JOURNAL OF ITALIAN ARMY 1989 N.6 "RIVISTA MILITARE"

JOURNAL OF THE ITALIAN ARMY FOUNDED IN 1856

~VEMBER

111:CEMBER 1989 RE 4,000

DOMENICO COROIONE The Army within the Defence Pattern of the Year 2000

VITTORIO BERNARD NATO 40 Years of Peace and Progress in Security

RUDYARD KIPblNG France at War

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CONTENTS W

Numero 6/89 NOVEMBRE-DICEMBRE

Rivista Militare a ims at b roadening a nd updating the technical and vocational training of Officers and NCOs. It is thus a means of propagating the military way of thinking and a forum of study and d ebate. Through the p ublication of articles of technic a l and scientific interest, Rivista Militare a lso aims at informing th e general public on the Army a nd on military issues.

Politics, Economics and Strategy 2 The Army within the Defence pattern

, Army nf the year 2000 does not mg to the future, because the time ded to set up such a complex rument must be reckoned in years, ve,y small number of years which rJes us from the above mentioned

of the year 2000. (Domenico Corcione)

14 NATO 40 years of peace and progress in security. (Vittorio Bernard)

22 The negotiation on conventional forces in Europe. (Mario Sardo}

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1dizioni di cessione per ii 1990 lascicolo: Lit. 4.000 lascicolo arretrato: Lit. 8.000 onamento: Italia Lit. 22.000 ,ro Lit. 30.000. L'importo deve ~re versato su c/c postale 2521009 intestato a =Ufficio RMsta Mititare • ione di amministrazione XX Settembfe 123/A - Roma. sidenli an·estero possono ;are l'importo tramite assegno

cario o vaglia intemazionale.

32 The meeting on security and cooperation in Europe. (Piero Bonabello)

Science, Technology and Training 42 «Structure 2000» of the Army of the Federal Republic of Germany. (Carlo Cabigiosu)

52 Gebirgs und Winterkampfschule. (Paolo Valpolini)

History 58 France at War. (Rudyard Kipling)

Militaria 65 Tato: futurist and airpainter. (Vinicio Saviantoni)

69 Glossary

,rizzazione del Tribunale loma al n . 944 del Registro decreto 7-6-1949.

cicolo curato da: IUSIO Mastrofini

© 1989

roprieta letteraria a.r1istica scien1ifica riseNala

Asscciato all'USPI Uoione Stampa Periodica lta'iana

78 Book Reviews

Instructio ns for contributors: Anyone may contribute. To garantee the t1ig hest objectivity of information, Rivista Militare leaves contributors considerab le freedom, though it does not necessarily share their opinions. The A uthor ·s thus solely responsib le for the articles which . published unedited a nd ,.._~thout editorial ties. exclusively reflect his personal ioeas. Articles must be orig inal in though t a nd should not exc eed ten typewritten pages. Once the Author is paid fo r h·s ,articl e. he loses all exclusive rights. Rivista Militare may then p ass ihe article on to other pub lications and EMPA (European Military Press Ag ency) periodicals. Articles should b e accompa nied by suitable p hotographs. illustrations and explanatory tables. A photograph of the Author, together w ith a b rief "curriculum vitae" and a 1O line typewritten summary ot the article would be much appreci ated. Rivista Militare claims the rig ht to change the title of articles and choose the type face deemed most suitable.

ORGANIZATIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE ARMY FROM AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR TO OUR DAYS

with the many requests and proposals of change put forth at present by the Nation. A survey of the past is important to evaluate the range - also as regards the influence on the present situation - of conditionings and limitations set to the Armed Forces. A survey of current opinion is also dutiful for at least two good reasons: first to keep the Army and generally speaking the Armed Forces bound to wider consent; second, to allow decisions regard4

ing the development and, if necessary, the changes, compatible both with the external demand for security coming from our engagements with the Alliance and with the domestic demand. It must always be borne in mind that the Army is the authentic expression of the national collectivity from which it draws its moral stimulus and those resources which allow the entire organization to exist and operate on competitive terms or, to put it in military words, in terms of credibility.

Looking backwards we can spot three important periods which have marked the evolution of the Army from after the second World to our days: • the period of the reconstruction and the development, from '45 to '54; • the internal reorganization, from '55 to '74; • the restructuring, from '75 to '84. As is well known, the years leading to '54 were marked by the fact that Italy joined NATO, the cold war, the massive response strategy and by the consistent support of the United States as regards equipment. It was an undoubtedly difficult period, full of political and social limitations, besides those of a technical-operative nature, in which the Armed Forces had to reconstruct themselves on the previous structure - rather vast compared to the new requirements - and without being able to rely on a national industrial and technological support. This partly prevented a rational organization of the new Army and opened the path to a long dependence on foreign countries as regards arms and materials and also as regards training techniques and procedures. The second period, from the mid 50s to the mid 70s witnessed the passage from the cold war to the "confrontation" between the blocs, some redimensioning of the perception of the threat and the assertion of the flexible response strategy. The need to adapt structures and modernize arms systems stemmed from the gradual decrease of a deterrence exclusively entrusted to the American nuclear superiority and from the ensuing revaluation of conventional forces. The first and second reorganization which followed suite in the 60s

