuously Any serious talk on update the mi litary instrument armaments control and disaccording to the tasks foreseen, armament - seen, therefore, in and referring to well defined a political light and in the employment options, would be negotiations' developments in contrast with the emphasis cannot disregard this feel · I have to place today, fundamenta l imperative. institutionally, on the need to Any other different start a process of gradual formulation would create reasons reduction of the risks of for concern, due to the coming confrontation in the area into play of extremely dangerous prev iously mentioned - which is destabi lizing mechanisms . so closely bound to our own, Al l this obviously disregards as regards the geostrategic the moral considerations, with aspect - with the aim of reach ing no reference to the employment a ratio, be·t ween the opposing of forces and means, keeping sides, at the lowest possible in mind that the goa l is the level. . mutua l annulment of the As a matter of fact the respective possible aggressive contrast is more apparent than ambitions.

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After these preliminary remarks, I shall immediate ly add that the negotiations on conventional disarmament which - for the area t hat concerns us - have been plodding along for as many as thirteen years, have been negatively influenced by the effect of four concurring factors: • the led to which limits, many

original defect, which has give birth to a creature in both parties, within certain bel ieved but with too pen alizing reservations;

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cons idered rather questionable since the problems of a nuclear holocaust certain ly do not vanish with the- reduction of a few hundreds of thousands of warheads or delivery vehicles, and the possibilities of a first and second stri ke can decisively be influen ced by li mitations and restrictions on the technical and deployment planes; • the preference given to bilateral relations, which is close ly connected with the preceding factor, which - this cannot be denied - offers, moreover, better poss ibilities in the conduct of the various steps of the negotiations and is, doubtlessly, remunerative as regards the affirmation of the very concept of Superpower; • the indeterminacy of t he parameters which configure the

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essence of the conventional forces, especially today, if the quantity and quality of armaments are to be analyzed in order to ded uce their operational capabi lities. vis-a-vis those of the other side, based on an analogous c omparison. To these four factors we can add that for the negotiations I am going to discuss the initials MBFR (Mutual Ba lanced Force Reductions) hav·e been chosen: t hey are not easy to assimilate and are difficult even for the experts. With a perfectionism worthy of a better cause, the concepts on which the negotiations rest (a reduction of forces that ought to be mutual an d balan ced) have been put together in the abbreviation. These concepts, in any case. are not shared by the other party which, by deleting the "B"

of "Balanced" from the very beginn ing of the talks , meant to express with ... clear letters its intention to object to the West's assertions about the superiority of the Estern bloc's co·nventional forces in Central Europe. AREA CONCERNED

The area considered for the reductions is a well delimited one and practically includes: • on one side, the territories of Belgium, Holland, the Federal Republic of Germany and Luxembourg, with all the forces deployed there, including therefore the forces of the United States, United Kingdom and Canada, but excluding the French forces, as a result of France's refusal to be involved in the negotiations; • on the other side, the territories of East Germany, Poland and Czechos lovakia, with all the troops stationed there, including therefore the Soviet forces. The two parties have a differently characterized background and are, in practice, the two Alliances - NATO and the Warsaw Pact - which can have a direct relationship at the Vienna forum, with all the .ensuing reflexes on the political and strategic plane. The direct participants (the countries whose forces are in the area of reduction) and the indirect participants (the countries outside that area; on one side: Denmark, Greece, Italy, Norway and Turkey; on the other: Bulgaria, Rumania and Hungary) at the MBFR negotiations have the possibility to confront the problems of security with a perspective that cannot but go beyond the Central European area. In this regard, in fact, for -a clearer explanation of the different background characterization of the area earmarked for the reductions wish to point out: ' • on the one side, the continental compactness of a

Euro-Asian complex, in which the Superpower (USSR) - thanks precisely to geography - has the amp lest possibilities of manoeuvre· by internal lines; o on the other side, the scarce depth, the indentation and discontinuity of the Euroatlantic complex, in which the Superpower (USA). from a distance of 5,000 km, must cross an ocean to send over forces, equipment and supplies in case of emergency, with the consequent vulnerability.

THE MAIN DIFFERENCES ·

Over the years, there has been much discussion about the geographic asymmetry, with a stubborn opposition by the East, which refuses to admit all the negative incidences for NATO, stressing the presumed U.S. capabilities as regards air transport and availability of substantia l stocks of weapons, equipment and supplies in the Allied countries of Western Europe. The nonacceptance of the concept of balance was most ev ident at the time of the agreement on the data concerning the opposing forces - a fundamental element in order to determine the size of the reductions necessary to reach an equal ceiling - when the Eastern bloc tried to impose its own figures, which were very different from those in our possession. Th is caused a stalemate which went on for years, until it was decided to sidestep the problem initially and try to solve it later with a different procedure, once some kind of mechanism had been started, even for symbolic reductions. The fa ilure to acknowledge the geographic asymmetry has brought to light the problem concerning the redeployment of the weapons of the units to be withdrawn : the East demands that the American forces incl uded in the reduction quota be transported back across the Atlantic, while their own forces

(weapons included) would move back a few hundred kilometers, within a territory, that does not prevent in the least their hasty return on the positions previously left with full operational capability. This is a further element of conflict which is added to the refusal by the· Western side to take· into consideration, for the moment, the· more general question of the reduction of armaments, owing to the difficulties already mentioned at the beginning - of a comparative evaluation of performances and possibilities not easily comparable. The Ea st has repeatedly posed the problem of armaments, insisting with its request to consider them without perhaps taking adequately into account the "boomerang effect" that could ensue from it, due to their superiority in materials that more synthetically embody the operational capability in terms of impact, fire and manoeuvre (tanks, artillery and armoured vehicles) supposing one could carry out a comparative assessment of the confronting forces with reliable scientific criteria and within a reasonable time . The West's refusal has its valid factual justification, even if the other side slyly points at the existence of simple operational considerations, which would prompt NATO tb gain time in order to carry out a programme of modernization by improving the "quality factor" which would establ ish a different balance. Thus an allusion is made to the emerging technologies, which, on the other hand, should allow the employment of new strategies that should make their resolutive effects felt in the depth of the deployments. Balance·, asymmetry and armaments, within the framework of a security considered collective and indivisible by the West. call the attention on particular aspects concerning the countries of the Alliance which take part in the negotiations with a particular status for, being outside the

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GENERAL After these preliminary remarks, I shall immediately add that the negotiations on conventional disarmament which - for the area that concerns us - have been plodding along for as many as t hirteen years, have been negatively influenced by the effect of four concurring factors: • the led to which limits, many

original de.feet, which has give birth to a creature in both parties, within certain believed but with too penalizing reservations ;

• the inferiority complex vis-a-vis the nuclear forces' supremacy; a supremacy that in fac t becomes a priority which, nevertheless, on the sheer plane of pure rationality, could be

considered rather questionable since the problems of a nuclear holocaust certainly do not vanish with the reduction of a few hundreds of thousands of warheads or delivery vehicles, and the possibilities of a first and second strike can decisively be influenced by limitations and restrictions on the technical and deployment planes; • the· preference given to bilateral relations, which is closely connected with the preceding factor, which - this cannot be denied - offers, moreover, better possibilities in the conduct of the various steps of the negotiations and is, doubtlessly, remunerative as regards the affirmat ion of the very concept of Superpower; • the indeterminacy of the parameters which configure the

essence of the conventional forces, especially today, if the quantity and quality of armaments are to be analyzed in order to deduce their operational capabilities, vis-a-vis those of the other side, based on an analogous comparison . To these four factors we can add that for the negotiations I am going to discuss the initials MBFR (Mutual Balanced Force Reductions) hav·e been chosen: they are not easy to assimilate and are difficult even for the experts. With a perfectionism worthy of a better cause, the concepts on which the negotiations rest (a reduction of forces that ought to be mutual and balanced) have been put together in the abbreviation. These concepts, in any case, are not shared by the other party which, by deleting the "B"

of "Balanced" from the very beginning of the talks, meant to express with ... clear letters its intention to object to the West's assertions about the superiority of the Estern bloc's conventional forces in Central Europe. · AREA CONCERNED

The area considered for the reductions is a well delimited one and practically includes: • on one side. the territories of Belgium, Holland, the Federal Republic of Germany and Luxembourg, with all the forces deployed there, including therefore the forces of the United States, United Kingdom and Canada, but excluding the French forces, as a result of France's refusal to be involved in the negotiations; • on the other side, the territories of East Germany, Poland and Czechoslovakia, with all the troops· stationed there, includ ing therefore the Soviet forces. The two parties have a differently characterized background and are, in practice, the two Alliances - NATO and the Warsaw Pact - which can have a direct relationship at the Vienna forum, with all the ensuing reflexes on the political .and strategic plane. The direct participants (the countries whose forces are in !he_ area of reduction) and the indirect participants (the countries outside that area; on one side: Denmark, Greece, Italy, Norway and Turkey; on the other: Bulgaria, Rumania and Hungary) at the MBFR negotiations have the possibility to confront the problems of security with a perspective that cannot but go beyond the Central European area. In this regard, in fact, for a clearer explanation of the different background characterization of the· area e~rmarked for the reductions, wish to point out: • on the one side the continental compactness of a

(weapons included) would move back a few hundred kilometers, within a territory. that does not prevent in the least their hasty return on the positions previously left with full operational o on the other side, the scarce capability. This is a further depth, the indentation and element of conflict which is discontinuity of the Euroatlantic added to the re.fusal by the complex, in which the Western side to take into Superpower (USA). from a consideration, for the moment, distance of 5,000 km, must cross the more general question of an ocean to send over forces, the reduction of armaments, equipment and supplies in case owing to the difficulties of emergency, with the already mentioned at the consequent vulnerability. beginning - of a comparative avaluation of performances and possibilities not easily THE MAIN DIFFERENCES comparable. The East has repeatedly posed the problem of Over the years, there has armaments, insisting with its been much discussion about the request to consider them geographic asymmetry, with a without perhaps taking stubborn opposition by the East, adequately into account the which refuses to admit all the "boomerang effect" that could negative incidences for NATO. ensue from it, due to their stressing the presumed U.S. superiority in materials that more capabilities as regards air synthetically embody the transport and availability of operational capability in te-rms substantial stocks of weapons, of impact, fire and manoeuvre equipment and supplies in the (tanks, artillery and armoured Allied countries of Western vehicles) supposing one could Eu rope . carry out a comparative The nonacceptance of assessment of the confronting the concept of balance was forces with reliable scientific most evident at the time criteria and within a reasonable time. of the agreement on the data concerning the opposing The West's refusal has its forces - a fundamental element valid factual justification, even if in order to determine the size the other side slyly points at the of the reductions necessary to existence of simple operational reach an equal ceiling - when the considerations, which would Eastern bloc tried to impose its prompt NATO tb gain time in own figures, which were very order to carry out a programme different from those in our of modernization by improving possession. the "quality factor" which would establish a different balance. This caused a stalemate which went on for years, until it Thus an allusion is made to was decided to sidestep the the emerging technologies, probl$m initially and try to solve which, on the other hand, should allow the employment of new it later with a different procedure, once some kind of strategies that shou ld make mechanism had been started, their resolutive effects felt in the even for symbolic reductions. depth of the deployments. The failure to acknowledge Balance·, asymmetry and the ge-ographic asymmetry has armaments, within the framework brought to light the problem of a security considered concerning the redeployment of collective and indivisible by the the· weapons of the units to be West, call the attention on particular aspects concerning withdrawn: the East demands that the American forces the countries of the Alliance included in the reduction quota which take part in the be transported back across the negotiations with a particular Atlantic, while their own forces status for, being outside the Euro-Asian complex, in which the Superpower (USSR) - thanks precisely to geography - has the amplest possibilities of manoeuvre by internal lines;

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area, they are only indirectly involved in the process of reduction. These are the so-called countries of the flanks, which I have mentioned before and are generically indicated as indirect participants. Italy is among them, as we said. In pursuing the objective of non-diminished, equal security, the possible changes in Centra l Europe must not add - through the redeployment of the forces involved in the reduction - more danger for the flanks. Setting aside all other considerations, it is precisely on the Southern flank that our Alliance - owing to the interruption of the territorial continuity, due to the interposition of countries which do not participate in the Alliance - presents a struct.ural asymmetry, equally due to 18

geography, which cannot be overlooked if the objective is a situation of security . I do not only refer to a request of precise restraints in the redeployment of the forces withdrawn from the area of reduction, but also to the possibility to extend beyond such area the applications of some associated measures (warning of military activities outside the normal garrisons, invitation of observers to exercises of a certain level, etc.). Here again the posi tion of the two parties do not coincide, so that the Eastern bloc has repeatedly and firmly refused our request, interpreting it was the expression of a plan with instrusive purposes. In the long history of the negotiations, proposals and counterproposals have followed one another with diversified

itemizations, according to the times and phases, with elements in common , expressed sometimes in a differing bargaining picture. An element which remained unchanged with time is the quantitative goal, the so-called overall ceiling of the forces at the end of the process of reduction, established for each party in 900,000 men, of whom 700,000 belonging to the land forces. But also here it emerges an element of dissension of not secondary importance as regards the distribution of the reductions within each Alliance. The West in fact maintains that, apart from the "sub-cei lings" of the components of the leader-powers of the two sides (US and USSR). the difference needed to reach the overall cei ling is an internal business of each individua l Alliance and must be

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entered among the negotiations issues. That is, they state the principle of collectivity, which they consider indispensable, vis-a-vis the request of the East to define also the national sub-ceilings with the concealed intent to put forward again the very binding cla use, already proposed in the past, which provides that - once the reduction process is completed - no participant can avail himself of forces above 50% of the "collective ceiling". It is quite evident here that the real purpose is to switch from a confrontation between the two Alliances, as individual bodies, to a multilateral entente concerning every individual country, with all that follows in the political and politico-military sphere. The short summary hitherto provided has allowed me to

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focus on some of the major differences, whose discussion has imparted a pendular motion to the negotiations, marked by temporary approaching of positions and subsequent partings, by approaches first requested and then refused when accepted by the other side, by monotonous repetitions of theses and countertheses, all contributing, in one way or another, to emphasize the basic dissensions (starting data, asymmetry; armaments; collectivity; applicability of associated measu res beyond the area of reduction). Among the fundamental dissensions there are also the complex problems of control, which I have not mentioned yet, and which I intend to develop later in this survey, for these problems deserve our best attention, as they concern the

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essence itself of the aims of a possible agreement. In the long history of the negotiations, these differences have constantly sprung up within the various Western and Eastern proposals, all characterized somehow by a certain number of ever present basic elements (reciprocity of reductions with a non coincident ratio between the parties and, therefore, matter of a heated dialectic confrontation; division of the reduction process in phases concerning, successively or simultaneously, the "non indigenous forces" of the leaderpowers of the two sides and the "indigenous forces" of the direct participants; provisions for guarantee or stabilization measures), sometimes together with additional and contingent elements (for instance, the inclusion of the nuclear

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component, with "option Ill ", presented by the West in December 1975). THE MOST RECENT DEVELOPMENTS

In the most recent years, between April 1984 and November 1985, the long dialogue - forever d iscordant since each party su pports its own idea of agreement - has com e to be centred on two opposing fundamental main lines:

• on the West's pa rt (April 19, 1984): an all-inclusive solution, aimed at reach ing the ultimate level of forces within five years. preceded by exchanges of data about the strength of the forces, supported by verifications and associa ted "con fidence-building measures";

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• on the East's part (February, 14. 1985): a solution limited to a preliminary agreement, aimed

at obtaining minimal reductions of Ameri can and Soviet forces, and at freezing for a 3-year period the levels of force and armaments of the direct participants, with th e exch ange of data relevant only to the list of the un its to be reduced of withdrawn . .with the prospect of a subsequent g lobal agreement, should it be deemed feasible. This was the outcome of long a negotiatory exchange, during which the two parties had been able to face each other with moves and countermoves. uncovering the differences I have discussed at length, but also accum ulating - albeit t imidly ideas for convergen ce over aspects of non-secondary importance.

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With the va luable intentions of getting over the ensuing stal emate, the Western bloc announced. at the closing of the last session of 1985, that some prej ud icial questions had been overcome. and made known the essential points of a new initi ative, presented in its entirety at the beginning of the first session of 1986, on January 30th; the initiative accepted the latest main lines of the Eastern proposa l (the on e made official on February 14. 1985. titled "Basic Provisions"). putting aside - an arduous concess ion indeed - the problem of the definition of the strength data and accepti ng the idea of a sectorial agreement. to be implemented in a single period of time, in its turn divided in two different phases (that of force reduction : 5,000 Americans and 11 ,500 Soviets, to be ca rried

out within a year, and the immediately successive one, the non-increase of the forces of all the direct participants, which should be maintained for three years) . At the beginni ng of the last phase, there should be an exchange of information about the existing forces, with detailed elements down to battalion level. Once the knot of the initial data is solved and the West reiterates its intention to let the interested parties decide the deployment of the weapons of the units withdrawn, the all-important element in the entire manoeuvre is the system of control, which does not concern only the phase of reduction but. even more, that of non-increase of the forces. Our acceptance of the general lines of the last Eastern proposal. agreening in fact to as many as 16 points, adding only an organic framework of guarantees - and it could not be otherwise - aimed at ensuring the compliance with the possible agreement, meant more than a simple search for a compromise. It was the expression of the precise political willingness to give a decisive turn to the negotiations, making the other side face the consequences of a possible refusal. At present the problem shifts from the investigation of the areas of dissension to an organic composition of the areas of convergence; nevertheless, there is stil l the unavoidable necessity to co_ntrol step by step, through a stnct mechanism of verifications, that the obligations '?re met by both parties. As in other negotiation forums also ~n Vienna the stumbling bl~ck 1s in fact the acceptance by the East of such mechanism with the aggravation that - unlike the "nuclear", where this necessity, albeit always valid, can be faced in many ways - for the "conventional", in order to obtain a reliable control, it is necessary to have a whole system of "observation posts" and "on-site inspections", ~omplementary to the so-called national technical means". By

stressing the suitability of the latter, the Eastern bloc tries to reduce our request, though admitting in principle the concept of control and timidly · moving towards less preclusive positions. Because of this conditioning, and in the attempt to evade the West's pressure, the Eastern countries have hastened to produce, on February 20, 1986, with a speed rarely seen at the Vienna Forum, a new counterproposal in the form of a Draft Treaty. This document repeats the main lines of their previous proposal - which the West had accepted with the 1985 in itiative - integrating them, as regards the guarantee aspects, with elements taken from tt1e old repertory, with formulations that do not meet in · the least the requirements of reliability of the pursued agreement. In substance the answer, once more, does not come up to the West's expectations and, searching for a compromise, does not take into account our much argued-about concessions. On the other hand, the authoritative statements of high Eastern officials had g iven the feeling, in the recent past, that there was more than one reason to hope for a quick favourable turn . Within this framework, the Eastern side contends that they have supplied all the elements necessary in order to proceed, without interruption, to the drawing--up of a draft treaty, as if the points of dissensions had been completely settled. As a matter of fact, the proposal of February 20, 1986, is a countermanoeuvre that the East has deemed necessary to develop in order to evade our in itiative. Starting with the charge that our document is characterized by "one-sidedness, imbalance and lack of realism" and referring explicity to the discuss'ed chapter of verifications, in the following explanations the Eastern negotiators pointed out the aspects of the document which they consider to be questionable:

• the limited size of the reductions; • the exclusion of the armaments, a fact that limits the significance of the agreement and complicates the system of verifications; • the definition of the forces' "sub-ceilings" during the "non-increase" phase, which concern only the United States and the Soviet Union and result in an obligation that regards, on one side, only one quarter of the NATO forces, and on the other, half the Warsaw Pact forces (this being the ratio, in the two Alliances, between the forces of the Superpower and that of the respective direct participants in the area of reductions). The real, important problem is the verifications package, which includes, in the Western reg ion, two separate measures : • the establishment of permanent entrance and exit points, with the relevant observers, to be set up on both sides already during the phase of force reduction , with the obligation of passage tor all the forces that go in and out of the area of reductions, with the only exception of individual movements foreseen in detail; • the right to execute 30 inspections in each year of the phase of "non-increase" of forces. The Eastern countries, while accepting in theory the principle of verification, in practice empty it of its content, since they specify that: • the Soviet "rotation" units, in practice would not transit through the "entry and exit points", for these personnel, being unarmed and not yet sworn in. still lack "military s~atus" (if entering) and - if in exit - they would be, again, unarmed and with no such "status", having been discharged when leav ing their units; thus, in practice, 400,000 men a year would elude any possibility of control;

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• in spections are permitted, upon request and with justificative elements - and can therefore be refused - but do not constitute a right and a "routine" procedure; this in reality sanctions a veto right, with all the deriving controversies, certainly unlikely to bring about the atmosphere of confidence which is one of the goals pursued by the talks. Furthermore, as regards controversies, it is worth mentioning that both the West and the East plan to establish, once an agreement is reached, a Consultive· Commission, in charge of the activities regarding the fu lfillment of the commitments. But also over this matter there are no concordant views, since in the West's opinion this should be a standing commission and consist of the

representatives of all countries directly or und irectly participating in the negotiations, while, according to the Eastern bloc, the comm ission should meet only a couple of times a year and the possible admission of the flank countries should be a matter to be defined. The West and the East face each other from these opposing positions, conti nuing the usual dialectic confrontation, apart from the hope aroused by recent authoritative statements. The refusal to meet our requests concerning the indispensable guarantees could lead to sad considerations. In my view, nevertheless, we should not make things worse than they actua lly are but, on the other hand, we should not cherish too much hope.