are symbolic of how, in particular decisional periods, certain contingent aspects which are the result of the particular p~riod may have a positive or a negative.influence. It is quite true. In fact at the beginning of the 60s in an atmosphere of high perception of the conventional threat and of great industrial development, the excessive re-sizing achived by the operational component favoured the compatibility of the Italian defensive pattern in the light of the Naro engagements. This, however, also imposed a process of accelerated contraction due to the increasing costs for the upkeep of the efficiency of to adapt to budget deficiencies, in- tion with the rest of the instrument. the entire instrument and for the tervening essentially on territorial Thus, in the military field as well, accomplishment of the develop- support bodies, with the aim of we adopt a method of intervention recovering human and financial which is typical of our Nation and ment under way. It was a forced and unplanned resources to be employed for the which allows to achieve immediate, evolution which had to tolerate in- priority requirements of the oper- though modest, savings which, in consistencies, for example, as ational component. This, however, the medium or long run, reveals all regards integration of joint forces still presents several functional its inefficiency as it leaves the funcand command organization, oper- deficiencies on which we are work- tional and structural problem, that ational division of units and logis- ing within the narrow limits of is the real problem, unsolved. This not very comforting situaavailable financial resources. tic support. tion now has to face a positive deThe present deficiencies, which Lastly, we reach the '75 reorvelopment of East-West relations concern the fields of mobility, of ganizat ion when the Army, which has given rise to movements ground fire support, of the antitogether with the other two Serof opinion also in our country. tank, antiaircraft defence and comvices, faced, in a different geopoLet us now examine them with litical, social and economic situa- mand and control, greatly affect tion, a type of problem which had the degree of credibility of the in- the aim of drawing cleat indications been known since the previous de- strument. This also in the light of for the process of restructuring of cade: the need for "self-investing" an important, favourable re-sizing our Army according to the needs of the year 2000. its own quantitative contraction in of the threat. This survey of the past allows us favour of modernizing programmes which could not be further to appreciate the weight of social and economic pressures which lie PRESENT REQUESTS AND delayed. Under this circumstance it was at the basis of militarv choices as PROPOSALS FOR A CHANGE impossible to achieve the aim of well as the structural a~d function- IN THE ITALIAN ARMED elevating the quality of the forces, al imbalance of the Army of today. FORCES We cannot ignore the persisting despite the reorganization, because Unfortunately, domestic poliuse of the gradual dwindling of the misconception according to which financial support and of the effect budget reductions shouk.I essential- lico-social signals as regards securiof inflation on the resources grant- ly be made on the human compo- ty do not give us a better undernent which is the least expensive standing of facts, but on the coned by the promotional laws. In sum - and this must be borne and thus imposes great sacrifice for trary increase our confusion. A first symptom of this is the fact in mind in view of future very modest savings. that the more or less generalized Actually, in this manner we do programmes - we may state that syndrome of a slackening of the pernot account for the fact that ships, the actual results of the '75 reorception of the threat is experienced aircraft or tanks, that is the most ganization only consisted in a ¡ very differently from our NATO costly means, need men for their emreduction of operational forces partners. ployment. In the light of the above while in the course of time other While in the rest of Europe we deficiencies have been added to the number of men is seen as an inwitness a cautious reaction aiming dependent variable on which to inthose of the past. at a mutual reduction of forces to tervene without any connecSince '84 the Army has continued

reach agreed upon lower levels, in our Country where the perception of the threat has always been rather low and limited to a few "virtuosos" there has been an unjustified peak of emotional pacifism, a reaction of the kind "everyone back home" amplified by the high imagination of mass media. The Gorizia threshold has thus become in turn the "Tartars' desert" or the "Bastiani fortress", creating some embarassment to our representatives in the different negotial forums. A second symptom on which I wish to dwell, both for the variety of the ensuing initiatives and for the danger of the consequences, is bound to the following: savings on mlitary expenditure and detente between the United States and the Soviet Union. The eventual economic advantages resulting from the cut of the enormous military expenditure have undoubtedly contributed in inducing the Soviet Union to detente and found the consent of the United States penalized by the increasing burden of the military confrontation and have subdued the European NATO partners which are certainly less burdened in this respect. If we bear in mind that, generally speaking, the idea of saving resources is at the basis of the present fluidity and that in the last forty years Italy has shown a true and proper vocation for saving - so much so that it is the NATO country which spends less for its security - it is difficult to un6

derstand how, in our country, there are proposals for changes in the Armed Forces involving higher expenses than the present ones. The first proposal I intend examining is the one that considers the creation of professional Armed Forces, reduced in number, but with first quality experience, means and materials. In this respect there are at least two reasons to be puzzled. The first derives from the fact that the experience on volunteers carried out so far shows that in our country the latter are not enough. I must mention that at present we have been unable to find even the small percentage provided for by present law. The second is that quality improvement is a constant demand imposed by technologic development and is not, as often stated recently, an acceptable counterbalance to the reduction of forces. A quality improvement does not place us in better or more important conditions as regards the others because all Countries which intend to safeguard their security, in the West as in the East, are endowed with modern means. Modernization is, for every organization, a tax on efficiency which, like alla taxes, if not paid in time, will sooner or later present retroactive bills. It may be seen as a counterbalance to quantity only in the presence of exceptional increments, which go beyond our national possibilities and are, however, in contrast with the

reasoning. Excluding all other considerations of an ethical and technical kind, it is a fact that thos who demand a professional army and rapid improvements in quality must realize that greater resources for defence are required and that this is rather unlikely and, however, in disagreement with the reasons placed at the basis of the changes. There are also more moderate, though not more coherent, opinions which demand an increase in the quantity and quality of volunteers as a counterbalance to reduction of the term of service. I have already said that this increase is no easy matter. National reality has, in fact, underlined that only a small part of the citizens adheres to voluntary service and that this is to be found among those with a low cultural background devoid of other alternatives. Moreover, if we consider that there are other structures which draw volunteers and which are far more attractive than ours, such as the State Police, the Carabinieri, the Fire Brigade and so forth, we may easily understand that the fallout on the Army is very low. The result is that, in the present situation, the better quality of the available ranks coincides with the offer of enlisted personnel and not with that of volunteers. An increase of the latter - which is still farfetched - and a reduction of the term of service of enlisted personnel would involve the employment of volunteers in operationa I tasks thus limiting enlisted personnel, that is the best personnel, to accomplish support tasks. The repercussions of such a solution would be remarkable inside and outside the Armed Forces. Suffice it to think, for example, that a higher component of volunteers would continue to flow to the socio-economic areas of the country having a high unemployment rate, that is to the South. In this manner we would create difficul-

ties for those units such as the Alpine Brigades and the Lagunari which already have to draw from regional enlistment and which are the more celebrated and those nearest to the heart of the people as proved by the genuine and high adhesion when national meetings are held. It may be easily proved that at present any reduction of the term of service would give rise to important negative implications. Pirstly as regards costs, an eventual

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reduction of the term of service from 12 to 9 or 6 months, involves clothing, equipment and training of a proportionally higher number of soldiers in the span of a year. Moreover, the vented, great availability of valid (physically, psychologically and culturally) volunteers does not really exist. Furthermore, this solution would not put an end to the alleged frustrations of enlisted men, bound, essentially, to the fact of having to join the Army no matter how long the service may last. And yet, the constant accusation is that the Army is scarcely professional, is a waste of time for our soldiers and does not give them a suitable formation. Indeed, if this is true, if the results of a year's service are not very convincing, what could we hope for a six months' service? Those who support such a service surely intend six months of intense training, but to achieve this we would need more firing ranges, more training areas, more means, endless ammunition, etc. A series of conditions, that is, which ate in striking disagreement with what our Country actually offers. Moreover, no one ignores that a six months' service would offer, at best, "seasonal" soldiers trained only, that is, either for the summer or for the winter. In fact, in the present situation in which every excercise is met by a protest or by the intolerance of vast layers of the population, the "reduced" enlisted soldier would

wind up by doing even less than his predecessor, with relative frustrations and, I repeat, higher costs. It is thus my duty to underline that if enlisted personnel were to be employed on operational tasks for shorter periods than at present the operational capacity of the Army would likewise be reduced. The effects on the credibility of the military instrument are evident and all negative in the light of the present tasks of the Italian Armed Forces and of their role within the Atlantic Alliance.

By this reference to Nato I wish to emphasize the fact that any decision as regards the defensive pattern cannot ignore the international situation of which Italy, by its own choice, is part. There is more to it, however: the European component of the Alliance is moving towards the 1992 deadline when the financial and economic aggregation could be the beginning of an actual political and defensive union. On many parts, in authoritative forums pressure is being made for a more incisive and 7

seriously and is thus not considered a real problem. This brings us to consider that in our country the level of perception of the threat has fallen and that we are in the presence of a generalized refusal to face the reality of the problem of security. A reality which exists and is, indeed, particularly consistent; otherwise, why would all the other Alliance member countries be concerned about it ... and, of course, not in a superficial manner?

LANDMARKS AT THE BASIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT

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specific European role of security which, we may say, is the logic consequence of the reduction of the military confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union on our continent. This trend requires, on the Italian side, a military structure suited to its political and economic role and homogeneous with that of other countries in terms of both quantity and quality of personnel and of operational capacity. Nowadays, to think of reducing the term of service to six months would make us unprepared and imbalanced for the above mentioned deadline, thus running the risk of having to take some steps backwards which would be highly unpopular. Thus, the idea of reducing the term of service seems, as things are at present - an expensive solution and, what is more, unsuitable and untimely. In this brief analysis of the situation I have synthetically examined the prioritarian issue of personnel, but the debate under8

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way in our country on the important subject of defence has spread out to all fields of interest, from technologic reasearch to industry, from infrastructure to state property, up to the very structures and tasks of the Armed Forces. The above, moreover, with a series of forecasts and proposals which often have nothing to do with a serious security policy. In the light of the above, we may wonder why public opinion, very mature in many ways, does not realize that certain attitudes, taken up with markedly populistic aims, not only delay the process of rational adptation of the milirnry instrument but, above all, conceal the acutal requirements of security and defence from the citizens' eyes. In fact, in our country we too often prefer to intercept easy consents by putting forth simple though approximate and contradictory solutions instead of developing an organized debate on this complex subject. The result is that the subject of defence is not taken