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THE PROSPECTS

The problems under discussion are not so simple as to permit to foresee thei r prospects in the light of evaluations marked by pessimism or optimism. They ought to be tackled with a sense of realism. There is more than one reason to look at the future with well-grounded hopes. Sometimes, it goes unnoticed to most people that, aga inst all appearances. there is a widespread conviction that the most precious goals of our era are synthesized in the triad: security, peace and social progress, but peace is the catalyst of everything so that working for it means workil!g towards build ing a more certain future. Most people do not realize, moreover, that through a patient

and persevering activity, in countless occasions and places, in the relations among the "Big" at least, this construction . proceeds, albeit slowly. It 1s exactly in this frameVITork that, above the sentiment. reason rules. It is indeed a fact that. unfortunately, up to now at least. reason ha.s at its root the impact of deterrence, being imposed by the terror of a holocaust leaving neither losers nor winners. It is net much on the moral plane; still, it is something. It is also encouraging to notice that. as regards the problems closely connected with peace, a new sensitiveness amcng public opinions all over the world is now arising. I do not mean the emotional sensitiveness that expresses itself in the verbose and instrumental protest of variously manoeuvred fringes but that, more scientifically founded, which pursues peace through security. Although this sensitiveness is, for the moment al least, an endowment of elite minorities, doubtlessly it helps to consolidate a process started long ago, that which is expressed in the growing rationalization of the strategic confrontation between the international subjects which have a determining weight in our age. In this particular vision must be seen, in fact. the negotiations for the limitation of armaments, for their control and for disarmament. To avoid misunderstandings, 1 shall add that dialectic confrontation, perception of the terms of the problem and keeping the question open to .solutions yet to come, are already signs of rationalization. The trouble is that, up to now, all has been functioning only as far as relations between the Superpowers were -c oncerned and, as regards some particular sectors, was restricted to well defined areas -of primary importance of the Superpowers themselves, while in some other very large areas -Of undetermined interest or

conventional", i.e. that of the still deemed of secondary importance - attritions and "emerg ing technologies". tensions elude with worrying Within this framework, it frequency every control and are seems therefore logical to give a serious danger for the future a different attention to the of mankind . conventional balances. This is particularly important for the To foresee a global approach with reference to the Western Allies who, owing to the force's imbalance vis-a-vis scope of its application is still the other side, have had to premature. The only hope that define strategies of employment can be expressed is that the present in itiatives be redefined hinged on gradual and growing responses. in which the on the basis of a global "probability of first use" is not approach concerning all a theoretical assumption only, armaments. but a concrete element for Meanwh ile it must be estimates and planning. remarked, with a certain The balance problem arises disappointment, that this again, therefore, as regards complex matter. discussed in different forums. does not always the "conventional", because the deterrence function, which attract the attention it deserves, would be missing as a and this is all the more true consequence of the possible when the subject is the disappearance of the "nuclear", conventional component. This is would have to be found the component that through the conventional paradoxically remains in a forces. subaltern position, the poor A balance reached through relation in every strategic the strengthening of the West's evaluation. It should deserve, on conventional component the contrary, a better - supposing it could be feasible, consideration, if for no other given its cost - would be a reason because the experts solution, ensuring the deterrent should know that the function already mentioned. conventional component is The deterrence thus indeed the starting point of the attained wou ld be, in this case, evolutionary-involutionary the military solution of the process which has led to the problem of non-war. modern politico-military and On the other hand, a strategic issues. balance reached through a These by now revolve reduction of the forces, in order around the credibility limits of to attain a balance of the deterrence. since more and two sides at the lowest possible more clearly one detects the level - and this is Vienna's signs of a dimin ishing credibility goal - would also be a solution of the nuclear employment on and would ensure a deterrent which deterrence is based. function of a different kind, In the paralysis of action, because it would be associated more updated strategic forms, with measures aimed at practically with "zero risk". building confidence on both find their free expression; they sides. permit to pursue important ' This could be considered political goals and therefore the political solution of the assume, eventually, particular problem of peace. prominence for the In order to avoid that the considerations based on reduction of armaments should give rise to suspicions, one cost-effectiveness. Not to mention the prospects that a should try to make the threat possible implementation of the which the military specialist "star shields" - if they were always place at the foundation, both in the definition of the to annul the impact of the nuclear factor - would open for . instrument and in the study of a full revaluation of the strategies - constantly seen in "conventional" and "neothe proper light. Since the 23

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threat is the resul tant of a potential and of a sequence of behaviours, in order t o red uce it one must operate in both spheres. In the first sphere - that of potentia l - th e reduction offers guaran tees on ly if associated with measures aimed at avoiding possible deceits. In the second sphere - that of behaviours - the statements about peace, cooperation and detente have a meaning only if one can create the conditions in which it is possible t o control their validity, doin g away with all possibilities of doubt, perplexity and suspicion . From this stems the fundamental importance of control and of every other measure aimed at building confidence.

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In the Vienna negotiations. the first sphere has - according to the Western vision - its strong points in direct observation and inspections. Confidence, again according to our idea, is built through the appl ication of a series of " associated measures" (invitation of observers. advance information on mi litary activities, etc.). Whatever may be said for partisan reasons, the political will cannot be a substitute for control . because the latter is supported by the direct acquisition of factual data, technically determined and with a concrete content. wh ile the former remains a mere statement of intentions, unilaterally expressed , which cannot be quantified in any way.

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I am personally convinced that the limitation of arms (... and armed men) will be attained. soon er or later, because this is the unavoidable course of things. If arms red uction will not be ach ieved as a consequence of the rational dialectic process mentioned above. it will have to be accepted because of a decisive reality, a compulsory practi cal, technical and financial scot which is the outcome of two concurring pressures: the one exerted by th e ever increasing cost of armaments, more and more above the means of most international subjects, and that depending on t he progressive decrease of the demographic output, whose trend, at least in the medium term and as

regards the countries with a higher living standard, gives no cause for delusions. Clearly these pressures exist in the East no less than in the West, therefore if is easy to draw the logic conclusion that, in a not too faraway future, especially in the small and medium countries, it will be rather difficult to keep the present quantity of military instruments. It is not a heresy to start thinking about operational structures very different form the present ones, consisting of elements which I would describe as. having a differentiated operational speed, relying in practice on an updated high-capability, highly sophisticated resolutive component and on a complementary component of more limited capability and less sophisticated, less modern but nevertheless important for carrying out the concomitant tasks which continue to coexist with the more decisive ones. Aren't the "rapid intervention forces", which are mushrooming here and there, a white lie that disguises the need of a reduction, imposed by the force of events more than by the new tasks? The rationalization of the strategic relations, on the one hand, and the decisive influence of technica l and financial factors, on the other, will contribute more and more to the coherent search for the solution of the security problems of our age, in a less emotional way, making use of cool judgement based on ca lculation as well as on a logical political action, applying

a correct assessment of t he limits of the liberty of action vis-a-vis the foreseeable risks and the moral influences as well, making peace the concrete goal of concurring efforts, exerting leverage on the parameters that configure the balances and simu lta neously on the factors which, through reliable information, help to increase confidence. At a glance, this may seem a conception that smells of utop ia. The truth is that, clinging to the past as we are, we still cannot understand the implications of what is new, which are numerous: and not only those of nuclear origin, nor simply the prospective neo-conventional ones (emerg ing technologies and star shields). It is remarkable that in today's reality the excess of power always translates in a paralysis of action, while, improper strategic forms make their appearance, and terrorism is one of their most worrying offshoots. What can we do? I would answer, simply: don't neglect the conventional forces! The balances must be shifted to the conventional sphere, giving new life to the strategic dialectis with a credible and morally acceptable deterrence. In connection with this latter issue, there must be a downward trend, towards a balance at the lowest possible level. But that does not suffice. I should like to add that it is time to abandon the concept of security seen from the "threat" point of view and start

considering it from the "confidence" viewpoint, working to achieve it through the reliability of information. Only in this way can we get rid of the feeling of fear, which is the anguish of our times, and the psychosis of encirclement which sometimes appears in some international subjects - owing to emphasized past experiences - can be emptied of all contents. To this end the contribution of the modern technologies is enormous, but not sufficient by itself. It must be complemented with direct vision, the exchange of data and every other initiative useful to create a better atmosphere. With this I have gone back to one of the crucial points of my discussion, the problem of control, which is not a simple technical fact but the expression of a true philosophic foundation in the development of internationa l relations. The organic package of verifications, together with the associated measures requested by the West, conforms to this vision. The West demands them and has its good reasons, as we have seen; the East, instead, accepts them in principle, but with clauses and restrictions which in practice nullify their contents and purposes. It is only a matter of good will - political will, of course - Âˇ considering that the times are ripe for setting aside all excessive emphasis on the "secrecy myth" and all fears of compromising the systems' impermeability. Umberto Cappuzzo

THE M. B. f. R. NEGOTIATIONS LET'S NOT NEGLECT THE CONVENTIONAL FORCES!

INDUSTRY

AND DEFENCE Until the First World War. the strength of the armed forces was generally measured by the numbers of men involved. After centuries of validity, this parameter has recently lost much of its significance. Numbers no longer count as much as the men's specific training and the equipment, aeroplanes. helicopters. tanks and missiles at their disposal. Above all, the technological level of the materiel is becoming increasingly important. This is, in fact, a field where an eccelerated innovation process can lead to such a high level of sophistication as to make even the latest equipment obsolete. There is a need for great research efforts involving the government departments responsible for both defence and industry. Ever greater integration is found between industry as supplier and the state as buyer in the field of advanced technological development. This process does not affect only the specific goals of defence, but is nearly always a source of considerable spin-off for civilian uses. An example of this is provided by the microelectronics sector in the United States. Although this field was given a tremendous boost by military projects, 93% of its production is now absorbed by commercial applications. While this in tegration between industry and defence is very advanced in the United States, it is much less widespread in Europe, and still less in Italy. There are, in fact, very few examples of

Rear view of the Anglo-Italian-German "Tornado" aircraft.

comprehensive, large-scale state intervention to develop sectors of paramount importance to national defence. This is why Âˇ the recent developments in the United States in the sector of strategic defence have aroused the interest of European industry as a whole. This is a remarkable opportunity to embark on joint research programmes leading to significant forms of co-operation between European and American firms in sunrise sectors. Another aspect requiring consideration is the size of the national market. The Italian market is about one twentieth the size of the U.S. market. one fifth of the British and one third of the German. While Italian companies supplying military products must therefore satisfy the strictest quality and performance standards, they can only hope for a relatively small market. Although already a much debated topic, it is worthwhile recalling the need for long-term thinking in budgeting for defence and for making a medium-term allocation of the resources to the sector. It is important to set the priorities for the development and purchasing programmes and lay down strict schedu ling constraints. The effectiveness of the now historical promotional laws as regards the ind ustrial sector as a whole has been demonstrated in practically all sectors. It is also known that industry needs an authoritative and institutionally recognized opposite number which is capable of condensing and expressing the requirements of all the forces composing the national defence system. Let us now turn to the foreign markets. In the last few

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years, falling oil prices, coupled with an economic trend offering considerable opportunities for recovery in the national economy, has brought about a crisis in the markets for our military products. Our clients are, for the most part, oil producers, and drastic reductions in their incomes have forced them to cut back imports. Moreover, the worsening of political problems, such as the boycotting of so-called "hot areas", has further reduced our export opportunities. The situation facing the Italian military industry is thus so difficult that there are doubts as to whether to keep the sector going or to disinvest and concentrate on more remunerative productive activ ities with more secure future prospects. My opinion is that abandoning the military sector would cause irreparable harm to our ind ustry. It would, in fact, mean the following :

â€˘ weakening our military strength by making our defence system totally dependent on foreign suppliers; â€˘ impa iring the prospects of the entire industrial system, in that military research is a basic element of the process of scientific and industrial development; â€˘ creating further economic and employment difficulties for our industrial and social system. Fresh outlets must thus be found for the Italian military industry. Our traditional export markets are in a state of crisis due to present economic trends and to structural factors. They must be replaced and new markets sought in the industrialized countries. However, operating in these new markets is anything but easy. We must be able to rely on a modern and efficient high-tech industrial system, and our military industry still does not, unfortunately, measure up to these requirements. When Fiat had to face the crisis in the automobile sector,

it had no hesitation in choosing innovation of both processes and products in order to regain competitiveness. Even though this meant massive investment at a time of crisis for the company, it has proved to be the right .d ecision. This experience has much to do with our view that today's crisis in the defence industry must be handled in the same way. Innovation is necessary in productive processes, while sufficient flexibility must be maintained to cope with the changing and diversified demands of this type of market, and to enhance the technology embodied in the finished products. Innovation is thus the only way to regai n competitiveness. Today, however, technological innovation means high investment costs and a decreasing product life span. This is especially true for the defence industry. The complexity of modern defence systems requires both great financial resources and considerable organizational capacity. Moreover, the problem is

Italian naval formation during an exercise in the Mediterranean.

aggravated in Italy by the country's serious productive dispersion. A start has been made in tackling these problems by the creation of consortiums and extending co-operation among national industries to the maximum. The objective is twofold: to arrive at the domestic exploitation of all favourable trade-offs in the processes of technological innovation, and to present a united front abroad to make the most of any commercial synergism. International co-operation is an essential condition for our survival and development. The SDI and Eureka projects offer two examples of this necessity and of the analogies existing between civilian and military development programmes. Both sectors have come up against the same problems, and must seek similar solutions in terms .of organization and ind ustrial

strategy . In both, product evolution has led to the development of electronics, which is now launching into control systems involving artificial intelligence. At the same time, electronic sensing has been combined with optics to form the new field of optical eletronics. Two types of producer have emerged: producers of complete systems or OEMs and "specialists". The latter are specialized in the production of specific components, the former in planning or producing the finished product, or integrated system. I believe that the market clout of the major industrial groups can now be measured largely in terms of the relationship between these two categories. This will provide a specific direction for strategic development: the productive context will no longer be one in which everyone does a bit of everything, but a flexible and integrated system linking the producers of components to the major complete system producers. The winning strategy will be the one that allows the

major producers to make increasingly selective investments and to allow production processes to branch out horizontally. Th is will have the effect of making the satellite producers a responsible and competitive element, and of enabling the "specialist" to enhance quality and innovation through a process of "internal" competition obtained by creating industrial co-operation links with more than one whole system manufacturer. This has been thoroughly tested in the civilian sector, and is certainly valid also for the military. I therefore believe that this important path must be followed if we are to reorgan ize our military industry and put it on an overafl competitive footing with foreign industry, and to conquer or maintain a front-line position on the leading edge of innovation.

Cesare Romiti

Political Âˇ geography studies h um a n gro-ups and th'eir relations with the territory at a particular historical time .- Âˇ Geopolitics introduces the factor of time, the history of human groups, in the context of a wide-ranging view of the general phe.nomena that link geographical factors to states.

.... "For the most part, specialists in international relations do not appear to be familiar with the works on the science of geopolitics" (1 ). In a previous article (2). we mentioned certain geopolitical theories. We should now like to put forward a highly condensed definition of what we regard as the principal elements to be considered when carrying out a geopolitical analysis of a specific international situation. The subject will therefore be dealt with in purely theoretical terms, and an attempt at its practical application will be kept for a later article. The most important concern of a state is security, and security is principally a matter of power. Power defines the status of a country in the international system. It influences the national politics, the spheres of interest and the image of the state, not only with regard to other states but also with regard to the population.

If we consider the six elements of power, as they have been defined, for example, by Prof. Hartmann (3). we can see that they depend to a great extent on geography. The six elements are: • demographic (density of popu lation and numerical trends); • geographica l (climate, position and territorial extension); • economic {raw materia ls, resources and production); • historical, psychological and sociological {historical experience , type of society, etc.); • organ izational/administrative {type of government and its strength); • mi litary. The first two require no explanation in geographical terms, but the remaining four are alse> directly related to geography. The economic element depends not only on the availability of raw materials but also on the geographical

position of the country. This can facilitate or hinder commerce, communications, energy supply and so on. The historical, psychological and sociological element is closely linked to historical experience. This, in turn, is linked to the position, shape and size of the territory with regard to neighbouring countries. The same can be said of the organ izationa I/administrative element. It is a well-known fact that, in the course of history, the continental powers have tended towards autocracy, .while the maritime powers have found it easier to develop a · form of democratic government (4). Sparta and Athens are an example of this. Rome was a democratic republic for as long as it was a maritime power. When it changed from being a maritime power to being principally a land power, it became an autocracy. The military element is also linked to geography, not on ly from the strategic point of view, which is important, but also The Assyrian and Babylonian Empires around the 2nd millenium 8.C. The flourishing economy of the Babylonians made it unnecessary to conquer other territories in order to increase the power of the country.

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The Assyrian and Babilonian Empires at the beginning of the 1st millenium 8.C. The Assyrian lived in a country open to invasion and, unlike the Babylonians, adopted an expansionist policy to defend themselves from their neighbours.

because the position, size and characteristics of the territory are those that have, over the centuries, moulded the fig hti ng qua liti es of the popu lation. An example that C'omes to mind is that regarding the difference between the military capacity of the Assyrians and that of the Babylonians. The latter lived in a flattish and quite fertile land whose main resources were agriculture and commerce. The economy was f lourishing and there was thus no need to conquer other lands in order to in crease the power of the country. This geog raphica l situation had such an infl uence on the Babylonians that, for hundreds of years, they felt no need of a central government. The Assyrians lived in a territory where the rivers were of no use for agriculture and the frontiers could easily be penetrated. The only way that the Assyrians could defend themselves was by attacking their neighbours, by trying to conquer ferti le lands and thus increase their power. As Fairgrieve wrote, "fighting was bred into the Assyrians", and a centra l government was much more suited to a warrior nation than to a trading people. In this way we have, albeit indirectly, g iven a generalized definition of geography or, to be more precise, of political geography. Geography is the study of man in his relationship to the stage that is our land (5). It does not only involve drawing topographical maps of the earth's surface, but also the ana lysis and interpretation of the interrelations between man and space. It is the science of the living g lobe, as Ritter has pointed out. In this sense, geography constantly changes as the interrelations between man and space and their interpretation are constantly undergoing change. However, if we wis h to glean from geography certai n elements to ~elp us in t he study of international relations, we must

understa nd that it is not so much the objective factors themselves that count as the idea that man forms of them. Since the power of a state is not only an objective measure but also the image that other states and the sta te in question have formed of it, geography becomes a sub jective elemen t when considered as a factor of power. The importa nce of this element with regard to the actions of the state depends on the idea that we have formed of it. This is what we consider to be the field of interest of geopolitics: the study of how man perceives geog raphy or, in other words, the study of th e image that man forms of geography. The image that we have of geography is cond itioned by such factors as technological progress, mea ns of commun ication, cultural past and sc on. The Rocky Mountains, for example, were considered an al most insuperable barrier when the only means of commun ication were horse-drawn wagons. They were less of a problem after the railways were built. and now that the aerop lane can fly over them they are no longer a barrier at all. In the first case, the idea that a New Yorker had of Cali fornia was that of an extremely distant territory wh ich could only be reached with great difficulty and danger. It was much easier and safer for him to sa il to London than to travel overland to California. This does not mean that the distances have cha nged , but it does mean that our idea of those distances has changed because the means of communication have changed. In other words, the image of geography changes with the passing of time. Time is one of the factors which distinguish geopolitics from political geography. Political geography studies human groups and their relations with the territory in

a pa rticular historical moment; geopolitics introd uces the time factor, the history of these groups. While political geography is concerned with analysis, geopolitics is synthesis: a broad view in time and space of the general phenomena that link the perception of geographica l factors to states. If, for exa mple, we observe the Egyptian civilisation from the point of view of politica l geography, we note that its development wa s the consequence of certa in specific geographical conditions: the excellent cha nnel of comm unications offered by the Nil e; the very ferti le land along its banks; and the fact that the prevailing winds blow from north to south, thus making navigation possible in both directions: with the cu rrent to the north and by sail to the south. We ca n cons ider what these geographical conditions meant for the Egyptian of three thousand yea rs ago, the environment he lived in and so on. We can do the same for the Sumerian civi lisation along the Tigris an d the Euphrates or, at a later date, for the Roman Empire: its birth in the Med iterranean, the central position of the Italian peni nsu la, the commercial opportunities of Rome with all of the coastal states, the great number of safe anchorages due to the features of the coast and so on. This is political geography. The pictu re changes, however, when we take all of these analyses together to obta in an overall, synthetic view of su ch factors as: how the ancient civilisations were formed around the excellent communications systems that the rivers then offered; how, in time, the technological progress of navigation extended this system of communications to a lim ited sea su ch as the Mediterranean, how communications in fluenced civilisation; an d how continual progress made it possible to switch the principal

.... lines of communication from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic. If we consider the sequence of these events from a general, synthetic, historical point of view, then we are thinking in geopolitical terms (6) . We can thus see how not only the geographical "reality" but also, perhaps above all , its "perception" have led man to follow certain lines of force that have moulded the socio-political progress of humanity. We could even dare to draw these lines of force on a map, as we normally do in physics. Let us consider, for example, the Near East, the area including Syria, Israel, Lebanon and the Sinai peninsula. At the dawn of civil isation, the lines of force of the cultural, economic and military expansion of the Sumerian civilisation spread from the valley of the Tigris and the Euphrates to cross the Fertile

Crescent and meet with the Egyptian lines stemming from the Nile Valley. The Near East became an area of conflict, a battle-fie ld where these two forces clashed. The power that succeeded in dominating the area would also dominate the civilised world of ancient times. The area was in a state of continual upheava l except when an empire - the Persian, Roman, Arabian, Turkish, Eng lish or French - was in a position to control both of its extrem ities: the Fertile Crescent and Egypt. A geopolitica l explanation of these events could be as follows. The Near East is at the point where three continents meet: Europe, Asia and Africa (7). It is a bridge where the lines of force of three different cultures will clash every time that one of them, or all three together, try to expand outside their own borders.

the land masses determines proximity to the centre of power, to the areas of conflict, and establishes the lines of communications. Position with regard to one's immediate neighbours defines the conditions relative to potential enemies, thus determining the basic problem of national security" (8). The image that a state has of its position has a remarkable influence on its behaviour in the international system. A state may feel "surrounded" because of its position, even if there is no intention on the part of its ne ighbours to surround it. This does not mea n that there is a geographical determinism , as Ratzel would have us believe, between pos it ion and behaviour. Ratzel (9) was the first to realise the importance of position (and of space, as we shall see later). but he considered it an objective geographica l element and not as

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The western hemisphere surrounded, according to the theory of the American specialist Spykmann, by the land masses formed by the European, Asian and African continents.

The Near East became a melting-pot of races, cultures, religions and political forces because of its particular geographical position. Position is an extremely important element in geopolitics. "Position with regard to the equator, to the oceans and to

the subjective image that we have of it. "Given that its position is unchangeable, a certain area always transmits the same impulses to states and nations, just as a stream enters a turbulent stretch of its course or returns to a calm and even

flow always at the same point" Âˇ (10). These impulses are not, in fact. transmitted by the area but by the people living there. And the image that the people have of the territory they inhabit changes in time, thus changing those impulses Ratzel spoke of as being unchangeable. All the geographical -elements related to the position of a country are objective and static and certain ly of great importance. By themselves, however, they cannot give us an idea of the influence that position has on the political behaviour of a particular people. In geopolitical terms, consideration of the position of a country should not be limited to physical and geographical factors, but should also encompass relations with neighbouring countries, the history of the same and the influence on the mentality of the peoples of the shape of the borders, the commercial and communicational potential and the advantages

and disadvantages for defence. If we observe the position of a country from this point of view, we can see the importance that it has always had for the relations of that country with others. The Italian peninsula has been invaded countless times over the centuries because Âˇ of its particular position. The Italian culture of the Renaissance is the on ly great culture to have been born and developed in a country of feeble politica l and military power. The reason why this great culture was able to develop wh ile foreign armies were marching over the whole length and breadth of the peninsula was the fact that Italy was at the centre of the civi lised world of the time. Its position was such that all the cultural lines of force converged upon it at the end of the Middle Ages. The position of Great Britain was of fundamental importance in providing the conditions for the formation of its vast empire. However, it

Admiral Nelson giving the order to send his famous signal before the Battle of Trafalgar. The British victory marked the end of Napoleon's dream of turning France into a great maritime power. From her insular position, Great Britain obtained control of the seas and was thus able to continue her world policy of military and commercial expansion.

was the way in which this position was perceived in the minds of the British people that made possible the development of the moral forces necessary to acquire the physical strength indispensable for conquest. Let us take another island, Sicily, as an example. At one time, it lay at the centre of the world, between east and west. north and south, Greeks and Phoenicians, Romans and Carthaginians, Arabs and Christians, Spaniards and Turks. However, the difficu lty presented by its position, the feeling of insecurity caused by numerous invasions, prevented the Sici lians from constructing

a centralized state, a political power. In the same period, Great Britain occupied a peripheral position. As Fairgrieve says, from Great Britain one could go nowhere. The many invasions of the British Isles were principally due to peoples fleeing from the continent in search of a country where they could live in peace, rather than to conquering peoples bent on occupying a strategic position from which they could dominate a vaster area. When a central government was formed, the sense of security provided by its ins ular position (and later by the British Navy) created a fertile site for the planting of institutions, society and culture. Trade was the principal source of wealth for this seafaring people, and with trade came the desire for conquest. It is not, in fact, trade that follows the flag, as is commonly claimed, but the flag that follows trade. It was not, however, only the desire to obtain trading ports, raw materials or markets that led to the conquering of an empire; above all, it was the desire for space. Space is another important concept in geopolitics. Once again, it was Ratzel who first. drew attention to space (Raum). The concept of "Raum" is anything but simple. Raum is space plus time; it is a three-dimensional concept that regards space as a field of historical forces characterised by pressure and direction: the pressure of politica l, social and cultural expansion and the direction into which they are channelled by natura l and psychological factors. "We can classify our empirical knowledge in two ways: either according to concepts or according to the time and space in which they [the concepts] are actually present. Classification of perceptions according to concepts is logical classification ;

classification according to time its spatio-temporal environment. and space is physical This does not mean that there classification. are peoples with the desire The first gives us a system to conquer space (Raums inn). as of nature ... the second a Kjeller has claimed, but that geographical description of space and the human beings nature" (11). inhabiting it have a mutual Through the concept of influence on each other. Raum, we try to obtain a It is this reciprocal "geographical description of relationship . that counts, and not nature" in the reality of the the deterministic explanation present-day world. of it. Ratzel drew a parallel This relationship between between states and living man and Raum can help us to organisms, a simile that . he explain the logic of the considered useful for the study relations between states, at of states and their development. least as regards certain areas He explained that organisms which have, to varying degrees, need space to grow and exerted social and cultural develop and that the struggle influence over far greater for life is a struggle for space. neighbouring areas. These The species that survive are influences have shaped the those that have the opportunity particular historical development and the capacity to extend of those regions. their living space. The The "pole" from which defeated are condemned to these forces spread out is an seeing their space continually entity defined in space and time, eaten away. and the clash between two However, he never carried or more fields of differing this simile to the extreme, to forces comes about where these the claim that the state is a forces meet in areas that are living organism. It was Kjellen common to both sides, as and the school of Haushopher we have seen in the Near East. that took as their premise the The areas where clashes idea of the state as a living occur are the "nodes" where organism, and drew the different forces, stemming conclus ion that the state must frorri "polar" regions, clash in look for its own living space what may become a struggle (Lebensraum) in order to to the death. survive. In every region, these I have absolutely no struggles create a common interest in discussing the feeling of the need for security, concept of Lebensraum and no for social and cultura l intention of doing so; but I do amalgamation and, in time, a believe that the concept of Raum, i.e. a concept of space and time has great spatio-temporal relations on importance for the behaviour of which the vital structure of a state in the internationa l that region, its "model of life", system. rests. The geopolitical regions, Another factor of which will not be discussed in importance in geopolitics is this article, should be selected movement. By movement we according to the concept of mean not only the possibility of Raum. I shall merely mention exchanges of goods and of the fact that a geopolitical persons, but also the exchange region is defined as the field of ideas and cultures and the where the forces of history, possibility of projecting power culture and "movement" have far from its point of origin. interacted in such a way as to If a geopolitical region is give it its own peculiar built up around a social and character. cult ural nucleus emanating from The actions and political a "polar area", some form of behaviour of a people depend communication, i.e. of free on how that people perceives movement, is necessary.

Freedom of movement can influence the cultural, social and political behaviour of man. One important point must be .stressed immediately: movement is principally influenced by the relationship between sea and land. As the sea is the safest and easiest channel of communications, it is also therefore the natural physical .and cultural link between peoples. The concept of distance is closely related to that of movement. The relation linking these two concepts. movement and distance, is all too often distorted by old commonplaces. For example, the claim is still considered valid today

that power is inversely proportional to distance, meaning that the amount of power that can be projected is inversely proportional to the distance over which it must be projected. This may hold true for military power over short distances. in the tactical field, but is not at all true on the global scale. First of all. power is not only represented by the military element. However, even taking into account this aspect alone, we must agree that this old cliche has now been modified by technological progress. For example, during the Vietnam war it was easier for the United States to supply its troops in South Vietnam by sea

The Battle of Jutland marked the end of the German High Seas Fleet as a force capable of breaking through the blockade imposed by her adversary. The political and military design of expanding the Germanic "Raum" came to a halt with the impossibility of overcoming the "node" of the North Sea under British control.

Chinese Emperor with escort. The horde of Mongol origin were always attracted by the cultivated lands surrounding the steppe. In order to sterr the tide of barbarian invasions, th e Chinese built th e famous wall to reinforce the natural obstacles.

the greatest revolutions of our day could turn out to be the proposed perm anent international TV link. In this case, the movement of ideas, culture and life-styles would no longer be ham pered and, in time, people's perception of geography could be drastically changed. Antonio Flamigni

than for China to supply North Vietnam by land. In fact. North Vietnam was mainly supplied by sea by the Soviet Union. This freedom of logistic movement offered by the sea is one of the pri ncipal characteristics of the relationship between sea and land. This does not mean that land movement is not important. In the course of history we have been able to observe vast movements overland. For example, when a run of good years provided excellent pasture in Central Asia and so led to the growth of numerous herds of horses, the M angels were able to spread out from a central position over easily crossed terrain t owards the east, west and south. Certain geographical factors have had considerable

influence on movement. The deserts are the areas of greatest difficulty of movement, and it is normally for th is reason that geopolitical regions are separated by them. The great mountain chains are second only to the deserts, but rivers have always been one of the easiest and most natural channels of commu nication and it is only recen tly that they have become, by convention, borders. Technological progress has, naturally, modified the sign ificance of impediment. but not to such an extent that it need no longer be con sidered. The aeroplane has modified the logistic aspect of what we call movement, albeit not completely, and may, in time, be able to mod ify the cultural and social aspects as well . However, there sti ll exist great land masses whose inhabitants are isolated by the very size of their territories. One of

Notes

1) Spool: " Man, Mllieu, Relationship", CIS Princeton Univ., 1956, p. 37. 2) Rivista Militare, Ouaderno 4-1983. "Alcune Teorie Geopolitiche" . 3) Hartmann: "Relation of Nations" 4) The on ly exception that comes to mind is Switzerland. By continental powers we do not mean only those with no access to th e sea, but also those whose power is principally land- ba sed: for example, th ose in which the merchant navy has never been of great importance. 5) Cohen : " Naval War College Review" , Dec. 1957. 6) We owe this example to the geopolitical publications of the Army War School. 7) It may be observed that Europe does not physically touch the Middle East. Th e- significance of con tact Is not purely geographical, but also cultural. historical and economic. 8) Spykmann: "The geography of Âˇ peace", p. 5. 9) Ratzel: "Politi sche Geographie". 10) Op. cit.. p. 180. 11) I. Kant: "Introduction to Geography".

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MALTA

CRETE

CYPRUS B A

MEDITERRANEAN SEA

Alex andria

•

Cairo

Attack from the sea An glo-French naval force Anglo-French paratroop attack

EGYPT

Gamil airdrop ~

M EDITERRAN EAN SEA

- Ma in cen ters ot rcs,stence

ff Egyptian

Movements of the

British force

Lake Manzala

The knowledge of the principles .of war is indispensable, but by itself it does not make an officer a good commander of troops. As a matter of fact, it does not suffice to have a perfect notion of the relations between strength, space and time, in order to obtain the best results from the command action on the batilefield. One must also have the intuition of the creative genius, which enables him to implement the decision by a prompt and rational coordination of the above elements and a precise and weighed deduction deriving from their evaluation . Most modern armies acknowledge the validity of the principles of war, and introduce them officially in their doctrine and regulations. There is no consensus over these principles:

in tact, the Soviet Union, China and Great Britain acknowledge ten of them, the United States, Germany and Spain nine. Italy and Switzerland eight, France three. These different views on the validity of the principles have been illustrated in "Rivista Militare" No. 3184 (Italian Edition). More particularly, in the 6184 issue, only four principles have been proposed: will/initiative, concentration of efforts, liberty of action, economy of forces . In practice the innovation is anything but insignificant, because it concerns the formation of the commanders, with appropriate stress on the relation between liberty of action, initiative and responsibility. While the liberty of action is born outside the individual and due to external

contingencies, the initiative is something within, an ingrained quality of the commander. It must ben constantly trained in the light of the concept of responsibility, in order to be developed within the boundaries of the liberty of action granted to each individual. Our regulations and operational orders always imply the value of initiative, which, in order to be correct, must work within the limits established by the liberty of action. Outside these limits it can be harmful, because it hinders the normal course of activities. In order to start an in-depth discussion on the principles of war, let us consider some particular aspects of the conflicts which followed the second World War.

***** THE PRINCIPLES OF WAR

THE "MUSKETEER" OPERATION OF 1956

in the United States, the Soviet Union and Italy

(illustrated at left) ITALY This operation is an example of lack -of "concentration of efforts" between politicians and military, because the victory on the battlefield was '!allowed by a humiliating political defeat, inflicted by international public opinion, which -caused a sudden withdrawal whi le the operation was still in progress. Operational «Musketeer» was the name of the Anglo-French invasion of Suez in 1956. Albeit with numerous changes in the planning, it began with 1he English airdrop at Gamil and the French operations on the bridges of Rawsa and Port Foad; the latter was a model airborne operation. These actions were followed by the invasion ·from the sea, with the landing at Port Said and the final advance, which was stopped for political reasons. Despite the military success, the operation failed because of international censure, especially from the United States. The French military elite, deeply frustrated, fo und itself in the front ranks in May 1958, during the events that led to the fall of the Fourth Republic.

USA 9

USSR 10

CIRC. 700 5

CIRC. 900 8

Objective

Annih ilation

Manoeuvre

Capability of command and execution

Simplicity

Arms combination

Mass

Freedom of decision

Command unity

Offensive (or activism) ·

Economy of forces

Mobility

Offensive

Manoeuvre

Surprise

Fire power

Manoeuvre

Concentration of efforts

Security

Balanced configuration of the instrument

Mass

Economy of forces

Will to prevail

Economy of forces

Surprise and deceit

Execution capab ility

Surprise

Adequate reserves (persistence)

Logistic potential

Security

Morale Advance and conso lidation

CINA

. . PecM no ,

Lushvn

THE KOREAN WAR The 1950 invasion of South Korea by the Communists of North Korea soon became an international conflict, wh ich involved the United States - with its allies - and China. The war was cause for wide contrasts between the political and military American leaders, because President Truman wanted to hold the conflict within well defined boundaries, without entering the Chinese territory, while General Mac Arthur wanted to emp.loy all resources, not excluding the nuclear bomb, in order to attain a complete v ictory in a global war against Communism. Among the principles of war that were applied in the Korean conflict, there are some aspects, regarding the liberty of action and the economy of forces, that deserve particular attention. For the military commander, liberty of action means autonomous decisional capability, which enables him to rapidl y adjust to con ti ngent situations and unexpected needs, without his being excessively influenced by the previous planning. Evidently this liberty ends where the political demands begin, and this limitation has been clearly shown in the order issued by President Truman, who wanted to keep the advance within the Korean territory, without invading China and consequently widening the conflict, as General Mac Arthur wished. As regards the economy of forces, it must be emphasized that in Korea great Chinese masses, poorly armed and equipped, confronted a smaller number of nien equipped with modern weapons and sophisticated technology. In the first phase of the conflict the North Korean forces, better armed and equipped, appeared clearly superior to the South Korean ones. Subsequently, the U.N. Forces, provided with even more modern weapons, got the upper hand; nevertheless they were in their turn overwhelmed by the great Chinese masses. In the last phase of the conflict, after alternate events, "quality' won over "quantity", thanks to the considerable manoeuvering and fire superiority, which forced the Chinese masses to withdraw. The principle of the economy of forces, through which a maximum result is obtained with a minimum waste of energy, found in the manoeuvering capability and in the highly sophisticated equipment the indispensable prerequisites for the attainment of success.

Inchon Landing September 15, 1950 A land ing craft B ta nks and supplies C air cover and close support D support naval bombing aga inst the Communist , pos itions on th e beaches air reconnaissance

Following page, top.

During the 1953 negotiations, the battles on the hills were a test of wills. Pork Chop, among the hills held by the Communists, assumed a particular political importance, much greater than its military significance. On the night of April 16, the. hill was held by two platoons of the 21st Regiment of the U.S. 7th Infantry D1v1s1on. Although th e night was clear and starry, the Chinese reached the American positions quickly and by surprise.