Considering a few objective deficiencies of the Army and acertain "ideological" confusion characterizing the present period which is an obstacle to a better understanding between the Country and the Armed Forces, it seems however that we may spot and identify the basic elements on which opinions generally agree and which represent the landmarks of the development process of the Armed Force. These elements are the following: • the observance of the Constitution; • the observance of the treaties, at NATO and European level; • the national link with the current disarmament process; • the will to cut Defence expediture; • public opinion's demand for attention and consent; • the absolutely necessary role the Armed Forces will continue to have in the geopolitical context of the year 2000. These elements together allow us to think that we shall continue to have a compulsory service, perhaps open to women too, to be integrated by volunteers for those tasks requiring a longer period of service more than a greater professionality. We shall therefore tend to increasethenumberofvolunteers, but

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even this will not be easy for the reasons previously underlined. A possible solution to t he problem could be that of rewarding volunteers with vocational-training - and ensuing privileged hire in- the State or in industry - instead of only giving them a wage. The above seems to agree with individual expectations as well as with those of the national economy which is always scarce of skilled workers. The present offers of the Service aim in this direction. Moreover, the Army will have ¡ to be kept on levels of a good consistency, as the diminished credibility in the employment of nuclear weapons - which is characteristic of the present period - presupposes the revaluation of conventional weapons. This provision involves longer services and higher costs. The latter are unpopular and surveys carried out so far on the issue have been closed up in their drawers. Without increasing the number of conventional weapons it seems however necessary not to reduce the Army to very low levels as regards size, both because it is a tested, low cost organization ready for all emergencies without equals in the country and because the operational role of the Armed Forces and of the Army in the year 2000 remains important especially because the potential threat coming from the East still exists. In the East good intentions cohabit with 5 million men at arms and 9 million well trained reserves. True, East-West relations are improving. NATO deals with the Warsaw Pact on many occasions and progress is evident, but it is also evident that the advantages of this will be felt only in the distant future. The destruction of nuclear weapons just as the reduction of armaments are slow and controversial processes. Moreover, the most delicate stage of disarmament has still to come: I mean the one following the signing of agreements when it will be necessary to reduce, organize, control and guarantee

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that the new balances at the lowest level be respected by everyone. At the same time, in the Mediterranean theatre, detente between East and West, should it be accompanied by a drastic reduction of the United State-Soviet Union confrontation in the area, could give new space and vigour to nationalistic temptations which at present seem checked, rather than appeased, with all the direct and indirect consequences on the stability of the area, on economy and on the development of our country. Thus, the problems regarding national interests bound to the Mediterranean continue and will most likely continue to exist and this makes it necessary to prepare a credible response which is both political and military. The threat coming from the South is exquisitely "national" and, though not alarming militarily speaking, could likewise become of great embarrassment if a crisis - deprecable but always possible should not be faced with the readiness and the efficacy required of

the Army of a developed country such as ours. According to me, the South should have an almost automatic reactive capacity, linked to an excellent intelligence service capable of updating us on the intentions of other countries and on the likelihood of critical events. Due attention must thus be paid to the South without however forgetting the priority demands of the North-Eastern Theatre where, no matter what the development of the international situation may be, its very geostrategic formation makes it a more plausible threat to the territorial integrity of the Country. In view of the above and convinced of the substantial validity of the present NATO doctrine, the Italian defensive concept and its doctrinal formulation cannot but remain faithful to the criteria of advanced defence because of the above mentioned coherence with NATO and because of the safeguard of the territory and the population of the area and because 9

capacity suited to the evolution of the international strategic situation; • in case of a further reduction of the force at arms, as unrelentingly occurs every year (this year a decrease of 16,000 men), aimed interventions in sectors of relative redundancy (central organization and logistic, administrative, school and training support) and, lastly, suppressions or contractions to cadre of certain second formation units; • gradual revaluation of the

the alternative to in-depth defence, tied to low degrees of operational readiness, to a desophistication of equipment and to organizational order of a militia type , appears to be a problem in the national context and cannot guarantee the Country an adequate security. As far as I am concerned, as responsible representative of the Army, I am firmly convinced that the tecnico-operational choices made so far have been correct and that their validity may be confirmed also as regards the future, in the medium run at least. There are, moreover, other tasks which have proved no less important: on the inside, the support in public calamities and public peace; on the outside the ability to continue to assure the role of mediation and peace which Italy has long 10

been carrying out successfully in the international field. I refer to the ever more frequent interventions that our Armed Forces - the Army in particular have been summoned to carry out to reduce tensions and favour a return to normal conditions in the many areas of conflicts still present in the world. The latter is a task which we are particularly proud of, not only for the success obtained, but because it confirms the importance of the Armed Forces as an instrument of peace and stability. If this, on the whole, seems to be the role required of the Armed Forces and, thus, of the Army of tomorrow, the programmatic lines which are at present being followed and which I shall summarize below, preserve their full validity: • maintenance of a deterrent

mobilization aimed at supplying the units concerned with arms and equipment as similar as possible to those of the existing units; • levelling the still existing functional deficiencies and carrying out the modernization projects according to the supply programmes which have long been identified, foreseeing, within the financial availability considered, a further dilution in time; • maintenance of the present term of service at least until Eastern countries and Atlantic Alliance members carry out similar substantial reductions. Another important element to be considered in advancing proposals is the financial resources available. Resources assigned our Armed Forces up to now have been very scarce, decidedly inferior to those of other Alliance member countries and it is now absolutely necessary - beyond considerations of a politico-strategic kind - to reduce them further in order to be able to keep the pace as regards technology. It is impossible to work miracles in this field . if, as it seems, the Armed Forces of tomorrow will have to continue to guarantee security by deterrence essentially, they will have to be credible and this implies resources and consent. Consent as such is no "romantic" demand; it is, instead, the necessary presupposition for findin_g resources, for a tighter functional connection with the rest of the country and for a more profitable contribution, in the operational

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field, of part of a military population which, as I have already said, seemed doomed to decrease and, at the same time, to share increasing responsibility and tasks. The above consent should not be sought by_granting what cannot, in a responsible manner, be granted; on the contrary, it should be gained through the results achieved, through transparency and constant information on what is being done and on the reasons that make it necessary.