From Inchon to Seoul September 15 - 22, 1950

A B C D

Initial land ing, September 15 En largement of bridgehead , Mari11.e pos ition on the nig ht of September 16 Perimeter of bridgehead

The battle for Pork Chop

When . the alarm was raised, the defences had already been overwhelmed. At 2.00 a.m. Pork Chop had fallen. Unsuccessful attempts to reconquer the hill were made on April 17. It was decided to make a second attack with two companies of the U.S. 17th Infantry Regiment, which reconquered Pork Chop at 2.30 a.m. Below. The massive Chinese offensive of April 1951 was faced also by the 1st Battalion of the Gloucestershire Regiment

. i-

(the "Glosters") which was completely surrounded. To break the encirclement. each company acted on its own: three compan ies were destroyed. the fourth succeeded and 39 men reached the U.N. positions. passing necessarily under the Americans' fire. The Chinese offensive in Korea, launched with 30 Divisions and more than 40 in reserve, was stopped thanks to the superior air and land fire-power of the Americans. It was a victory of the modern war- technology against the "mass" of the Chinese Divisions.

battery-;;; Reg.iment, Âˇ: e King's I rish Hussa rs 45th Regiment, the King's Arllllery

Jht

batta iion.

, i ~'

~ Gloucestershire

Regi ment Headquaners 170th mortar battery ~

Situation at 24.00 hrs, April 22, 1951

1st battafi~-;;-: R'oya l Ulster Fusiliers

><iÂˇ

1Be lg1an wirn! a'~ a~w iZllf rt: ' "--~

4th Glosters Company ~IIIJocttQM break 01 contact and Situation at 24.00 hrs, April 24, 1951 withdrawal

THE ISRAELI ATTACK IN THE SINAI

Abu Aweigila

's,

In 1956 Israel launched a swift attack against Egypt, converging its armoured columns on the Suez Canal. This attack proved the decisive importance of tanks on the battlefield. The Israeli army consisted of reservists plus a small number of recruits under training, and had been organized for rapid mobilization. The integral application of the "will/initiative" principle was at the foundation of the Israeli success, together with a very flexible operation al plan, based on surprise and initiative. The main attack was delivered against the Egyptian concentration of Abu Aweigila, a vital crossroads, with a powerful force. The 37th Mechanized Brigade and the 10th Infantry Brigade were to converge on Abu Aweigila. The 4th Infantry Brigade was sup.posed to conquer El Quseima, in order to enable the 7th Armoured Brigade to advance towards the same objective. The frontal attack to Abu Aweigila did not succeed, while the commander of the 7th Brigade d isobeyed his orders conferring greater importance to the action of his unit. The commander of the 10th Brigade was dismissed for excessive caution, while the commander of the 37th Brigade was killed during a daring frontal attack in broad daylight.

"'''.t11

The position of Abu Aweigila resisted until the Egyptian Command ordered to withdraw, on November 1, 1956. The order was due more to the Anglo-French landing at Suez than to the Israeli attacks.

Tha ISr.)eli attack Oc,t 31 • NOY. 1, 19:i6

In the operations of 1967 in the Sinai, the Egyptian Ma;or Units adopted Soviet defensive procedures. The Israeli units employed "Centurion" tanks, by far superior to all Egyptian armour, and succeeded - although suffering heavy losses - in opening several breaches, which made penetration possible at strategic level.

JUNE 1967 IN THE SINAI

Egyptian tactics the "sword and shield" defence

•• •••• ••••••• " SHIE[ D"

· t.