TIIE ARMY OF TIIE YEAR 2000 The above outiline allows us to identify the particular characteristics of the Army of the year 2000, which is foreseen reduced as regards the present one and which we shall render functional and in line with the demands. On the basis of the above we may state that the operational component of the Army may be conceptually divided into three blocks of units: • Covering forces for first formation advanced defence especially in the North-East; • Forces to be completed with mobilization, to guarantee operational capacity and the necessary supply; • ready intervention forces to guarantee freedom of action and manoeuvre throughout the territory. The latter will have to have all the necessary ingredients to be readily efficient in the widest possible range of situations. I refer to the highest organizational and professional levels as well as to tactic and strategic mobility and to the quality and quantity of means and materials. In sum, the high likelihood of a reduction in quantity of the military confrontation between the two blocs, lets us believe that, should the necessary will exist, we are in a condition to adapt the Italian defensive apparatus to that of other NATO European Coun-

tries without having to add too many costs. Reduced forces may be more easily modernized with the small resources available and a suitable and gradual mobilization could give the necessary consistency to the military instrument in case of serious emergencies which may continue in time. Moreover, an improved functional link with the total potentiality of the country would give its role full credibility and greatly increase its dissuasive capacity. It must be clear however that the real reason which makes the above reduction absolutely necessary is the inadequacy of the financial resources and this not only as regards the Army, but as regards all the Armed Forces. As for the fact that a re-sized instrument must continue to correspon<l to the role our country wants to have within NATO and autonomously, is something for politicians to decide and be responsible for. Technicians, instead, will have the task of managing as best they can what has been assigned to them by precise and motivated proposals. However, the effort of the entire country, at least in terms of attention, is necessary to reach the

reduction and quality improvement of the Army. There are many sectors of intervention within the Armed Force. As regards quality, for example, we cannot continue to have the macroscopic deficiencies mentioned above. These must be removed through a general reorganization whose economy will have to concern the entire instrument and not, as in the past, almost exclusively the operational units. As regards the rational employment of human resources, it will be necessary to reduce commands, also because the present organization seems too tied up with bureacracy. The ideal would be to be able to evolve towards jointforce integrated commands, but it seems difficult to promote, in only a few years, a similar "Copernican revolution" if the structures of the Armed Force are not first simplified. At the same time, the operational units will have to be adequately strengthened in terms of personnel. At present, these units are ever more like "empty boxes" due to the gradual scarcity of the Cadres and the continuous cuts to the balanced force. I fully realize that the above provisions will be deemed highly unpopular by the following: 11

â&#x20AC;˘ the military Cadres because "routine", considered comfortable, will have to be removed and there will be less room for generals; â&#x20AC;˘ the local population, for we know very well that the reduction or elimination of commands and units uncover mutual tradition, long lasting social relations and precise economic interests. Unpopularity will further increase when technico-administrative structures are touched and it becomes necessary to cut on civilian personnel. However, there will have to be a reduction and it will have to be harmonious and functional, first on what is accessory and later on the essential and it will have not been performed in the past. Actually, we must reorganize ourselves, no matter what the present situation is, and we now seem to have the opportunity to do it in a managerial manner: structure, personnel and modernization must be re-examined in the light of the social capital available (resources) and of production (role and tasks). The Army, within the Armed Forces, is ready for this reorganization and has in fact already started it. However, it asks that, contrary to what has happened in the past, this reorganization be respected as regards principles and aims. Every choice and every sacrifice will have to be organized in view of improving the Army in a regime of economy, bearing in mind, in a harmonoius manner, the other components of the military instrument and the civilian component of the Defence rejecting all temptations of a welfare kind. In fact, the effort must aim exclusively at regaining competitivity in Europe, taking advantage of the favourable atmosphere of international detente. The above is the "project design" of the Army of the year 2000. What we can actually do to link it to present demands is to meet, as far as possible, those de12

mands whidi aim at making the military service less burdensome, well realizing however, that its "tribute-like" nature will never arise enthusiasm. I refer to regionalization, to a vaster distribution on the national territory of the onus deriving from the utilization of training areas, as well as of the advantages given by military settlements; this, possibly from a jointforce point of view. A project which is mainly aimed at seeking a higher efficiency within a severe management economy and a more direct dialogue with public opinion in order that it may feel and understand the objective needs for defence which the Army will try to satisfy with firm and responsible consistency.