.L \

•

/, _L\ .L \

~~~

t e small ·sword" (100 tanks) enga ges the enemy armour

anti-tank guns

DUNES

"sword" (ma in force 200-300 ta nks) in the armoured co untera ttack through th e b reaches in the "sh ield" defence

The aim of the Israeli attack of 1956 was that of conducting an enveloping battle, without having to carry out a frontal attack against the main Egyptian defensive positions. In 1967 the problems we re different: Israel wanted to employ the armoured units to open breaches through the Egyptian strongholds and penetrate in depth as far as the enemy lines of commun ication. The Israeli s had the main advantages: air superiority and the "Centurion" tank, a vehicle much superior to the ones available to the Egyptians. One Israeli weak point was the scarce coordination between the armoured units and the remaining forces. The armoured units often raced ahead, leaving the infantry and the artillery far behind, unable to overcome the resistance that was soon reorganized after the tanks' passage. A major factor of the Israeli victory was the massive air support, without which the land units could not have reached the Suez Canal. · The Egyptians opposed a fierce defence, showing that they could fight with great vigour.

The Syrian attack

Initial air attack

Mount Hermon

June 5, 1967

Israe li air raids Egyp tian bases

A Attacked

THE BATTLE ON THE GOLAN HEIGHTS IN 1973

ihe battle of Sinai

..:

iii <(

EGYPT

=> <(

June 5, June 6. .,- June 7, June 8,

The Syrians had foreseen an attack that would have cleared the heights in two or three days. Unlike 1967, when most of the army had been kept on rear positions, they drew up almost all of their forces; on a front of 50 km, they employed in fact 2 armoured Divisions, 3 Infantry Divisions and several Brigades, with a total of approximately 1200 tanks. The attack was to be launched on the entire front, with the Infantry Divisions on the first line, while the two armoured Divisions wer e to take advantage of the breaches opened by the first echelons. On October 6, facing the Syrians there were 9 Israeli Brigades with about 180 tanks; one of these Brigades was already deployed on the heights after the air battle of September, as a simple precautionary measure: but its presence on the heights turned out to be decisive. The two Israeli major units were both almost co mpletely destroyed in two days of fighting, but the attackers had to pay such a heavy toll - both in casualties and time - that the Israeli forces, hurriedly mobilized and rushed on the heights, were able to conta in at first, and then repel, the last stunted Syrian attack. After seriously damaging the Israeli positions, not only did the Syrians lack the strength to exploit the ir success, but could not consol idate it; after the battle, the Israelis counted 867 Syrian tanks destroyed or left behind, together w ith hundreds of vehicles and guns.

RED SEA

1967 1967 1967 1967

***

Guerrilla activity and infiltration routes in Angola

•

.Henriq ue de Carva lho

HUILA

CUANOO CUBANGO

SOUTH -WEST A F RI CA

Guerrilla infiltration routes • - -

Guerr illa ba ses Rai lways

PORTUGUESE AFRICA

Portuguese forces in Africa during 1973

In Angola, Mozambique and Guinea the nationalist guerrillas fought a long battle, which ended in defeat for the Portuguese army. Portugal had been the first European colonial power to set foot in Africa and was the last to leave it in the mid-seventies. The strategy adopted for confronting the guerrillas was influenced by the differences arisen between politicians and military about the line to be followed. It must be remembered that in 1957 the Portuguese had in Africa about 150,000 men, of which: approximately 30,000 in Guinea, 60,000 in Angola and 60,000 in Mozambique. Compared with the Portuguese population, this figure was five times the number of Americans stationed in Vietnam in the same year. The MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) was founded in 1956 and drew its forces from the "assimilados" living around the capital city of Luanda. In 1959 a vast rebellion, developed in the coffee plantations, caught the

Portuguese by surprise. Repression was ruthless. The FNLA (National Front for the liberation of Angola), born in 1961, was the mouthpiece of the clai ms of the populations living in the north of the country. The ensuing guerrilla warfare had its most important sanctuaries in Zaire and Zambia. General Spinola did not believe th at the guerrilla warfare could be won with a merely military solution, and promoted a new strategy which began in 1968, with the concentration of the population in protected and organized villages. The army was employed fo r building in Guinea 15,000 houses, 164 schools, 40 hospitals and 163 fire stations. The second aspect of the Portuguese strategy was the employment of aircraft for barring the guerrillas' supply roads across the border. Napalm, herbicides and defoliants were used against 'lhe guerrillas' villages. An effectual coordination between fighter-bombers, helicopters and land patrols was achieved, which led to the success of the operations. Cavalry was also employed, in order to guarantee the security, on the flanks of advancing units, wherever the terrain was unfit for motorized vehicles. The Portuguese strategy was capable of effectively confronting the Angolan situation up to the mid seventies, but it was dearly paid, due to the international censure against the repression. In the end, the regions which Portugal had intended to keep in its sphere were inevitably abandoned.

THE SITUATION IN MOZAMBIQUE The "Front for the Liberation of Mozambique" (FRELIMO) was a coalition of groups which started to operate in 1964. In 1971 it numbered about 8,000 guerrillas. The penetration roads from Tanzania were just inside the north of Mozambique, where the Portuguese were well prepared to face the guerrillas, while the roads coming from Zambia were a serious threat for the Cabora Bassa dam, in the Tete region. In 1970 an antiguerrilla operation lasted seven months, employing 10,000 soldiers and causing 440 dead among the guerrillas. Also in Portugal, as in France, in the conduct of the counterguerrilla warfare there were differences and lack of concentration of efforts between politicians and military. The officers, frustrated by the Government's policy, assembled in the "Movement of the Armed Forces", which planned a coup d'etat soon after general Spinola was dismissed as Chief of Staff, following his criticism of the politicians. Spinola was made president of the Movement and exerted pressures for a total · withdrawal of the military from Africa. Mozambique became indipendent in June 1975 and power was taken over by FRELIMO.

Guerrilla camps and infiltration routes in Mozambique Bagamoyo Dar Es Salaam "'

Mbeya •

Lusaka: Headquarters o f the Centre for the Liberat ion of A fr ica: Kachaiola, Chadiza, Sinde Missale, Muaniawanthu: supply collection and infiltrations control centres

•.

Dar es Salaam: FREI. IM O Headquarters; Mbeya : troop suppli es: Bagamoyo: FRELI MO secondary school: Nachingwea: HO and log is tic centre; FREU M O tra ining ca mp; Tunduru: FRELI MO traininQ centre: Songea: FRELI MO d istric t of fice: Mitomoni : supply c ontrol centre and infiltrations con trol

TANZAN IA ,,.,songea Mltomoni

•

c::J Territories claimed by China Tunduru

•

CAB~

DELqAoo

\ Ro'"' NIASSA

MOZAMB IQUE

The wars in 1965 and 1971 were preceded by border clashes in Kashmir and East Bhutam between India and China. An agreement over these borders had never been reached and in October 1962 China dro ve out from the two zones th e Indian forces , wh ich suffered 1400 casualties.

NO RT -ll•f F.ST

~ KASHMIR

RHODESIA

INOIA' '" ,

r-··- , --....--: I

•,_ ,

_. Guerrilla bases Guerri lla iniiltration

1!!!11•111• .... routes

PUNJAB

THE 1971 INOIAN BLITZ IN PAKISTAN India had to limit its losses to the west and invade Eastern Pakistan before a possible international intervention: it had to prevent Pakistan from achieving substantial successes in the West and from resist ing in the East. India needed to win the war with Pakistan in a very short time, but having to cross rive rs up to 8 km wide, one can well understand how difficult the problem could be. The Indian army had to prevent the Pakistani army from withd rawing to the Dacca valley. . As a matter of fact, the Indian victory was very swift and the war lasted 1ust 13 days, from December 3 to December 16. In the west, whe re India had suffered ·heavy defeats in 1965, both parties obtained successes and there was hard lighting, but the overall balance was in favour of India. In the east. the decisive sector, India obtained total success. The Pakistani army was swept away by the initial attack. Rivers we re the greatest obstacle to the advance, but on December 16 the Indian army reached Dacca: a new state - Bangladesh was born.

In 1971 the war confirmed India as a great military power, closing the series of humiliating defeats suffered in the '60s at the hands of its Chinese and Pakistani neighbours.

demarcation line

-------------

·--- ......

- .._.._ _

-- --

VIETNAM AND PUBLIC OPINION

??'-

air supply zone

ga rr ison 6 ,000 men ~guns

~ ~~

I'\

B1 mm mortar

oo,,.,

"- - ~ -

Kh e Sanh combat base

,.,,._

1 \__~$~

l L,

SO UTH VI ETNAM

__J

~,o, mm HM<,o, battery

_/-"'"

~ (9 \lte 9

Nonh Vietnamese • - - - , , i attack s

.,_,.

perimetric positions of the combat base

The Tet offensive 30 Jan. - 25 Feb. 1968 Monthly amount of Communist infiltrations from Nor th Vietnam

1965 1966 1967 1968

CAMBODIA

.....- --"'~

2ien H oa

C;;s:u Phu Vinh Lo~ Can The

The mountain village of Khe Sahn became the emblem of the American presence in Vietnam. Its defence had absolute priority, but the village had to be evacuated during the Tel (Buddhist New Yea r) offensive in 1968, after the Vietcong most important attack, which started on January 30, against Saigon and Hue. The Vietcong employed more than 50,000 men in this offensive and some small units reached the centre of Saigon itself, The attack war arrested by Gen. Weyand, who had held a large number of forces in reserve and in mid-March had started the tactics of infiltrating small patrols, spread on a vast territory, so as to make their elimination more difficult. The Vietcong offensive ended in a military defeat, but it obtained a surprising psychological victory on the international plane: that of destroying the credibility of the American administration and of demolishing the wearing-out strategy. President Johnson was forced to stop the bombings in the north and to open negotiations. It was then clear that the war could not be won on the battlefield. The Tel offensive brought to light the importance of the public opinion and the mass-media. Correspondents and journalists of the major dailies and weeklies informed with ample detail world public opinion, especially with episodes like the terrible massacre of My Lai, committed by the Americans. It ensued that millions of people in the U.S. started to oppose the w ar with deep conviction; their attitude was at the origin of the failu re of the American intervention. Dissent started with the 1968 sit-ins, which were soon followed by demonstrations, work stoppages and street protests. Nevertheless the opinion polls demonstrated that the majority of Americans agreed with the Administration: until October 13, President Nixon's policy in Vietnam wa s approved by 58% of the interviewed while 26% were uncertain; also among the young aged between 18 and 29, there was a majority of 52% in favour and 33% against. The minority that opposed the war was nevertheless still substantial and very active. The atmosphere in the U.S. was comparable to what was felt in Europe during the Spanish Civil War: the conflict itself became a symbol of something greater, regardless of the truth or of the importance of the events .

aigon

Y~ .o Ben Tri

. '<,v'I"

SOUTH CH INA SEA

0 -s;'-0

*'o

~«;

•

Vietcong.attacked cities

Major Vietcong attacks · ' _Infiltrat ion route·Ho Chi Minh Trail

***

- - Tne· cnlt:uutt:: , a,u July 3, 1976

INTERNATIONAL TERRORISM In the '70s the extremist groups, in order to achieve their political goals, have adopted the tactics of terrorism. On the operational plane, the terrorists have as a rule avoided the "difficult" objectives, such as well-guarded military installations. Even though skyjacking had been one of the tactics favoured by terrorists in the '70s, experience shows that once the aircraft lands for refuelling the hijackers are made vulnerable by fatigue and are therefore exposed to the assault of the antiterrorism squads organized by several Western countries.

EGYPT

LIBYA 4. Ju ly 3, 1976 - T hree planes with 200 Israeli range rs depart for Entebbe

***

3. The hijacke rs keep as hoslages 247 passengers and 12 crew members in Entebbe 's old air s tation for the re lease from jail of 5,3 Palest in ian terrorists

5. The Israeli force lands and overcomes the terrorists. The hostages a re freed

THE INVASION OF AFGHANISTAN IN 1979

Soviet invasion routes

SOVIET UNION

T ,{( J

105th airborne Division

ISaland Pass iBagrarn _j =-- - - Jal~~abad Kabu l J Passo Khyber

•• Peshawar

Gar_sJ ei

J Pass

The operation followed the conventional scheme and had many analogies with the invasion · of Czechoslovakia in 1968. The first combat t roops entering Afg!Janistan were from the 105th Airborne Guard Division. An advanced group landed to the north of Kabul on the m ilitary airport of Bagram, which had been occupied by the Soviets on December 24. Between the 25th and the 26th of December, the bulk of the 105th Airborne Division, consisting of at least two regiments and supporting units, for a total of approximately 5,000 men, arrived at Bagram. This entailed 280 flight m issions carried out by llyushin IL-76, Antonov AN-22 and AN-12 transport planes. December 27 was the crucial day: in the evening the Soviet paratroopers on BMD armoured personnel carriers entered Kabul and seized its key points.

PAKISTAN

IRAN

_______

·- .

,,,.,---

Soviet airborne troops Soviet land troops • Airports

***

-+-

Princip~I areas of combat in 1980

Ahv~ e

.l ~

$ Tabnt

Mosul

• Arbll

•Mahabad

The Iraqi attack started on September 12, with a raid over the border: a diverting action was carri ed out towards Mahabad, but only with the aim of holding the Iranian forces . in Kurdistan. In the centre, a mechanized Division took hold of Oasr-e-Shlrin and blocked the mountain passes. The Iraqi forces made no attempt to advance into the mountains: they obtained the most Impressive successe s in the south, where an armoured Di vision sped towards the east from the Amara-Basra road. The Iranians did not try to stop the Iraqi tanks in the middle of the desert, and the Iraqis made a rapid advance, until they reached the vicinity of the most important cities.

A• Gazvin

Kirkuk

_,.._ l

.Jl

IAAN

•llam

KUWAIT

~::rJ.!iehrs,,

)111.~

Baghdad

IAAQ

as,+St,Jrin

AIKul

Amara•

A KhOframsnah~

' "---

•Gu,reh

Kharg

;t 1\ Island

Oil fields Main lraQi offensives M ain air strikes

THE INVASION OF LEBANON IN 1982

Israel invades Lebanon June 1982

..,. "( /' f3

'1'"'

MEDITERRANEAN SEA

• _

MarjayoL1 r Beaufort

... ... Cast e ...•

_..]

. ·

red line

1rnagina.:f ..- _

THE INVASION OF IRAN IN 1980

•

Rasheya

• Hasbeya

Area under PLO an d Moslem m ilitias' control c::J Area under Christian control c=i UNIFIL area - . . . Israeli attacks

Sunday, June 6, Israeli armoured col umns coming from the entirely mobilized Northern Region, crossed the Lebanese border with the objective of wiping out the PLO strongholds in southern Lebanon. The armoured units penetrated deep into Lebanese territory, overtook the UNIFIL detachments and made contact with the elements of the Christian militia in "Haddad's Land". After crossing the Litani r iver, the Israelis disclosed the scope of their plans: elimination of the PLO from Lebanon and establishment in Beirut of a pro-Israeli government. The operation was appropriately called " Peace in Galilee", because that reg ion would never be secure as long as the PLO operated in Lebanon. The Israelis showed a brilliant strategy and meticulous pl anning. The air force swept away the opposition SAMs and MIGs and once control of the air was ensured, th e flights of fighter bombers, bombers and helicopters could give a contin ued 24-hour support. All tanks, self-propelled artillery and armoured infantry units proceeded along three main directions.

ISRAEL

***

THE FALKLANDSMALVINAS CONFLICT

Infantry operations ~~ ·-~ ,

,., ?

~ay~

Ju_ne ~

J Port SanCarlos May 21 • British forces land and establish a bridgehead

..._ -

FALKLANDS STRAIT

May 28 · rt e paratroopers occupy Port Darw in and Goose Green

-I .,-

7 1.

Goose Green

bo mb

The AM 39 Exocet~ air-to-surface, antiship - ~ missile 1. The

target Ship is loca ted by a h igh-altitude, long -range reco nna issance a ircraft, wh ich retransmits the ship's position to a Super Etendard aircraft, "rmed with an Exocet missile that can fly below the horizon

.....,

3. At a distance of approximately 20 miles (32 km) the Exocet missile ,s launched and fli es ~~ towards the ob1ect1ve 1us t abov~ \ the sea su rface The Etcndard areturns to ,ts base ~

; J

%\J' "---~ ~

,-' _ _... -

<-&P_,..

~-~-

, 4. The Exocet flies almost at the speed o f sound: its radar sta rts function ing at a dis tance o f approximately 6 miles. tunes on the objec tive, corrects its fina l flight and hits the centre of the ta rget ship

The air and naval forces had great importance for the final outcome of the Falklands-Malvinas conflict, but in the end the result was decided by the land expeditions. The British, in order to overcome an organized defence, should have had, according to the well-established rules of warcraft, a three-to-one superiority. In reality 5,000 English troops clashed with 10,000 Argentinians, who could avail themselves of light tanks, artillery and supply depots. Despite their deficiencies, ·1he Argentines behaved excellently. They were defeated by the superior qualities of the British: will, initiative, better command action, higher training, perfect coordination between services. From thi s point of view, the Falklands-Malvinas conflict does not differ from the other numerous conf licts in which the principles of war have had valid application and confirmation. At the beginning of the Falklands conflict, the Argent inians possessed an excellent naval force, but Britain reacted immediately and with surprising energy. Within a 'lew days after the invasion some of the world's most powerful warships, vanguards of an operational force that later was to include more than 100 vessels, set out from their bases in Great Britain and thei r Mediterranean training areas and sailed towa rds the South Atlantic. The "Hermes" and "Invincible" aircraft carriers, with 20 Sea Harriers on board, supplied the air cover and ensured the command action. During the conflict they were protected by 8 destroyers, 13 frigates and 4 nuclear-propelled submarines, equipped with sophisticated weapon systems, such as the Sea Dart, Sea Wolf and Sea Cat SAMs, the Exocet and Sea Slung SSMs, the Mark 8 and Tigerfish torpedoes. The operational force had also an anfibious landing component. The key of the ability to remain at sea for a long time was the creation of a continuous chain of supplies that ran from Great Britain to the island of Ascension and from there to the operations area. This could be done thanks to the requisition or charter of more than 50 merchant ships - from the luxury liner " Queen Elizabeth 2" to a great number of container ships, ferries and tankers, the first of which were already operating in mid-April without which the operational force could not have survived.

2. The Etendard locates the target on the ·radar and transmits the data to the guiding system of its missile

_The French-made air-to-surface Exocet missile was already in the Argentinian Navy's m~entory before the Falklands crisis, and during the conflict has been employed with good results. Vis-a-vis the Exocet, many defence systems proved inadequate.

***

There is a lot of talk about light infantry. As is often the case, also this time "the stone has been thrown in the pond" - or better, in the Atlantic - by the United States. With the speed typical of our times the waves have rapidly crossed the Ocean and reached Europe. To pick up and further probe into the studies and initiatives started within that superpower is certainly an opportunity not

High mobility is on e of th e characterizing features of light infantr y.

to be m issed, if for no other reason at least because these studies are the abstract of many direct or mediated experiences which the U.S. organization can acquire in every theatre of the continent. Nevertheless, having had the input, it is wise to avoid retracing generical ly and employing, without investigation, respectively the rationale and the options coming from the other side of the ocean . One could reach results which, albeit valid as rational models, would hard ly - and only by chance - turn out to be of any use in our country.

In the superposition of the questions regarding the heavy and light Division, a subject that has filled many a page of the specialized press (1). what interests us are not the solutions found but what gives shape to the initial problem. which shows three facets: â€˘ the necessity that confronts the U.S. Army to set the heavy Division in motion. in order to reach che various operational theatres in which it may have to fight; â€˘ the availability of transport planes which. due to the huge weight and bulk of such units. would not al low to carry out strategic air transport operations; â€˘ the cost of the heavy Division which. added to the operating expenses. is considered prohibitive vis-a-vis its employment mainly in operational 54

environments (for instance in the built-up and wooded areas of Centra l Eu rope) that would not permit the unit to express in full its enormous potential. The light infantry is the "stars and stripes" solution. albeit partial, to the specific problem. It ha s been actually impossible to reconcile the need to reduce the weight and bulk of the unit to be transported with that of containing the costs while maintaining unchanged the operationa l efficiency of the units. In such conditions, all that has been saved in weight has been made up for with the employment of very expensive technologies. The Italian military organ ization does not have to carry out operations of strategic air transport, but it wants to accomplish its tasks as economically and as efficiently as possible, in the operational

Bersaglieri in a training exercise.

environment typical of the national theatre. In the light of the above considerations. is it useful and convenient to introduce the light infantry in ou r instrument? In order to give a factual answer one ought to analyze the problem. This analysis. as lim ited as it may be, must nevertheless take into consideration at least the outstanding national cha racters . such as environment. threat and available resources. The survey cannot prescind from the influence that the technological evolution will have on the Service and its employment, because the solutions found would risk to be ana ch ronistic and abstra ct. In trying to find the answers. the support of military

history can also be of some help getting acquainted with doctrine and regulations in view of avoid ing at least the mistakes made and ascertained in the past. â€˘ CONSIDERATIONS ON THE ENVIRONMENT

In the last years, both in the East and within NATO, the inhabited centres have been studied with growing interest for operational purpose. The foreseeable slacken ing of pace caused by intensive urbanization (but also by mountains, hills, wooded areas and by the development of a type of farming which employs reinforced stakes, thread-like wires, fencing and anti-hail metal nets and powerful irrigation systems) seems to play into the defender's hanas and seriously thwart the offensive strategies based on the theory of neutralizing the adversary organization through sudden, deep and swift penetrations (2). carried out mainly by armoured forces. Also our national territory, like that of other Western European countries (3), has undergone dee p changes in the abovementioned direction and it can be assumed that the attacker could hardly avoid engaging in co mbat in obstacle-ridden and appropriately defended areas. One may ask, on the other hand, how the armoured formations could proceed with speed through maize fields often higher than the tanks' guns, or among orchards, vineyards, woods and small land properties, often fenced by rows of trees and dangerous ditches (4). or through the so densely bu ilt-up Alpine valley bottoms.

The foreseeable slowdown in the ÂˇOperational pace, caused by massive urbanization - but also by mountain and wooded environments - favours the defender and seriously hinders the offensives conducted mainly by .armoured forces.

Paratroops training tor combat in built-up areas.

But also the defender will be unable to react swiftly against sudden penetrations; he will be unable to achieve dynamic reactions accomplished by substantia l armouredÂˇ formations which, even if they arrived in time in the righ t place, could harldly exert their power owing to the limited spaces for manoeuvre and narrow fields of vision for firing. This stated, is the available in strument appropriately shaped

or could it be convenient to adjust it in order to adapt its structural components to the transformed nat ural environment? What could be changed, and how? CONSIDERATIONS ON THE THREAT

The threat that can be foreseen by studying the adversary potential is - and will probably be in the future characterized by a predom inant empl oyment of armour. This is what can be read on the

military press, and wh at can be heard in professional discussions among "experts". But one may very well have his doubts. even considering that in the last decade, the conventional t hreat against NATO (5) has undergone a process of modernization and strengthen ing much more intense than in th e past. precisely as regards the armoured component and the components designed for the support of the armoured battle . As a matter of fact , this choice might have been made for politica l reasons, both national (perhaps due to the determinant weight of the military Establishment) and internationa l (for instance. to make an impression on public opinion with the massive increase in the number of ta nks, helicopters. artillery, etc .... ). Whatever the reason, the restra ints, caused by environmenta l modifications, to the options of development of offensive or defensive operation s based on t ank combat. are under everybody's eyes. Âˇ It has become impossible to prepare an armoured mass and think it will remain unchanged while it proceeds towards its objective th rough an extremely compartmenta lized te rrain. Li kewise the mechanized comba t carried out with swift scattering of the forces appears by now, in the environment we have been talking about. almost a chimera. Such being the case, the quest ion is whether th e assumption that the threat will be main ly con stituted by armoured units employed with typica l attack procedures could not be stemming from a "static" vision of the enemy potentia l. Can one really presume that the enemy, who is not dumb, would end up getting involved in offensive operation s with forces and employment procedures unfit fot the envi ronment? It is probably more realistic to think that the adversary

Light infantry should be a polyvalent speciality, equipped with technologically advanced light weapons and fast, reliable vehicles, sufficiently armoured, and with antitank and anti-infantry capabilities.

will use the forces at his disposal in t he way and to the extent possible to him. Without extending the investigation to the third dimension - the analysis would become much more complicated - one can surmise that many tanks Âˇ would be used as guns, for the support of a large number of mechanized in{antrymen who would have to alight, while small tank formations (probably the remainders of those which during the approach phase would be mown down by artillery, antitank helicopters and tactical air force) would penetrate wherever possible through the defence net. stirring up confusion behind the lines, but would certainly be unable to bring about significant results. The operational problem of tomorrow's combat formations on the offensive is no more that of outflanking a "Maginot Line" and spreading over the land, but that of establishing a contact and then proceeding without getting entangled . To counter a threat so redefined, is it possible and convenient to make changes in the in strument at hand? What to change, and how? CONSIDERATIONS ON THE AVAILABLE RESOURCES