CONCLUSION There is nothing basically new in the above, nor could there be: the Army, like all big organizations, needs to be changed gradually. Serious crises may otherwise ensue. The novelties, if they may thus be defined, are given by the meditated choice of two operational indications only apparently in contrast: the research of a contest and the courage to change. We are certainly not lacking in courage, but if we want it to produce effects in terms of change, it must find in the political authority and in public opinion ideas which are clear and not, as already said, instrumental oppositions bound to myriads of particular situations. Those, for example, which have perverted the nature of the Armed Force's previous attempts at a reorganization. I am sure that this logic will finally be understood, just ¡as I am optimistic over the fact that the great majority of our population will once again take on the fate of its Army as if it were its own. A mature public opinion, which looks onto environmental problems in a responsible manner, cannot remain insensitive to the problems regard-

ing the safeguard of Italy and its role in Europe and in the world . It will thus be in a position to overcome the old prejudice according to which national Armed Forces are the synonym of war and violence and will, instead, be able to relate them to the opposite idea: the defence of peace and of development. A vital objective which the Army today, and more so in the year 2000, wants to continue to safeguard in an ever more productive manner and at lower costs, to deserve the appreciation of the citizens from which it draws its most intimate reason for its existence. The signals identified at international level make us believe that the basis for the gradual reduction of the military confrontation, at least between NA TO and the \Y/ arsaw Pact, will become stronger . As regards our country, we hope that similar signals can favour the consequent evolution being carried out in the Armed Forces and in the Army in order to be able to face the demands of a long term future and not only of the year 2000. If this is understood, I am sure that our country will give us the strength it has never denied a legitimate cause. Domenico Cordone

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40 YEARS OF PEACE AND PROGRESS IN SECURITY

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The Atlantic Alliance is 4Q years old. It was officially established on 4 April, 1949 and the membership was signed in Washington by the representa tives of France, Great Britain, Belgium, Holland, Luxembourg, United States, Canada, Denmark, Iceland, Italy, Norway and Portugal, joined by Greece and Turkey in 1952, the German Federal Republic in 1955 and Spain in 1982. Created to face the tlireat of the Red Army, on a war footing behind the iron curtain, ready to launch itself against a new offensive aiming at conquering W estern Europe, the Atlantic Alliance has so far fulfilled its task of safeguarding the independence and tl1e freedom of member countries, guarantee peace and favour political consolidation and economic development in the aftermath of W odd War II. Soviet expansionism has, in fact, been blocked; war on the European continent has been avoided; independence and the democratic institutions of allied countries have been safeguarded. Europe has been experiencing the longest period of peace of its history and this has allowed the West to achieve an economic development, an accum111Ation of richness and a high, generalized and widespread degree of welfare unprecedented in his tory and having no com¡ parison with other areas of the world. Nowadays, forty years since its establishment, almost to prove its validity and vitality despite almost half a century marked by intense and rapid changes, the Atlantic Alliance seems to be on the point of achieving its essential institutional aim: a solid, s-wble and secure peace (not only that of avoiding war) by means of friendly cooperative relations and a balance of forces with the enemy coalition of States, that is with the Warsaw Pact and the leading super power, the Soviet Union.

In brief, we could say that the Atlantic Af. liance has woo the "cold war" against the Eastern bloc and wishes to consolidate this victory, not only for itself and those people who follow the principles and the ethical values of the West, but for mankind as a whole. The new Vienna negotiations on conventional disarmament in Europe, together with the Geneva negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on the 50% reduction of their respective nuclear strategic arsenals and other Geneva talks on the definite and general ban of chemical weapons, rep1·esent the historical events and the political instruments for the achievement of this aim which may be considered the final objective, for the final years of this century, of a policy carried on with great de-

their civili;,,ation, based on the principles of democracy, on individual freedom and on the sovereignty of rights, concer11ed with favouring in the region of the North Atlantic welfare and stability, determined to join their efforts towards collective defence and the upkeep of peace and security, have reached an agreement on the present North Atlantic Treaty". From the above words we understand that the Alliance member countries engage in working together in the field of foreign and military policy and join their efforts for the defence of ideal mutual values and for the stability of democracy as well as to favour the harmonious economic and social development of their peoples. To draw a balance of these last forty years we have to examine if and how the above aims have been achieved.

violence, ruining and making victims among the workers, police forces, State, authorities and "businessmen". While the Red Army was pressing at the boundaries with the West and stopping al.I attempts to free the occupied countries, demonstrators with red flags cried ''Ha da veni baffone" (The man with the big moustache is going to come", referring to Stalin's moustache), as if promising that Soviet communism would have brought welfare and prosperity to our population together with social justice and a new form of freedom which should essentially have been "freedom from need" which the "dictatorships of the proletariat'' would have guaranted to everyone. After several years when the attempts at transforming trade union fights into revolu-

THE IDEOLOGICAL VICTORY AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL STABILITY

termination and extreme coherence for four decades. Such an important anniversary must obviously be the opportunity to draw a balance, hut a balance needs to be compared with the past and with other "competitors" in order to be able to draw "omens" for the future. This is the aim of this article meant to outline the most important events and successes obtained by the Atlantic Alliance in the most varied fields and to underlitie the determining contribution to "mutual security" given by the Armed Forces of NATO dur· ing the past forty years. In this respect, we must mention the aims of the Alliance as indicated in the introduction to the North Atlantic Treaty which says: "The States taking part in the present treaty in re-confirming their belief in the aims and principles of the UNO Statute and their desire to live peacefully with all the peoples and all the governments, determined to safeguard the freedom of their people and