The availability of financial resources, especially in , peacetime, is always less than the amount the Armed Forces of any country deem necessary. This condition is not a recent one, caused by the current inflationary processes but can be regarded as an inborn characteristic of the structure. From this undeniable fact, punctually confirmed by the study of military history, at least two corollaries emerge which, if taken into account. enable

us to employ at best the available resources: • the instrument should be well balanced in all its components; • money should be saved whenever possible. The first corollary advocates an instrument shaped in an effectively functional w ay, a "self-contained system" , made up by subsystems as self-sufficient as possible. For instance, the availabi lity of an armoured un it. without the target acquisition and the command/control systems suitable for planning its most advantageous employment is today - and will be to a greater extent tomorrow - a useless waste. The second pertains to the need of increasing the profitability, in terms of cost/effectiveness of the "se lf-contained system" and of each of its component subsystems. From a methodological viewpoin t, the application of the first corolla ry would lead to: identify a reliable hypothesis about resource availability, from which to derive the best fe asible instrument and, finally, find out the tasks that can be accomplished in qualitative and quantitative terms (there is in this the curious recurrence of an eighteenth century - or, at least, pre-Napoleonic - scenario, in which princes could wage . "as much war as they had money!" J (6) . In so doing the amount of available resources would be duly considered, save fur ther verification of what tasks - listed according to the priorities emerged from the study of the threat - could be accomplished and what capabil ities an instrum en t so conceived would have in terms of deterrence. Once the tasks were established, in response to the second corollary, the next step would be to "calibrate" the units according to the tasks. Even considering the present instrument well balanced in all its components, in that

it tends with time to follow the pattern of the national development methodically studied by the General Staffs {the analytica l examination would deserve a separate study, impossible here) the mere application of the second corollary would introduce again the questions of what - and how - to change, in order to improve the instrument's effectiveness. CONSIDERATIONS ON SOME ASPECTS OF TECHNOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT

Since the first laser-guided bombs made their appearance in Vietnam, the military experts have agreed upon their economic and operational suitabil ity. It was particularly after the "Kippur" war of 1973 - in which terminal-guidance antitank and antiaircraft missiles were widely employed - that the interest over this type of weapon s arose. Called "smart" bombs when they came out. they beca me subsequently offica lly known as "PGM" (Precision Guided Munition). Today that the acquisition of obiectives is made possible in real time at considerabl e depth, and PGMs have a relatively conta ined unitary cost and can hit multiple targets with very high probability and effectiveness, some experts declare that the new precision guided weapons, together with the highiy sophisticated vehicles, expand and diversify the fire power of the conventional forces, improving at the same time their flexibility . Moreover, and even more important, these weapons forecast a remarkable widening of the areas of interest and responsibility, within whic h any ob;ective detected will end up inesorably destroyed. This clearly shows that the large-scale adoption of deadly prec ision weapons will entail a radical change in the traditional operational environment we are used to consider .

Right.

A tank battle in which sensor-fused weapons are employed. A,r-carried TMDs (Tactical Munition Dispensers/ drop the SFWs, whose rotating motion creates the centrifugal force sufficient to release tour Skeet warheads, which speed to their respective targets.

The new environment will not be able to tolerate the presence of traditional units which embody today the concept of mass or power. The units, that is, which, up to now, have been considered determinant for the success of the operations. I refer especially to armoured units, surface major naval un its, formations of aircraft. Owing to their size, they are easily detectable, whatever their location, and therefore extremely vulnerable to the new weapons (7). At this point, in order to prepa re today what will be needed tomorrow, the question is aga in; what to change, and how, in our instrument. SOME DEDUCTIONS

From what we have been saying, the following deductions can perhaps correctly be made, con ce rning the foreseeable development of opera tions: • very compartm entalized areas are not apt to be efficiently defended with the procedures of employment typical of the armoured forces. On the other hand, the extent and proliferation of such areas, while suggesting their use as obsta cles of remarkable importance, if need be in aggregation with each other and with other more mobile and dynamic structures, demand at the same time, given their con siderable number, th e most economic defense solution;

• the penetration of enemy arm oured formations (but also the employment of air-and/or heliborne un its or of "fifth columns"). albeit small, can threa ten from the rear the frontline units, the fire

..._

Armoured fo rmations find it difficult to move speedily in highly compartmentalized and built-up areas.

sources, the logistic and comm and/control organ izations and the rear areas, with the resu lt of demol ishing, with the destruction of a single component, the enti re def ensive st ru cture; â€˘ the mobi lity, and the survival itself, of substantia l combat formation will definit ely be restricted for both the attackers - who would suffe r cons idera ble losses even before stormi ng the adversary - and the defender determ ined to cut down and destroy possible penetrations through the development of dyn am ic reactions wit h the massive employment of tanks. The existence of such formations, in fact. on accÂˇo unt of the existing possibility that they be destroyed by shel ls wi th t ermi nal-gu id ed submunitions (8) also at considerable depth, would no more and not only

essen tially depend on their dangerousness but on the evalu ation of how much it would cost t o destroy them. CONSIDERATIONS ON DOCTRINE AND EMPLOYMENT OF THE UNITS IN COM BAT

The doctrine of emp loyment of the series 900, wh ich came out in the mid-seventies , albeit still valid in substan ce, cou ld not t ake into account the operational reflections of the present natural environment nor the role that t he arti llery will assume in the near fut ure (th e jump in quality which wi ll be made in the short/mediu m term with the employment on the field of the emerging technologies wi ll probably have such an importan ce that, as it happened with the air force in the period between the t wo world wars, t he arti llery will presumably have a determin ant and independent role besides that of supporting the la nd forces) .

Neither could it envisag e the inc iden ce of the not-yet launched programmes of modernizat ion, nor reflect th e res ults of the studies sta rted in various sectors, within the Servi ce and in th e internation al forums in which Italy participates (9). Based on these considerat ions and in the light of the inf ere nces drawn at the end of the init ia l analysis, it seems appropriate to t hink about the modifications to be made in the body of doctrines and in the instrument. particu larly as rega rds infan try. t he first ones, in order to make the "self -contained system" effective and w ell balanced , with maximum economy, when the result of Âˇ numerous development programmes now under way (M LRS, CATR IN system, "VCC 80", etc .... ) will be brought into serv ice. The others, in order t o achieve the highest effectiveness in the employment of the new strengthened in strument. The mechanized units curren t ly in service wi th the Army are all, without exception, equ ipped with VTT " M 113s" or equ ivalent der ivations. Also the armament is identical and nothi ng differentiates them. Their employment takes on a character of more marked dynamism in the elementary armoured Major Units but for the rest, as envisaged also by the doctrine (four elementa ry tactica l action ), is common t o al l mec hanized and armoured minor units. The delivery of the "VCC 80s" wi ll bri ng about the first difference and th e so-called "from on-board combat" of the mechanized troops will become possible, with only one restrain t: that it will have to be developed by less and less numerous formations. Therefore it will be useless t o continue t o keep in reserve . a lot of tanks, sin ce they can not be used in dyna mic reactions. They will be instead profitably em ployed in the " integrated"

"OTO C 13" Armoured Combat Vehicle.

action (10) in operational activity on the front line, i.e. as mobile and protected antitank weapons, capable of timely redeployments along the front as soon as the efforts of the enemy become evident. On the other hand, the cover that can be obtained by making use of the natural environment and artifacts made on purpose if necessary, together with swift and short displacements, wi ll give the tanks, provided that they be appropriately spread out, the best conditions for surv1val. It must be added that the carrying on in depth of defence, another of the roles attributed to the reserves by doctrine, wi ll also be compromised. In the battlefield of the future, in fact, it will be probably impossible to reiterate the battle without sacrificing the Âˇforces in contact and employing new forces in depth. the combat today considered The fronts wi ll be stable, typical of the armoured means no less than they were during and specific in these WWI, and the defender who is compromised roles. forced to retreat. leaving behind Later on we are going to see what possibilities of all covers and fortifications he had managed to set up, wil l find employment exist for this his forces unsheltered and "economized" infantry. unable to contrive anything to escape the revived deadliness of the new adversary artillery and DOCTRINAL PROSPECTS air force. The autonomy given at the Of the three employments various organizational levels in foreseen for the reserves, only each area of responsibility and that of feeding the jurisdiction - an autonomy that concentrations of independent is taken away upon reaching forces continues therefore to be valid, while the others, the the "stiffening" or containment ones more suitable for the lines, in order to allow the armoured un its, are increasingly higher Commander to take over the conduct of the operations reduced . . through a manoeuvre aimed at The tank tJnits will be reemployed in the way.s reestablishing the initial situation, or at continuing the prev iously pointed out, or in other roles which envisage wide defence in depth with the forces spreading and limited mobility . recovered - is the outstanding Whatever the solutions feature of the doctrinal Âˇ adopted, it is certain that series "900". It appears that the considerable mechanized forces will be available, since limitations imposed to mobi lity, which, as we have already they will no- more be indispensable to the conduct of remarked, reduce the abi lity to

manoeuvre and make problematic to recover the forces. will produce deep changes. First of all, the "enlightened" autonomy, made so by the "discreet" presence of the Command and higher echelon reserves, will have perforce to cease and then an intermediate organ izational level, Brigade or Division, will presumably have to be abolished. Besides. wasn't it the limitations imposed by the environment to the mobility and development of the manoeuvre that advised against the introduction of the divisional level in the organization of the Alpine troops? In the author's opinion. nevertheless, what could not be accomplished through the best use of the "enlightened autonomy" philosophy, could. be obtained through the "saturation of the front". This could be achieved by introducing in the system the defensive structures hinged on the numerous heavi ly compartmentalized areas 61

avai lable in the presumed battle zone, t ogether with the defensive field structures, necessary for making the entire orga nization consistent. All this should be done along a belt as deep as possible (... the princes could wage as much wa r as they had money). which, if the events req uired it, from the border would reach backwards as f ar as to include almost all the forces destined to the battle and would mark the new line of resistance. The remaini ng f orces. conveniently scattered within the battle area, wot.,!ld be charged with two types of tasks, aimed at mai nta ning the defensive organization constantly complete and well balanced in ea ch of its components. Therefore it w ou ld be envisag ed : • in the rea r area: organized defence of the fire sources, of the log istic and command/ control organizations from the threats brought th rough the third dimension. from the sea and from guerrilla w arfare; • in the entire battle area, therefore both in the Position of Resistance and in the Rear Area, t he timely reinforcement of any enemy penetration, however accomplished.

A POSSIBLE DEFINITION OF LIGHT INFANTRY

In response to the ma ny interrogatives which have systematically concl uded the various passages of the initial analys is, and in relation with the considerations abou t the future employment and doctrine, here there is a tentative outl ine of what the Italian light infa ntry could be: a multivalent speciality, capable of fighting both in the open field (in the national natural environment) and in largely compartmentalized areas, also in sectors already controlled by friendly forces, equipped with small-size but speedy and reliable transport means, sufficiently armoured and inexpensive (as compared to

actions developed by the forces positioned in the area. The command and control system is therefore a determinant and indispensable element for the best employment of the light infantry thus conceived. It mu st be pointed out that this would not come cheap: the combination of high mobility and fire capability with a system of command and control of the type just described costs a lot of money! Nevertheless. in the lig ht of the doctrinal and organ izationa I considerations previously ex pressed, the next consistent step is to find out a realistic possi bili ty of making adequate savings in other operational components of prospectively lesser im portance. On the other hand , organizational solutions which envisaged a "poor" infantry, insufficiently armed and - worse still - on foot. have no reason to exist. This option is already inherent to our present infa ntry which in the unlucky case of defeat would drop their heaviest and most sophisticated weapons and carry on particular forms of combat, accomplishing th eir task wi th whatever means, in compliance with thei r oath. We purposedly avoid mentioning the helicopter as a transport means because. in consideration of the foreseeable financial availabilities. it is • distinction of the friendly unrea listic to conceive the forces from the adversary ones, establ ish ment of units in order to achieve the instant perma nently org an ized on the integration of the "line" in fantry heli copt er component and the an d the light infantry infantry necessary to accomplish components, avoidi ng the heliborne actions. Con sequently , problems that would ensue from as long as we shall have to dangerous identification con stitute airborne tactical uncertainties; units, any infantry unit, with the app ropriate adaptations. will , as • constant assessment of th e developing situation (adversary a rule, be able to supply the forces need ed for an concentrations of power, airborne act ion. efficiency level of the friendly deployments, etc .... ) in order to allow a rapid redeployment of the forces ;

the cost of PGMs) with antitank and anti-infantry capabilities. The light infantry's main task should be that of intervening with timeliness in support and / or integ ration or replacement of friendly forces , also within the defensive structures al ready engaged in ba ttle, with the pu rpose of modifying the gravitation of the defensive efforts, redressing difficult operational situations and cutting down at once enemy penetrations and infiltrations. Such speciality would inherit the traditions of the "Ch asseur" units, whi ch in the last century were in service with most Europea n armies, for fighting and acting swiftly and daringly in support and integration of the other combat units, made increasingly heavy by the techn ical progress (11). In the operat ional context outlined, the reintroduction of these units would seem to be precluded by the readoption of a "fixed defensive front". Therefore the "chasseurs" speciality (to use a ven atic term), be they "on position" or in movement, be they isolated or in a " hunting part y", be they engaged in battle directly or going in support of friendly forces in trou ble, is necessarily connected with a system of command and control, today technica lly feasible, capable of ensuring:

• areal operational control of the forces, in order to combine the manoeuvre ca rried out by the light infantry with the

Right.

Light infantry must be able to fight both from "on board", thanks to the armoured combat vehicles, and on foot. like any mechanized unit.

SHAPING THE SPECIALITY

The speciality should be shaped to the foreseeable operational needs in the areas of the defensive battle, according to the environment and the operational goals. We do not think that substantial differences exist between mountain and flat country environment as regards the tasks to be entrusted to light infantry. In a mountain environment t he continuity of the Position of Resist ance, albeit objectively unaccomplishable in practice, js actually replaced by the combination of defensive structures, set up for the protection of the c ritical zones included in a system of numerous and large impervious areas. The possession of these. or .. their conquest, in general, does not influence excessively the battle's outcome. Nevertheless, controlled as they may be, they are areas

of such extension that they and trained to live in advantage the adversary in the "symbiosis" with the accomplishment of vertical environment. would have the task outflankings and limited surface of watching, intercepting and infiltrations. eliminating, using special Taking for granted the techniques (12). hostile raiders substantial sim ilarity, in the and infiltrations of limited size. sense just pointed out, between An areal command the organization of the Position organization and a partitioning of Resistance in the plain and of the forces in groups and that in a mountain environment, patrols, together with an in conclusion we shall restrict efficient, compact and protected ourselves to outlining the communication system, would features of the light infantry permit moreover to detect units, without quantifying operations of area interd iction specific requirements, a precise under way and to eliminate this definition of which would require . threat with one's own means or an analysis much deeper by favouring the prompt than can be developed here. intervention of other units capable of resolving the First of all, we should situation. create units for carrying out particular forms of combat, to Secondly, there should be be employed behind the lines units charged with the task in counterinterdiction operations. of sweeping away both the These units, manned by infiltrations in the Rear Zone and personnel particularly motivated the limited-size penetrations

occurring in the position of resistance (the neutralization of considerable penetrations would be a job for the artillery, armed and antitank helicopters and air-tactical forces) (13). The units, organized in peacetime for train ing purposes in companies and battalions, would have in operation a totally atypica I ta ctica I organization. As a matter of fact they would almost uniformely be spread over the entire battle area, and would operate in a great number of "teams" convenie ntly coordinated and called for intervention according to their actual location, in the quantity Below.

The "F 333 E", a new advancedperformance vehicle. Right.

An infantryman in training.

FIRE SUPPORT

deemed necessary on the particular occasion. Each of these teams should have the fo llowing chara cteristics: • lim ited per-un it cost. in order not to be a remunerative objective for the employment of shells with terminal-guided submun itions; • limited size (three-fou r men, only one transport and combat vehicle) ; • high mobi lity on wheels, acquired with the employment of

vehicles such as ATMPs (All Terrain Motorized Platforms); • possi bility to identify and be identified, to continuously know their own and their friends' pos ition and to predetermine the itineraries to be followed through IFF (Identification Friend or Foe) and SIF (Selective Identification Feature) systems (14); • antitank and anti-infantry capability obtained with an antitank missile launch er or recoilless guns. one grenade launcher or assault mortar, and

Fire support is remarkably improved by the system's capabilit y to distribute the fire request s of the forward observers simultaneously to several destinations.

with a machine gun of a cal iber fit tor explosive rounds. During the battle, these somehow modular units would also be entrusted with the task of supporting and complementing the defensive structures, in conn ection witn the probab le offen sive efforts of the enemy, or to make up for a drop in their operativeness.

AIR DEFENCE

FAAR

P - PLRS

J - JTIOS

LOGISTIC SUPPORT

Consequently they should be supplied with machines for the .construction of field shelters (trenches, ditches, etc .... ), in order to make them ab le to fight a static battle. The accomplishment of this most important task, made possible by the availability of SIF and IFF systems impl ies in any case a specific training, aimed at overcoming the difficulties deriving from redeployment or even only from the tasl< of supporting un its already engaged in combat. It is not suitable

A key factor for air defence operations is represented by an automatic command and control information sending net. As the sketch shows, the sistem's ability to constitute a data communications net, together with a real-time !FF function, greatly enhances the effectiveness of air defence sistems.

Above. The functions of data transmission and determ ination of positions play a crucial role in the operations of logistic support. The sketch shows a broken-down tank requesting assistance from the Division Logistic Command, which marks the position of the vehicle and that of the liaison groups, and then directs one of them to the damaged tank.

here to deal with it analytically, but it is important to point out that this training should concern both the "line" and the "chasseur" units, in order to be sure to obtain the certain

and insta nt "homogenization" of the two instruments. The modes of execution of t he training activity should stem from experimental training cycles started ad hoe, from

Top

....,

which one could also derive the elements of the doctrin e of employment to be used at the lower organi za ti onal level. It should also be specified that. especially for the light units engaged inside the position of resistance, it is commonly bel ieved that the component for antiaircraft defen ce could be red uced to a mi nim um. if not completely absent. due to the fact that they could benefit from the coverage provided by the units already deployed. Finally, there should be units special ized in fighting in pa rticu la rly compa rtmenta Iized areas. The bu lk of these units. especially shaped; equipped and t rained for developing a defensive combat in urban centres, wood ed areas and in genera l in the difficultprogression areas presen t in their sector or responsibil ity,

should be an organic part of the "line" element ary Major Units. The remaining units, much more mobile in order to permit the support or replacement of the first ones, together with the units charged with the elimination of infiltrations and the carrying out of in terdiction , would instead be placed under the operational control of a Commander immediately subordinate to th e comp lex Major Unit responsible for the defensive battle. This organizationa l solution would permit, among other things, to emphasize the principle of th e economy of forces. More than speaking about the armament and equipment of the forces assigned to combat in heavi ly compartmentalized areas. it seems important to envision the recruitm ent of the personnel needed to man them.

The common opinion is that - better than any other solution - regional recruitment, and therefore regional mobilization , wou ld answer the purpose perfectly. The units wou ld actually be made up exclusively by highly motivated personnel , who would know the environment well and could be promptly mobilized.

CONCLUSION

It seems possible to exclude a global war with the employment of nuclea r and biological weapons. As a matter of fact, such a war escapes any political and strategic logic , for it would bring about the destruction of all resources of the be lligerents and perhaps of the whole mankind .

:Left. "Leopard" tank wading a ford.

The large-scale ~doption -0f deadly and very acc;:urate launchers and weapons, together with systems for target acquisition and command/ control capable of managing reactions in real time, is at hand, .and equally at hand is the acquisition of large quantities .of modern and technologically .advanced equipment. The confrontation and perhaps the clash of opposing wills will therefore be initially developed on the plane of technological achievements. But after the electronic war, the air and naval battle, the duel between modern artilleries - or at the same time - the dispute will be, once again, settled by the infantrymen. Therefore, if our analysis has been accu rate up to this point. it would be expedient to make the necessary provisions and start making the relevant changes to the doctrine and instrument as soon as possible. The model of development. according to which the instrument has been shaped - particularly the infantry model, chosen and started in 1975 together with the restructuring process - being related to an operational environment that has undergone deep changes, will not be able to maintain its validity for a long time. Moreover, the problems connected with these changes will have an evolutionary trend that will not allow partial solutions, to be pursued by gradually taking the organizational and doctrinal measures that could become necessary in order to fill the by then all-too evident deficiencies. It is certain, in fact, that they would show up with an exponential time progression and the ensuing ratio between the provisions to be made and the time necessary for their implementation would become unbearable. The difficulties will be .enormous, especially in

changing the conceptions and mentality associated with the armoured combat and rooted in the current professional military culture. The difficulties encountered between the two World Wars in replacing the horse with the tank, described by B.H. Liddel l Hart (15). will have to be met again when it will be a matter of replacing, in defensive operations, the armoured combat with that, just outlined, of the light infantry . It could perhaps be convenient, therefore, in order to make a painless transition, to revise the doctrine, singling out the infantry units, for example one battalion from each mechanized and Alpine Brigade, which, equipped with the necessary means, could start experimenting a specific training in the roles previously mentioned. Moreover, while waiting for the necessary equipment. it would not be useless to start training using imagination as much as possible ... there is nothing to be ashamed of: General Guderian trained his troops with makeshift cardboard tanks ... and the results of his "trick" are very well known.