16

As an introduction to the survey of the successes achieved by the West which have led us to the threshold of a unique negotiation on "ideological reconciliation" with the Eastern world, of which I shall speak later on, I must mention that the challenge issued by the Soviet Union at the end of World War II to the Western countries, formerly its allies, was a global and worldwide challenge. Global, because it concerned every field of human activity, from the pure expression of thought (philosophic, religious, artistic, scientific), to the organi;,,ation of society, the production of goods, etc.; worldwide, because it extended to every corner of the planet and right into space, involving all the people in an attempt to impose a political supremacy. The inspiring principle of this challange, turned into a violent and ruthless fight and into long, cruel wars and local guerrilla warfare, was the "Marxist revolution" which should have set the world abla;,,e, free the people oppressed by capitalism or ens· laved by colonialism and destroyed Western democracies as the starting point for the establishment of communist or pro-Soviet regimes. The war between the low and the middle classes was the instrument of the revolution, according to Marx and Lenin's thcoty which believed A war between Mtn· munist and capitalist countries inevitable and a basic element of the final communist victory over the world. This fight which for the young generations may now seem more the object of historical culture than of political interest, even though some terroristic groups are still imbued with its principles, penetrated streets and squares, factories and farmlands, taking advantage of the justifiable claims of workers, in periods of greats economic difficulty which followed the destructions of war, to force the hand of governments, upset the democratic game of the parties involved and undermine institutions. It caused great upset and extreme

tionary primers in tl,e Western countries failed and Stalins' s crimes were denounced by his successors and the establishment of a new man and of "communist society" which Marx had envisaged as the last stage of the transformation process of socialism also proved a failure, the most important Western comm,mist pi1rties abandoned revolution and accepted the democratic development of society, considering waned the ideology myths. At that time many people saw in this the failure of communism (1) but not the victory of the Western ideology. Nowadays, however, the original idea of communism has little grip on the new generations and the Soviet model is believed to· tally inadequate and inefficient by the very Moscow leaders themselves and it is no longer mandatory for the other couotrie·s governed by "brother" parties. Nowadays the various Marxism based regimes are looking for ways to stimulate private enterprise, to give rise to forms of pluralism and

democracy within their trade union organizations and within political party and state bodies and study the economic structures of the West which are i.ntltated by communist or marxist countries whether aligned or not as well as by counnies having different regimes of the second and third world. We may thus state that the ideals of the West, as regards freeaom and the right of man and peoples, the independence and selfgovernment of states and economy based on free competition have won. They have prevailed in the West due to the free choice of citizens expressed by means of elections; they arc prevailing in the East and elsewhere because they are believed to be more valid and efficient, At lea~t ai; regards the recovery of the "state economies:' themsdves in severe situations of crisis, even tl1ough their politic.al leaders have not yet relinquished, o££icially at least, the creation of the "communist society" as the final objective. However, what is unique is that the idcologkal victory of the West does not hoist the colour of a single philosopltlcal or conceptual flag, because "the freedom" with the ensuing "Plurality" of ideas and parties is the basis of its thougltt, its way of being, living and letting human society live, We may tlluS speak of democratic liberalism and capitalist neoliberalism and of democratic socialism as well, convinced as we are that there is room enough for all ideas and for all forms of state and society, provided we do not try to impose one's own principles with violence and, by virtue of tl1ese principles, repress and suppttss the ideas of others. To those who miss tl1e guarateed and safe order of the past, who remember the years of fighting and of socio-political contrasts of the post-war period, it may seem strange and false to state that also for those Western European countries which had just reached democracy such as Italy, freedom had become a guarantee of stability,.' Tiiis however is true, especially if we draw a comparison with Moscow satellite countries, in so far as our system allows opposition to critici7.e and to govern when they reach the majority, permitting a smooth political transition from one leadership to another. In totalitarian regimes, however, opposition must necessary change into revolt if it wants its criticism to be heard and transformation becomes rebellion if it is not agrt:· able witl1 the leading superpower and this leads to repression and violence and bloodshedding as happened in East Germany, Poland, Hungary, C7.echoslvakia even with the "brotherly help" 0£ the allied countries' tanks. Stability in Western Europe, which is not immobility, but peaceful evolution, is also the result of a spontaneous educative process of the people and of political forces, together with the result of the substantial improvement of the standard of living and wdfare, made possible by the quick economic development.

Nowadays the people of Western Europe live in regimes of consolidated democracy where, however, all the problems of modern society have not yet been solved. However, such regimes guaranteed freedom, welfare and development and the opportunity of researching and applying the most appropriate solutions to these problems without violence and in conformity to the choice expressed by the people's will. ECONOMIC DEVEWPMENT AND SOCIAL PROGRESS