1985" - Chapter IV, Surface Forces; James Moray Stewart, NATO Assistant Secretary for Plans an d Defence Policy, "NATO Review", no. 3/ 85 - "Improvement of conventional defence: what is the Alliance's aim?". 6) From the lecture g iven in Rome, on June 18, 7985, at the 36th Session of the Centre for High Defence Stud ies, by Adm. Vittorio Marull i on .. Programming and building a Navy ... 7) From the lecture given in Rome, on June 14, 1985, at the 36th Session of the Centre fo r High De fence Studies, by Gen. Basilio Cottone. IAF, on "Technological evolution and its influence on the structure of the Armed Forces". 8) Maj. Gen. Luig i Ramponi: "Rivista lvlilitare" no. 6/85: "Artillery". 9) Maj. Gen. Anton io Viesti: "Rivista Militare" no. 4-85, It. Ed.: "Finabel. Today's and Tomorrow's Reality" . 70) Publication 712 of the doctrinal series: paragraph 35. 11) Col. Mario Buscemi: ''Rivista Militare" no. 3/80, It. Ed.: "Ligh t Infantry". 12) Col. Giovanni Giostra: "Rivista Militare" no. 5/84; It. Ed.: "Paratroops in counteri nterdiction". 13) Giovanni Ludi: "Difesa oggi " no. 89/85: "Le Bourg et 85: l'armamento aereo". In the chapter devoted to dropping, saturation and self-propelled weapons, it gives a general outline of the present or forthcoming capabilities of stopping and destroying armoured formations . 14) An example of the capabi lities of these identification systems is given by the Position Location Reporting System (PLRS - AN/TSO 129) of the Hughes Aircraft Company, Ground Systems Group. 15) B.H. Liddell Hart: "The Art of War in the 20th Century".

Aldo Limoncelli

NOTES

11 Capt David H. Petraeus, U.S. Army, "Military Review", December 7984: "Light Infantry in Europe: Strategic Flexibility and Conventional Deterrence": it presents, together with the bibliography listed in the notes, a summary of the subjects considered and the most common options for solving the problem. 2) C.N. Donnelly, "International Defense Review" 7/1985: "Soviet Tactics for Fighting in Built-up Areas, a New Look for the 1980s". 3) Lt. Col. Fabio Mini, "Rivista Militare" no. 6/85: "Grid Defence". 4) Lt. Col. Antonio Cicale, "Rivista Militare" no 6/79: "L'impiego di unita corazzate in aree urbanizzate". Already seven years ago the Author painted an almost prohibitive picture of the employment of armoured units - with their typica l p roced ures - in the probable terrain of operations. 5) Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government, "Soviet Military Power

Lt. Col. Aldo Limoncel li has attended the Mi litary Academy and th e Service Branch Schoo l. He has been Pla toon and Company Commander in the 23rd Bersaglieri Battalion "Castel di Borgo": Chief, Operatio ns, Trainin g and Info rma tion Section, 3rd Bersag li er i Batta lion "Cerna ia ": Staff Officer, Ops and Tng Branch, Hqs. 5th Army Corps. Lt. Col. Limoncelli has attended the 106th Advanced Staff Officers Course. Âˇ At present Lt . Col. Limoncelli is a Staff Officer at the Regulations Branch of the Army General Staff.

.THI AUXIUARY UNITS

IN THI WAR Of llBIRATION

IHI 210TH INfAN TRY DIVISION The written citation awarded to the 210th Division by Gen. Truscott, Commander of the 5th Army (1). at the end of the campaign and handed over personally to the Division Commander, Gen. Cortese, on July 25, 1945, during a solemn ceremony at Peschiera, is t he most convincing witness of the important role played by this Division during the entire war of Liberation. The participation of the 210th Division in the Italian Campaign, apart from t he prevailingly logistic character of this Major Un it - not devoid, on the other hand, of undoubted and amply acknowledged "combat" features - in fact was not limited

to a few months, but lasted almost twenty months (September 8, 1943 - April 25, 1945). sixteen of which, without interruption, with the 5th Army. Its employment was neither sporadic nor episodic, i.e. in connection with a particula r battle, but went on during the entire Campaign from south to north, from Puglia to the Po Valley; the Division changed headquarters no less t han 16 times, from Monteroni to Peschiera, through Oria, Brindisi, San Giovanni a Teduccio, Caserta, Montanaro, Terracina , Anzio, Tarquinia, Tuscan ia, Montepescali, Palone, Tavernelle, Florence and Modena (see chart 1). giving the American 5th Army a constant, massive

and decisive support during the operations. So much so that the Command of the 5th Army, after an initial period of indifference and distrust. did not hesitate, during its northward advance along the Peninsula, to express more and more openly its appreciation for" the units of the 210th Division , together with the conviction, which was becoming increasi ng ly clear, of the indispensability and irreplaceability of this Division within the 5th Army. Witness of this is the abovementioned citation, in which Gen. Truscott acknowledges in clear words that the 210th Division " ... contributed immeasurably to the success of the 5th Army ...".

Headquarters

FIFTH

ARMY

COMMENDATION

To all whom it may concern

The 210th Italian Division (Adm.) is hereby commended for outstanding performance of duty CITATION Beginning on Dec. 1943 and continuing throughout the Italian campaign, the 210th Italian Division ( Adm.}, overcoming all obstacles of terrain, extreme conditions of weather, and every other difficulty with which it was faced, distinguished itself by outstanding performance of every assigned mission in support of combat operatiorfs of the 5th Army. Its accomplishments contributed immeasureab/y to the success of the 5th Army and are worthy of the highest praise.

Gen. Cortese, Commander of the 210th Division from December 1943.

L.K. Truscott Jr. Lieutenant General, U.$. Army Commanding

l CHART 1

MOVEMENTS OF THE HOS. 210TH DIVISION FROM PUGLIA TO PESCHIERA

THE 210TH DIVISION AND TH E 8TH OF SEPTEMBER 1943

T he 21 0th Infantry Division. Major Auxiliary Unit in the Campaign of Liberation, existed al ready before September 8, 1943 as a Coast Division (2). It was part of the 9th Corps (Gen. Lerici) of the 7th Army (Gen. Arisio). The Division had its Headquarters at Monteroni, was responsible for the defence of the stretch of coast {about 325 km) from Brindisi to Porto Cesareo. The Division (15,000 men) consisted of three coast regiments (113rd, 114th, 164th) each with a strength of 4,000 men divided in f ive batta lions (800 men). one artillery regiment 72

(16th). 16 paratroop sections and various services. It must be unde rlined t hat it was a stationary Ma jor Un its, lacking transportation like all other coastal Major Units (1 2 Divisions and 3 Brigades). In t he morn ing of Septem ber 8. the Division Commander, Gen . Colonna (3). issues the order to change t he deploymen t. in other words" ... to reduce the forces on the coast. concentrating theÂˇ units towards t he interior ... " (4) . At 8 p.m ., the radio broadcasts t he unexpected announcement of the arm ist ice. "At some un its, the t roops, wh ich at first had the feel ing that all hostilities had come to an end, have given

clear signs of rejoicing . The Division Commander, acting on his own initiative, orders that t he utmost discipline be ma inta ined and officers and troops be ready for any event" (5). On September 9 at 9 a.m., Gen . Ranza, Commander of the 4th Air Corps (Bari). phones Major Nini, Chief of Staff of t he Division , informin g him of t he urgent need to keep the San Pancrazio airfield in working conditions, as the Germans, who are about to withdraw, are plann ing to blow up its runway. " ... The Division Commander orders that th is act of sabotage be prevented at all costs and dispatches Gen. Vannini, Division Deputy Commander, to the airfield with some units (6). This resolute attitude induces the Germans to negotiate and the runway remains undamaged. The Germans withdraw heading north ... " (7). Sti ll on September 9 the "Vulca nia ", a dredging ship, is sunk by two German minesweepers . The Italian coast batteries open fire and the German units, presu mably hit, leave t he area. Aga in on t he same day at Aradeo, south-west of Galatina in the province of Lecce, a German train loaded with am mu nition is stopped an d its escort are captu red. On ly on September 10, at 1.50 p.m .. the Divisi on Headquarters rece ives a message from. t he Comma nder of the 9th Corps, Gen. Lerici. ordering to react against the German units, applying " Memory 44" (8). bu t addrng " ... everything possible must be done to avoid provoking hostile acts by the German s, stop, give assu rance, stop" (9). On September 11 , at last a clear and concise message arrives: "By order of Supreme Command Germa ns are enemies". But the Commander of the 210th, on September 8, had already acted in t hat direction on his own initiative, without awaiting the belated and sybilline order of his Army . Commander, Moreover it must be cons idered that the declaration of war on Germany came only a month later. Still on September

THE 210TH DIVISION

.,ALTAMURA

•GIOIA OH COLLE

MATERA

•

LATERZA

•

Territory garrisoned by the Division on September, 8 1943 Deployment along the Taranto. Brindisi road after September 14, 1943 Concentration for the defence of the Brindisi land-front after October 6, 1943

11, the Division Commander issues a circular, ordering that "the units must now give up their ·coastal mentality' , assume that of mobile units ... and ... quickly acquire the 'u nit spirit', reaching the form which must animate the attack units ... it is necessary, in short, to give a soldierly imprint to our infantrymen, who for many years have been isolated on the coast, -charged with a task certainly no less onerous but which has determined static capabi lities and attitudes ... " (10) . On September 14, the Division, whose headquarters are transferred from Monteroni to Oria, is entrusted with the defence of the Taranto - Brind isi road (see chart 2) along the line

Montemesola - Francavilla Fontana - Latiano - Mesagne, leav ing two batta lions to garrison the ports of Gal lipol i and Otranto. On September 15, it becomes part of the 51th Corps (11). On October 6, having overcome the situation requiring, as a precautionary measure, the abovementioned deployment, "the Division, with Headquarters at Brindisi, is ordered to concentrate around the town for the security of the land -front"; it must be remembered that, meanwhile, the King and the Government had arrived at Brindis i. This is the description of the most important events. The behaviour of the 210th on September 8 and on the fol lowing

days gave ample proof of the qua lity of the Commanders, the moral solidity and efficiency of the whole Division. There never was a lack or scarcity of command. The Division Commander had no doubts or uncertainties about carrying out t he orders wh ich, in some way, were actually anticipated. Everyone stuck to his place. The attitude towards the Germans was clear. The Command issued orders which were promptly obeyed by all subordinate units, down to the sma llest ones. In short, the Division "held out". The merit can be ascribed to the whole unit, without distinction, to those who gave the orders and to those who carried them out.

ORGANIZATION OF THE 210TH INFANTRY DIVISION AS OF MAY 11, 1944 67TH - 525TH - 548TH INFANTRY REGIMENTS with the following subordinate units: 2nd Bn, 567th Artillery Regiment 23rd Eng Bn (Pioneers) 103rd Eng Bn (Miners) 910th Eng Bn 1004th - 1005th Transportation Companies 1st and 2nd Platoons for U.S. Artillery Bns 1st Field Malaria Control Platoon 810th Radio Control Platoon 110th - 130th - 210th Mule Infirmaries

·o n

-/"ROME

20TH MULE-TRAIN GROUP

....... 1st Unit "Gennargentu" , I 2nd Unit "Piemonte" 5th Unit "Monte Cassino" 9th Unit "Lancieri di Novara" 10th Unit "Valdieri" 11 th Unit "Lancieri di Firenze" Mule-Train Training Centre

•")>

...

525TH - 865TH FIELD HOSPITALS SERVICES Total:

400 officers 10,000 other ranks 1,700 mules

THE 210TH DIVISION AND THE U.S. 5TH ARMY On November 18, the 210th changes its denomination from ''Coast Division" to "Infantry Division". On December 15. the Unit is transferred to the Commanp of the Campania Armed Forces (12) and in January 1944 is assigned to the 5th Army ( 13). The order's short text is: "HO 210th D.lt. attached to 5th Army Specia l Troops for supply and operations only (14)". The order was well accepted, so much so that the Chief of Staff of the Divis ion repeatedly declared that "the assignment to the 5th Army was our salvation". But changing name. subordination or tasks is not enough. The 210th, at the beginning of 1944, in order to give the Allies the contribution they expect from it, must indeed undergo much greater changes. The Division must reorganize, i.e. it must acqu ire a structure adequate to the tasks 74

. . it has to accomplish . The individuals must come around to new ideas and acquire a completely different outlook, far from the one typical of the coast divisions. And the Division. with firmness and determination, between January and April 1944, tackles and incredibly solves the fundamental problem of restructuring itself and. after that. of acquiring a new moral un ity. "Incredibly" - it must be stressed - because it attains its goals, despite all obstacles, two of wh ich, in particular, could then appear unsurmountable. The first was of a military nature and had its hard-to-eradicate roots in the limited authority of the Italian Staffs and Commands over their units, for the authority was mostly attributed to the Allies, in accordance with the terms of the Armistice; the other was that of the "absences without leave" for which all the political and military authorities, both Ita lian and Allied, without distinction, can be considered responsible (15).

The reorganization takes place anyway. During t hat period, a real carousel of units takes place within the Division, with the result that at the end of April 1944, after several changes, none of the units existing in September 1943 remains with the Division. The three In fantry Regiments (113rd, 114th and 164th), the 16th Artillery Regiment and the 16 anti-paratroop sections are replaced by three different infantry regiments (67th, 525th and 548th), one artillery battalion, three engineer battalions and one mule-train group consisting of 6 units, with as many as 1700 mules. With this new ·

Cover of the classified monograph, published by the US 5th Army at the end of the operations which led to the liberation of Rome. The 210th Division participated in the· advance from the Garigliano river to Rome, and one of its units, the 548th Infantry Regiment, took part in the landing at Anzio.

organization the Division participates in the battle of Rome, giving proof of its qualities, as witnessed by the citations awarded to its units. This first phas~ ends with the entry into Rome (June 7, 1944) of a company in arms, with the band and colours of the "Legnano" 67th Infantry Regiment. In the summer of 1944 the Division is transferred from Rome to the Florence area . It must be remarked that the transfer of all the mule trains is carried out on foot. While the subordinate units are transferred, the Division Headquarters concentrates all its activity on the acquisition of an increased efficiency: it is interesting to see how in this period, through an actual "epistolary bombardment" it tries to obtain, from the higher Commands, . both Italian and Allied, all that was considered indispensable in view of obtaining the maximum efficiency of the units. The informality of expression that can be noticed in the letters addressed to the Italian and American Commands, unusual in office -correspondence, can be -expla ined not only with the urgency of the needs represented but, above all, with the moral conviction felt by the Headquarters that its units were earning, with their unrelenting work, the right to have those needs promptly satisfied. In the autumn of 1944, the Division is employed on the "Gothic Line", deployed on a large area of 4,000 square kilometres. Four additional mule train units are assigned to it. The General Staff of the "Regio Esercito" orders the establishment of the 20th Mule Train Group and t he 210th Engineer Regiment. The number of mules increases from 1,700 to 2,800. The Division stands also this test brilliantly, as evidenced by the losses it suffers and the "combat" qualification attributed to the 210th Eng ineer Regiment and ·to the 20th Mule Train Group. During the winter pause the .Division continues to improve its

ORGANIZATION OF THE 210TH INFANTRY DIVISION AS OF MAY 2, 1945 67TH INFANTRY REGIMENT "LEGNANO" (301st - 302nd - 306th O.M. Bns) (*) 548TH INFANTRY REGIMENT (303rd · 304th · 305th O.M.) (*) 525TH INFANTRY REGIMENT "TRAINING" (1st Bn Mule-Train Tng - 2nd Bn Transport 5TH GUARD REGIMENT (511th - 512th Bns) 20TH GROUP COMBAT MULE-TRAIN 1st Bn ("M. Cassino" - "Valdieri" - "M, Belvedere") 2nd Bn ("Piemonte" - "Montecuccoli" - "21st unit") 3rd Bn ("Gennargentu" - "l. Novara" - "Sassoleone1') 4th Bn ("M. Battaglia" - "18th and 20th units") 5th Bn ("l. Firenze" - "M. Rumici" . "19th unit") 110th · 130th . 211 th Mule Infirmaries 210TH GROUP COMBAT ENGINEERS 23rd and 103rd Eng Bns 1st and 2nd workshoQ__companies Eng Depot Companies (six) 210th Topography Platoon SERVICES 210TH MOTOR POOL 152ND MEDICAL SECTION S25TH · 865TH FIELD HOSPITALS 210TH SUPPLY SECTION Total:

600 officers 17,000 other ranks 4,000 mules

(*) With the following subordinate units:

1022nd - 1023rd Transportation Companies 1st and 2nd Telephone lines recovery Companies

organization and is further strengthened through the reorganization of the three infantry regiments and the establishment of another five mule train units. A total of fifteen units is thus reached, grouped in five battalions, with over 4,000 mu les. New food rations are distributed and several welfare initiative are taken (16). Equipment for transportation and work, reconditioned but in numbers adequate to t he needs, is assigned to the unit. These are trifles if compared with the equipment of the Allies, but for the Division's un its, which had started with nothi ng in the previous winter, they represent an almost unhoped-for progress. The Division's weekly,

"La 210" Divisione", founded at that time, publishes no less than 23 issues (17). Sculptor Sergio Vatteroni, an artillery captain on duty at the Division Headquarters, designs a medal for the division, one for the mule-train groups and one for the 5th Army. The direct participation of the 210th Division in the final battle can be summed up in the employment of the fifteen mule-train units in the first phase of the battle, during which some of them captured prisoners, arms and ammun ition . The engineer battal ions are mainly employed for building and repairing bridges, both on railways and roads. A Division medical unit crosses the Po river 75

Women Assistance Corps (C.A.F.) Since the spring of 1944, after the Americans' entry into Rome, on many occasions there had been insistent requests on the part of many women to serve with the Italian units which were participanting in the Campaign of liberation side by side with the Allies. This aspiration, which wanted to realize in the reborn Italian army something which war already done in the Armed Forces of other countries, was not taken seriously at the beginning, perhaps because the mentalities were still unprepared for it, until one day it landed on the desks of the General Staff of the "Regio Esercito" and the War Ministry. After careful and long studies, the General Staff, overcoming all the various difficulties - material and otherwise which interfered with the initiative, succeeded in satisfying this aspiration. Thus the General Staff of the "Regio Esercito" ordered the establishment of the "C.A.F. - Corpo Assistenza Femminile". The Corps was formed by voluntary women who wore a light-hazel dress with brown leather shoes and handbag. On their left arm they had a small Italian flag with the initials of the Corps. At the end of April 1945 - too late, unfortunately - the War Ministry assigned some C.A.F. representatives to the 210th Division. Leader of the group was Countess Flavia della Gherardesca. One of the girls' tasks was that of visiting all the Divisions's units with two mobile canteens, which they called "carrozzoni" (the wagons). They started at once and with enthusiasm thei r activity, which was undoubtedly useful and Âˇ appreciated also because the Division, though in a phase of progressive demobilization, continued to live for another six months. This is an unknown page which, in the present period when many are trying to involve the "gentle sex" in the military, shows that during the War of Liberation 1here to wear on our arms the words was already a women military service "Corpo Assistenza Femminile". in the Italian Army, albeit of We would like to say that we are modest dimensions and with particular proud of it, but this is made difficult characteristics.

SALUTE OF THE C.A.F. REPRESENTATIVES TO THE SOLDIERS OF THE 210TH DIVIS.ION "Our tricolour ribbon is not enough" - we thought - "we should wear a flag on our forehead, so that our soldiers can recognize us!". Actually, in the first encounters during the iourney, and also here, all had difficulties in recognizing us as Italians. On the other hand, this surprise is more than iustified. We are among the first Italian women to wear this type of uniform and the very first

by our sorrow that, only now, at the end of the war, we are permitted to come to the side of our brave soldiers, We have been waiting months and months. And we feel we have to tell you this, because you shouldn't think that until today we have not cared about you. On the contrary, when our gallant soldiers started to fight for a fust cause in the Italian Army of Liberation, against the Germans and the Fascists, many women and girls of Southern Italy, spontaneously offered to help them in every way, even if the possibilities were limited. In Rome, for example, we prepared packages for the iniured, and delivered them personally. Even now we organize entertainments, on Sundays we visit the soldiers at the nearby training camps. When we cannot do this, we talk 1md think about you as the

true defenders of our country, and therefore of all our families. May the soldiers of the 210th Division receive, from these six girls who try to express all the gratitude and affection that everyone feels for them, the warmest greetings, in the hope of getting to know all of you . WELCOME TO THE C.A.F. Some months ago, groups of Italian women requested to be assigned assistance tasks with the operational Armed Forces, as is done in other countries. Various delays, due to material difficulties, have retarded the implementation of this welcome initiative. A few days ago the first two mobile canteens which the Ministry of War has assigned to the 210th Division have begun their activity. The "210th", on behalf of all units, salutes with a grateful heart the kind representatives who have volunteered for this deed of national fraternity.

---

Above. Peschiera. A group of officers of the 210th Division with a representative of the C.A.F. (Women Assistance Corps). Left.

Page One of the weekly "La 210~ Divisione", published by the Division Headquarters.

together with the American 10th Mountain Division. On May 8, at midnight, hostilities cease on all Europea n fronts. The Division Headquarters moves to Peschiera. Together with the end of the hostilities the disbandment process starts, entailing the first transfer of divisional units to other outfits (18). In the last four months preeceding the complete demobilization, the units continue to work full time: closing-down and moving the Army depots, fencing and clearing the mined areas, repairing and constructing bridges, tending more than 4,000 mules. Even if the typical war risks are over, these activities have a rather high cost: 35 dead and 26 injured. These losses are

due for the greatest part to mine-clearing operations and to the particular intensity of motor transportations. An interesting in itiative, which regrettably came too late, is the constitution of the CAF "Corpo Assistenza Femminile" (Women Assistance Corps) decided by the General Staff of the "Regio Esercito". A group is employed when the Division is already at Peschiera and the war operations are over. In mid July the demobilization process is hastened. The 20th mule train unit prepares groups of men to be transferred to the Combat Groups, the Cadres of the Division are assigned to set up the Headquarters of five Home Security Brigades (Turin, Milan, Balzano, Udine, Bologna). On August 15, the 210th Brigade leaves the 5th Army and goes from the US-ITI to the ITI -ITI category (19) . On September 15, the Division Headquarters is transformed into a divisional Caretaker Office, which ceases its functions on the following October 15.

CONCLUSIVE CONSIDERATIONS

"The end of the hostilities did not find a passive or prostrate Italy but. to the extent allowed by the Allies, our soldiers were at their side, the patriots were committed to the same effort. all aimed at giving the most and the best of themselves for victory because, even if there was no willingness to grant us its concrete fruits, it was impossible to suppress the inner conviction that it was also our victory, conquered through the work of all, soldiers and citizens" (20). Thanks also to the 210th Division, f or the role it played during the whole Campaign. The official figures evidence the amount of work done by the Division, which until May 31 has a strength of 17,000 men, decreased to about 15,000 men on June 30 and to 10,000 on July 31. Duri ng the sixteen months with the 5th Army, the unit supplies 3,500,000 days of work, equal to a daily uninterrupted employment of 7,500 men. The weight of the materials that were loaded,

Above. Artist's view of the "Peace Bridge" on the river Po, built bV 23rd battalion Combat Engineers. Facing page. Original model of the memento medal of the U.S. 5th Armv, designed by Sergio Vatteroni.

unloaded and transported is approximately 3,000,000 tons. The losses and the awards for valour bear special witness to the role played by the unit. The losses are greater than those suffered by each of the other auxiliary Major Units and Combat Groups, and are surpassed only by those suffered by the Ita lian Corps of Liberation: 260 dead, 640 wounded, 132 missing (21 ). The decorations are represented by: 2 Mi litary Âˇ Orders of Savoy, 15 Silver Medals and 50 Bronze Medals for Military Valour, 33 War Crosses, 45 Solemn Citations, 800 Crosses for War Merit and 40 American decorations (38 Bronze Stars and 2 Legion of Merits). These are awarded during the already mentioned ceremony at Peschiera by GeÂˇn. Truscott himself who, in the speech delivered for the occa-

sion, addressed the 210th as "my Division ". With these words he took away from the ceremony the cool formal character and expressed in a sincere and warm form the sentiments of esteem and gratitude which the Division, with its behaviour and the contribution offered, had earned from the Allies, from the Americans in particular. As a matter of fact, the Army would certainly have advanced along the Peninsu la and reached the Po Valley also without the 210th Division, but undoubtedly i~ would have taken a longer trme and the Allies would have had to employ more troops, with more difficu lties and greater loss of human lives. The reasons of the Division's conduct and efficiency are to be found in the moral solidity of the unit, in the valour of its troops and in the action of its Commanders at all levels. One should especially mention the "stature" of the two Commanders and the Chief of Staff of the Division: General Colonna, for succeeding in keeping the division together in the days that followed the 8th of September, General Cortese and Major Nini, who kept

the key jobs of the Division (the first for 20 months, from January 4, 1944 to September 15, 1945, the second for over two and a half years, from March 15, 1943, to September 15, 1945) and ensured a continuous a'ction of command, always well coordinated and in harmony with the development of the situation, the spirit of the subordinate units and the expectations of the Allies (22). Another element which was crucial in determining the conduct and the efficiency of the Division was its uninterrupted subordination to the same Command, that of the American 5th Army, for sixteen months. No other Ita lian Major Unit can pride itself on an equally long period at the orders of one of the two Allied armies during the Italian Campaign: from this, perhaps, the ltalfan 210th Infantry Division derives the merit of being considered one of the emblematic units of the War of Liberation for having advanced, participating in every phase of the war, along the Ita lian peninsula, side by side with the 5th Army "from Pug.lia to the Po Valley". Gen. Enrico Boscardi

NOT ES (1) General Lucian K. Truscott in July 1943 was th e Commander of the 3rd Infantry Division wi th wh ic h he took part in the occupation of Sic ily, in the operations on the Gari gliano and in t he landing at Anzio. A fter his pro motion he was made Commander of the VI Corps and the Anzio beachhead. In the Summer of 1944. he went to Sou thern France with the V I Corps and d istinguished him self in the swift advance .towards the Val ley of the Rhone. On December 16, when Gen. Clark replaced Gen. Alexander as Commander of the XV A rmy Group, he was appointed Commander of the U.S. 5th Army. (2) Prec isely from March 15, 1943, when the 210th Coas t Brigade became a Division. (3) General Raffaele Colonna. reca lled from retire ment, took com mand of the 210th Coast Divis ion on March 15, 1943 and, having been d ischarged again, passed it on to Gen. Giuseppe Cortese on January 5, 1944. (4) Historical Journal of t he Headquarters of the 210th Divis ion. (5) Historica l Journal of the Head.quarters of th e 210th Division. (6) Strange as it may seem. two battalions of "Blackshirts" were sent there. They should have embarked at T aranto. bound for Tunisia. When t he requ ire ment was canceled. they were temporarily attached to the 210th Division where, in the days that fo llowed the 8th of September, the ir conduct was exemplary. (7) Historical Journal of the Head-quarters of the 210th Division. (8) The "memoria 44 Op" issued by ·the General Staff of the "Regio Eser·Cito", after an introduction which con sidered "very probable" a German coup de main aimed at getting hold of all the Italian military and civ ilian levers of co mmand, repea ted, w ith more details, the , instructions of document 111 C. T. .~hich the General Staff had already issued on August 10. 1943 ("The truth about September 8", by Ettore Musco ·Garzanti, 1965. Encl. 72 and 13, pages 275, 216, 217).

(9) The last sentence of the message mea nt that the subordinate Commands were held responsible for the conseq uences of any order given by them. One may ask if this, a few days later. cou ld have had an influence on the dest ination o f Gen. Leric i, Commander of the IX Corps, to a merely territorial Command. (10) Historical Journal of the Headquarters o f the 210th Division. (11 ) The Command of the existing IX Corps on Sep tem ber 15. 7943 was g iven the denomination of Hqs. LI Corps (Gen. De Stefan is) . Loca ted at Brind isi, it conti nued to include the "Piceno" and "Legnano" Infantry Divisio ns. the 210th Coast Di vision, the XXXI Coast Brigade, the Brindisi and Taranto te rritoria l Commands, in addition to all the troops coming from Calabria. (12) The Armed Forces Command o f Campania was g iven to Gen. An to nio Basso, former Commander of the Armed Forces of Sardinia. The General Staff o f the "Regio Eserci to" had initially envisaged to reestablish in Naples the preexisting disbanded Command o f t he XIX Corps. but Gen. Basso ob jected that in Sardinia he had already performed funct ions of com mand above t hose of a Corps Commander. Th is is why the Naples Command, alth ough maintaining the same jurisdiction of the Command of the XIX Corps, was ca lled "Armed Forces Command of Campania". (13) The assignment will offic ially occur only in April 1944. Nevertheless, in practice, aft er Italy's declaration of war o n Germany (October 73, 1943). with the beginning of cobe lligerency, the 210th Division in December 1943 is alrea dy subord inate to the 5th Army and in January 7944 the 5th Army sta rts employing units of the Division. (14) While there were no doubts about the operational subordination to the 5th Army, less c lear (also owing to the rat her generic formulation of the order) was the assignment as rega rded the supplies for the Di vision. As a matter of fact, at t he beginn ing of the Campaign's phase of movement. the uncerta inties and irregulari ties in the practical supplying of the units caused

the Division serious inconveniencies, w hich cou ld be eliminated only with time. (15) Also in the days fol lowing September 8, at the Division th is is a rat her rare occurrence. The troops. although cons isting mainly of local elements, we re not affec ted by t he atmosphere of d is integra tion that spread with in hours, even though they had the incentive of the fam ilies' proximity and the almos t certain impunity for any kind of transgressio n. (16) Enlargement of the Recreation Post in Florence, for the sold iers on leave from the area of o pera tions. organization of a "Soldier's Club", free ticke ts to shows and requisition of a small hotel for officers on leave or- in tran si t. (17) The week ly was d istribu ted free . Written mostly for the troops, its con tributors we re military of all ranks and many soldiers. who contribu ted more than 70% of the material published. All partisan politica l attitudes were prohibited. The paper was also we lcomed by the inhabitants of the Apennine. reg ion, for they lacked radio and press informati on, and the paper contained a short summary of the main events. (18) From the Histo ri ca l Journal of the 210th Divis ion: "Moral condi tions: the transfer of the Division units to other organizations has decided ly infl uenced the t roops' morale. because it deals a blow to th e esprit de co rps w hich we have. with g reat effort , managed to keep fervidly h igh. Consequences: a marked w ish to be discharged on the part of the older conscripts, increase of unauthorized absences among t he soldiers from the South" . (19) See Rivista M ilitare - no 6/86 "The Aux iliary Units in t he War of Lib eration". (20) See Rivista Militare {It. Edition) Anno II - no. 3 - March 7946. ."The American Fifth Army during its win ter stop on the Tuscan-Emilian Appe nnines and in the final battle (November 1944 May 7945) . (21) The data on the casua lties are taken fro m the Histori ca l Journal and the book "The Auxiliary Units of the Italian Army in the War of Liberation" Stato Maggio re dell'Esercito - Ufficio Storico. Roma 1977. A note prepared by the Division Headquarters in July 1945 on the occasion of th e ceremony at Peschiera, gives a tota l of 2012 cas ualties in sixteen months. (22) General Cortese. a man of great co mmon sense, of remarkable moral cou rage, fran k and clear in expressing to anybody his ideas withou t euphemisms. Ma jor Nini was a loyal interpreter of his Commander's thought and. fo llowing his example, did not hesitate to ta ke decisions and give orders, taking upon himself responsibilities that o ften went beyond his func ti ons. In fa ct it was the generous enthusiasm and the intelligent initiative of t his young Staff Officer that succeded in infusing the Divis ion wi th the spirit and th e impulse wh ich permitted it to ho ld ou t at the beginning, and s uccessively to develop its conc rete, cons ta nt and appreciated work during t he whole Campaign.

BOOK

REVIEWS

of PM 12S/Sniper for the Beretta pistolmachinegun. Or the d isconcerting identification of the Sig Sauer pistol with the American flag. when the resu lts of the U.S. Army competition were quite different. As fo r the fundamenta l problem. we can point out that a publication based on advertising by the companies it catalogues is bound to result in somehwhat incomplete information. It is true that the introductory page for each group also lists names of compan ies that do not advertise; however, if one wished. for example, to examine th e offerings of Italian industry, one could easily be led to underestimate its capacity. Alessandro Politi

"International Defense Equipment Catalogue" (IDEC), edited by Jules Perel, Amstelveen {Netherland) 1985, 3 volumes. This international catalogue of military and defense equipment is the third edition by the Monch editorial group; it is a reference work that offers several interesting Âˇfeatures. It consists of three volumes. The first is dedicated to the methods and o rganization of th e catalogue, descri bing the FSC (Federal Supply Classification) for the military equipment presented. Th e FSC system is of American origin and has the advantage of being used by NATO countries as well as the majority of pro-western countries outside Europe. There is also an analysis of arms procurement procedures for each country represented, where such procedures are not secret. The commercial operator in the defense sector will also fi nd in the geographic maps a useful aid for planning his visits because they enable him to plan his travelling through industrial areas of interest to him. The other two volumes. on the other hand, contain documentary material on the various products offered. Special mention is merited by the chapter dedicated to Italy, setting out a practical synthesis of legislative and financial difficulties encountered in its military procurement sector. We hope, however, th at future editions will be cured of certain defects and will resolve a fundamental problem of structure. As to the first we can mention the presence of the machinegun pods for the Herstal and Avibras under different classifications (1055 and 1005, respectively), even though they are th e same type of product. And we can mention (p. 11-12) the incorrec t denomination

"Tradizione Militare" ("Military Tradition"), Information Agency of the National Associations of Officers in regular active service. Last year. on the 75th anniversary of the institution of the Adm inistrative Corps, this periodical published two essays on the subject by Major General (ret.J Filippo Tatullo: one was an indepth study of the Administrative Battalion and the relation of th is logistical unit to the Ad ministrative Corps: t he other was a history of the Corps (limited to critical facts) as it came into being through legislation. The evolution of the Administrative Corps in part of military history: however, we should keep in mind, as the author points out, that it parall eled the ordering of the Army (and the logistical services in particul ar) and, more important, the evolution of administrative and accounting legislation of the state. All research on the subject. therefore, requires a historical-legal approach. interpre ting the law with scrupulous respect for what the legislature "actually in tended". The Administrative Corps became part of the Army under Article 2 of Act No. 531 of 17 July 1910: "the following are instituted: ... b) an Administrative Corps, composed of administrative officers. that shall keep the accounts of certain corps, institutes and establishments" (succeeding articles set out the administrative structure of the new Corps, providing for career steps ut to the grade of colonel and the requirements for enrollment). In 1923 the Corps was g iven a more important assignment; in fa ct. the "Diaz" organization of the Army provided

fo r an office of accounting and review in each Army Corps Command, headed by a colonel and staffed exclusively by senior offi cers and senior captains of th e Corps. On 2 Febru ary 1928 a "United Text of legislative d ispositions concernin g the administration and accounting of the Corps ..." was produced; ii was fundamentally important to the his torv of the Service not merely because it provides in Article 8 for the establishment of the Office of Accounting and Review of the Army Corps - until that point provided for only by the law on the organiza tion of th e Army - but because it would constitute. in 1976, with amendments. the legislative basis for the curren t Inter-service Admin istrative Regulation (RAU.). Twelve years later Act No. 151 8 of 21 October 1940 instituted the offi ce of the "Administrative Directorate of War" for each of th e active Major Units of the Army, whose role was to integrate the functions that in the territorial organization remain under the jurisdiction of the Adm inistra tive Office and Office o f Account ing and Review of the Army Corps. Finally, in 1981 the legislator institu ted the territorial Administrative Directorate and al the same time ex tended the duties of the Corps, granting the administrative officers the power to conduct ordinary administrative inspections (previously rese rved to civilian authorit ies) and the right to hold office in the Ministry, at all levels of the administration, with signature power "for the Minister" (Articles 1, 4, 6 and 7 of Act No. 30 of 20 February 1981). Funding fo r the Army units through special accounting p rev iously assigned to the Commissariat Directorates (1910) was transferred to the Adm inistrative Corps in 1923, which carried out from then on the special task of the Corps in the logistical fi eld. In the midst of the laws passed from 1910 to 1981 numerous minor provisions were enacted which the author. however, omits intentionally inasmuch as they are of marginal interest to the evolution under exam, except with rega rd to the position of comptroller in the Corps, which was substituted by the Chief of Administrative Service with the institution of the R.A.U. The mention of future directions is interesting. The inter-service route, which was taken decisively after the second world war in the operative and logistical sector as well as the administrative sec tor, is an irreversible choice. It is also possible that in the NA TO defense system, to which Italy belongs, Major Units of our ÂˇArmy will operate - in case of war - under 'the direct orders of Major Units of higher level w ith an All ied Command, therefore with a logistic and administrative organization different from the Italian one.

BOO K

Michel Tatu

Euxetnous Les relatim1s Est-Ouesl en/re deux detentes Fayard

Qopdwpirs rtnmttgia

Michel Tatu : "Eux et nous - Les relat ions Est-Ovest entre deux detentes" (" Us and Them - EastWest Relations between Two Detentes"), Fayard, Paris 1985, 240 pages, F 85. During the se cond half of the seventies East-West relation s underwent a rigidifying process that se t them back nearly to the po int at wh ic h they were during the cold w ar period. Things improved substantially when the Geneva negotiations began in March 1985. However, it is impossible to say whether the re wi ll be a new period of distension or wh at Its nature would be. Obviously East-West relations cannot be explicated by simple formulas since neither NATO nor the Warsaw Pact are monolithic blocks with iden tical perceptions, interests and behavi o r. There are profo und di fferences between an Ame rican nuclear freeze expon ent and a German member of the committee for peace, even if the slogans used by both are practically identical. Pacifism itself is rad ica lly d iffe re nt fro m o ne country to an other. Th e author attempts to interpret the variety and richness of relations between the various forces at play In the t wo blocs, examinin g in succession: the changes tha t took place as a result o f the Soviet c hange in leadership, EastWest relations, the armam ents race, an d the defense of Europe.

REVI E WS

The new Soviet leadership is, wi th respect to the preceding one, less ideological and more technoc ratic, and, at least in part, more sensitive to internal public opinion. It is unthinkable. however, that Soviet foreign policy cou ld ch ange in subs tance; i t m ay do so only in sty le. In fact, the pri ority given to security and the goal of socialist expansion are cardinal points which constitute the legitimate foundation of the present Soviet ruling cla ss. One wou ld expect. r ath er, tha t w ith the fa ll o f ideological and economic pres tig e the U.S.S.R. will naturally be prone to substitute or add ever more indirect revolutionary, subvers ive and propag anda action to the so- ca lled "panzer-com munism ", that is, d irect m ilita ry intervention. Th is tendency co uld be exacerbated in the event of politicalsocial difficulties within the Soviet Union or wi thin its empire in East-Central Europe. In th is connec tion it should be noted t hat th e empire has progressively changed from an exploitation area to a heavy economic burden. As for the Communist parties of Western count ries, the tendency of the U.S.S.R. to p rovoke divisions is always more in evidence whenever p ro-Soviet allegiance shows signs of slackening. Th e sam e th ing will happen in third world countr ies. It will have an effect on th e international strategic scene and on the correlation of fo rces g iven the preem inent ro le the international commu nist movement has always p layed in the strategy of the U.S.S.R. East -West relations. on the other hand, are fairly we ll differentiated in th e Wes t between the U.S. and the various European states and in the East between the U.S.S.R. and its Warsaw Pact satellites. Even though the policy of the Reaga n administrat ion has induced the U.S.S.R. to be c autious, it has had a grea t impact on Western cohesiveness. The Wes tern bloc was willing to see the American leadership become hegemonic but was wary of an imperialist system. Things have undoubtedly chan ged under th e se cond Reag an adminis tration. more pragmatic and less ideological than the first, but strong te nsions persist at the potential stage. It is often best not to have rigid doctrines in fo reign po licy; it is bet ter to be flexibl e and adapt able, espe ciall y no t to provoke the adversary into takin g a hard line. The steadfast attitude of the United States has been successful because it blo c ked th e ca utions initia tives of the Soviet leade rs hip. Beyond a ce rta in po int, however, it m ay cause a Soviet reac tion and create great difficulties within NATO. Military strategic balance is determining in East-West relati ons. The crux of the bal ance is the defense o f Europe, for whi ch th e auth or reiterates his wel l-known thes is that Western Europe's s ubordinate status is not at-

tributable to any obj ec tive, external fact or to geopolitical or economic factors. The Am erican military guarantee is characterized by its very contingent and temporary nature. The lack of autonomy of European defense derives fro m th e progress ive unaccount ability and moral d isarm ament of Europe's public opinion and leadership. A nuclear option would not exclude an American guarantee. especially in West Germany. The U.S.S.R. wou ld ce rtainly not be p leased by a military buildup in Europe, which can only evolve around a FrancoGerman ax is. Yet the U.S.S.R. will have to accept it, even if it entails a lesser American p resen ce in Europe, which, every thing con sidered, allows th e Sovie ts to legitimize their m ilitary presence in East-Central European countri es. a presence which in substance protects their "empire", but fo rmally serves to protect their own wes tern borders.

LE CO~l~IERCE DES

ARMES DE GUERRE JEA N-<..'LAUnTi ,IJAl?TINEZ

PRESSES UNIYERSITAIRES DE FRANCE

Jean-Claude Martinez: " Le commerce des armes de guerre" ("Comm~rce in Arm~''),路 Pre~ses Universitaires de France, Paris 1984, 126 pages, F 25. The 路 more 路 arms sales are criticized and condemned 路 the more they p rosper. All attempts at international regulation have fa iled before the reality o f po litica l, economic and military interests and th ose of the system of international relations.

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REVI E WS

.I'//,/ The factors whi ch caused the expansion o f world commerce in arms are connected with th e changes in the international order that occurred after the second world war. which stimulated the demand for arms. In the first place. the number of states increased fo llowing decolonization: third-world countries lacking industries became avid arms importers. Secondly, the increase in the level of tension within and between states contributed to th e expansion mentioned. particularly because it contributed to the con solidation of intern al st ructures and political power of new countries. where military institutiohs are often the only cohesive force fo r the vari ous social sectors and often constitute a sort of status symbol. Thirdly, the re has been an increase in fin ancial resources of third world countries, particularly the oil producing ones, but also the ones which benefited from massive international aid fo r developmen t. Finally, technological progress affected arms trad e because it tends to render weapons systems obsolete. especially where the rapid pace of development in electronics is concern ed. Th ese factors stimulate mutual increases in demand and supply of a quantitative and , in particular, qualitative kind. Commerce in arms has seen enormous development for the reasons mentioned. On a world scale, from 1960 to 1980 it g rew by 8 percent a year and reached a peak of 25 percent in OPEC countries af ter the o il crises. lnterll,ational c_ommerce in. ar'!ls raises many questions concerning its utility for exporting count ries to which only a complex answer can be given. At the outset we should disting uish between political, military and economic utility. As for the political aspect, com merce in arms is an effective instru ment of fo reign policy. For exampl e. it can stabilize th e situation in area s of strategic national interes t. It also gives the sellers permanent leverage over the buyers who become dependent on tech nical assistance and spare parts. On the other hand. the expo rters should not overlook the fact that a massive infusion of arms in certain areas may cause imbalance and conflict which will inevitably involve the exporting countri es. As for th e military aspect, the expo rt ation of arms allows mediumsized powers. Western European one s in particular, to keep alive a national armaments industry whose existence is not justified by the small size of their armed forces. This is not the case fo r superpowers wh ose arms sales are aimed in particular at politicalstrategic objectives. Finally. arms exports clearly have an economic purpose. It permitted the consumption or neu tralization of part of th e accumulated wealth of the oil producing countries. If that wealth had en tered into the mainstream of the world econ-

omy it would have produced great im balances in indus tri alized countries. Obviously it is a high-risk commercial sector. subject to the fluctuating politics of the importing and exporting countries. Therefore it is necessary to give a heavily qualified answer and difficult to g ive a simple one. Bro adly speakin g, commerce in arms is a necessity for coun tries like ours as long as we intend to maintain a level of national independence in supplying our armed forces.

Alun Chalfont: "Star Wars Suicide or Survival?" , Weidenfeld and Nicholson, London 1985, 168 pages, ÂŁ 8.95. This volume by Lo rd Chalfant. who is the influential Chairman of the Defence Committee of the House of Lords. is concerned with the main features of President Re agan's strategic defense initiative (SDI) . They are primarily political. strategic and ideological rather than technological. Moreover. they concern rel ations between the U.S.A. and U.S.S.R. and also those between the United States and its allies. especially th e Western Eu ropean allies. The crux of SDI concerns the impact it will have on the overall strategic situation: how the balance of power in the world may be based on a mix of offensive and defe nsive systems, the latter gradual ly gaining importance until the former become mean-

ingless, rat her th an o n fear of nuclear retaliation. The problem is at the heart of th e theory of deterrence whi ch. in order to be effective. especially as it relates to the protection of the allies. must necessarily be based on an offensive capability, th at is, on the possibility and plausibility of a preemptive firs t strike. At the end of th e seventies and beginning of the eighties, "mirving" the warheads. which increased the number of weapon s while restri cting the number of targets of a p reemptive strike. crea ted an unstable situation. Fear of a surprise attack led to con tingency planning for "launching under fire", which amounted to a permanent state of alert for U.S. nuclear strategic forces. with the wel I-k nown attendant risks exposed by th e Snowcroft Com mission in 1983. The system was turn ing out to be extremely rigid and. paradoxically, allowed fo r no other option than to increase ' the number of offensive weapons. a stra tegy wh ich enjoyed less and less popular support. With SDI President Reagan sought to increase the range of options available. to reduce t he risk of war by resu ming talks on arms control and to reduce the damages of a con flic t if it were to take p lace. In fact. th e only short-range goal of SDI - to res ume concrete negotiations o n arms contro l and limitation - succeeded. Contrary to what its detracto rs sustain , perfect defenses are no t necessary to achieve political end s. Even limited defenses. which are the truly predictable ones. are sufficient to achieve those ends. In particular, the eliminati on o f advantages ob tainable by a preemptive strike restores th e nuclea r stabiltiy that existed prior to mirving the missile heads. Public opinion in the U.S.A. and in Western Europe is show ing increased awareness of thi s o bjective : support for SDI Is growing on bo th sides of the Atlanti c. The major problems that may arise as a consequence of SDI concern interAt lantic relations. They are of two k inds: po litical-s tr ategic and technicaleconomic. As for th e, first. SD I has two consequences: on the one hand, by strengthening the U.S. it boosts the credibility of its commitment to the defense of Europ e: on the other hand, by reducing th e vulnerability of th e U.S. it increases th e difference in th e perceived vulnerability of NATO countries. which creates tensions among the allies. Only an effective ex tension of the antimissile defense to Europe could d ispel such an impression and ove rcome the problem. As for the techn ical-e conomic problem. the prospects for European participation in the SDI programs , have been exaggerated. Europe is likely to experience frustration in thi s regard and thi s will affect th e level of European approval' for Presiden t Reagan's initiatives.

.. BOOK

REVIEWS t

Burden-sharing in NATO .)'in1011 L ,111r1

Simon Lunn: "Burden-Sharing in NATO", Chatham House Papers, the Royal Institute of International Affairs, London 1984, 88 pages, £ 4.95. One of the recurring themes in NATO political debates concerns the partition of defense costs among its member s tates. particu larly be tween Europe and the United States. The probiem is difficult and complex: it is not merely a matter of defin ing, but of evaluating th e level of congruity be tween them and th e economic capacity of each country to contribute to th e common defense.

It is very difficult to estimate a country's ~ Y expenditures. In f act, there are entries in military budge ts tha t have nothing to do w ith defe nse, while other military expenditures appear in the budgets of other government d epartments. Moreover, ce rtain defense spending, like the social and economic costs of the draf t and military service do not appear in the budget. Th ey are expenditures wh ich are d ifficult to q uantify in monetary terms. but which should not be overlooked. Finally, the various s ta tes have different accounting methods for milite ry spending. In Italy there is a difference between the services of the armed forc es themselves: the Army pays VAT, while th e Navy and Ai r Force are exempt with regard to most o f their material. While it is difficult to calculate the amounts spent on defense. it is even more difficu lt to evaluate wh ether the effo rt made by th e various countries corresponds to their respective capaci ty to contribute. In principle it seem s fair to maintain that a sort of progressive taxation ought to be adopted wi thin NATO: the more prosperous a country, the more it ought to contribu te to collective defense. Obviously the problem does not lend itsel f to p recise and unquestionable solutions. The capacity to contribute may only be assessed on

the basis of many d isparate parameters. In practice the problem of burdensharing is not an accounting one bu t a political one that invo lves the structures of the alliance and cons titutes an aspect o f the " conflictual interdepe ndence" o f rela tions between the Un ited States and Europe. The Americails are convinced th at they are carrying a disproportio nate share of the b urden of collective defense and that the high price they are paying fo r Europe's defense is unfair. The Europeans, on the other hand, claim th at th eir contribution to th e conven tional defense of Europe is very substan tial (and it is). and intimate that they are not willing to pay too high a p rice for maintai ning a detense system under American leadership. At times the debate has been harsh, the Am ericans threatening retaliatio n in the form of partial withdrawal of U.S forces from Europe if the European states do not con tribute more to de fense. The problem cannot be resolved. It will continue to fuel debate between Europe and the United States d ue in part to the effect the debate on burd ensharing has on interna l ::iolitics. expecially in the United States. by Carlo Bess

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