In the framework of a non declared and indirect war between the two worlds, economy has certainly been the battlefield on which the confrontation has been tlie har-

shest. The favourable result for the West, however, has opened a wider outlook of new development and new relations with the East, unthought of before. The respective ideologies also faced each other in this field, together with the opportunity of extending one's political influence to non-aligned countries and especially to developing countries in need of help, the capacity of the respective m.ilitary potentials and, finally, the future of the two empires. The Marshall Plan, proposed by the USA in 1947, which anticipated some of tlie aims and contents of the North Atlantic Treaty, as it was designed to favour the reconstruction of Europe also to put in a position to resist the internal and external pressure of Soviet communism, somehow represented the first economic " offensive" of the West. As stated by article 2 of the Treaty: "the underwriters will contribute to the development of peaceful international relations ... , G.!veloping the conditions necessary to

guarantee stability and welfare. They will make an effort to eliminate all contrast in their international economic policy and will favou.r mutual economic cooperation". Moreover, in its organizational and functional structure the Alliance has always given primary importance to the economic development of member countries, both for the contribution given by economy to security and for the fact that the citizens' welfare is a further element of cohesion and strength. In fact, economic consultation has become one of the daily activities of the national delegations which represent the respective collJl· tries within NATO even if the latter has never wanted to replace other international organi1.ations or impose a supernational will, bearing well in mind that the initiative and &ee competition of tlie single nations are considered the most useful means for economic development. Contrary to what K.rushchev had promised after his visit to the USA regarding the Soviet production which, according to him, would have exceeded that of the USA within twenty years, tbe West's market economy brilliantly faced the challenge against the centralized economy of Ma.rxist regime countries. The present total production of NATO countries is three times that of Warsaw Pact countries and even that of W/ estcrn Europe alone is far superior to that of tl1e Warsaw Pact, though the Soviet Union alone has a far greater supply of raw materials. Moreover, the Warsaw Pact countries, beaded by the USSR, continued to operate, after the end of the war, by means of a kind of war economy which favoured heavy industry and war production and it must be mentioned that military expenditure absorbed from 12 to 18% of the GNP, while for the Alliance member countries this percentage decreased to an average of 6 · 4%. Such economic choices, dictated exclusively by the political and military objectives of communist countries, obviously resulted in great sacrifice for the people and they certainly did not favour material welfare and the improvement of tlie standard of living, which remained far lower than in the West. In fact, in the last ten years tl1ere has been a slackening in the availability of consumer goods, especially as regards foodstuff, while the workers' buying capacity has had no effective and substantial increase. Moreover, the proof of the economic failure is underlined by the huge quantities of agricultural produce they have to buy from W cstcrn markets to guarantee nutrition and by tlie research, purloining and purchase of know-how in the most varied fields of production, though in certain branches of scientific research and of technological application where the politico-military interest bas achieved a concentration of efforts, the USSR is not backguard or is in tl1e vanguard. The possibilities of a further separation between East and West in the field of economic development, while new technologies and new automatic production systems gave rise 17

to an increasing development in market economy countries, convinced the leadership of the eoiwnunist world to make friendly approaches for a reconciliation with the West, to obtain the help needed to improve their depressed economies. This is exactly what happened with Krushchev's first detente and even more with Breznev's second detente which, among otller things, aimed at employing the Western and Eastern (Japan) "capitalists" financing to exploit the great potential resources of Siberia. This is what is also happening with Gorbaehev's third detente which bears the na1ne of "Glasnost" and "Perestroika". It is certainly unnecessary to insist on explaining Gorbachev's intentions in this respect, as mass media have widely spoken about them. I believe it is enough to say that he understands that a further widening of the gap between the economies of the two coalitions and the politico-social system which contend over the dominion of the world, would lead within a few decades to the fi. nal debacle of its empire, even without direct armed confrontations on the battlefield, and that to continue to destine a great amount of resources to prepare to win a world war · unproposable nowadays • is useless and dangerous. This was the reason for the change in the domestic, economic, military and international policy of the USSR and this is the mark of success for the policy and military strategy of the Atlantic Alliance. ·/

.;

~: .

(

POLITICO-MILITARY SUCCESS Though the leading character of the new course in international policy towards the reduction of the conflictuality in the areas of tension and towards a reconciliation between East and West and a controlled disarmament of the two blocs, seems to be the great comrade Gorbaehev, this event is in fact due to the policy constantly followed by tlle Atlantic Alliance. It is the policy sanctioned in 1967 by the so-called Harmel report, which may be summarized as follows: to arm only to dissuade, and negotiate to disarm. And this is what the Alliance has done so far and continues to do, with the justified hope tlu1t the result of negotiations underway and the further development of EastWest relations crown the favourable results already achieved. It is rather sensational to hear the Krem• lin leader state: • "class warfare on an international scale is no longer at the basis of the USSR's foreign policy", because the interdependence of human activities nowadays raises the problem of the survival of mankind above the interests of the single peoples; • thus, war between the communist and the capitalist world is no longer inevitable, contrary to what Lenin stated; • therefore, the Soviet military policy of

18

the past aiming at achieving a clear superiority of forces over the combined forces of the potential enemy, is no longer necessary; • the new military doctrine of the Warsaw Paet is based on the idea of a reasonable sufficiency of forces with exclusively defensive aims; • it is necessary to denuclearfae, eliminate inequalities between opposing conventional forces, reducing those that are superior to levels inferior to the existing ones and change them into exclusively defensive forces. • world public opinion was impressed when it realized that these words were accompanied by important facts such as the following: the withdrawal of forces from Afghanistan, the signing of the Treaty on the elimination of intermediate ground based nuclear missiles, the promise of a reorganization reducing the Armed Forces of the USSR and its satellite countries by about 10% as regards personnel, 20% as regards tanks and artillery and 1}% as regards fighting aircraft, together with the commitment for a total elimination of its own arsenal of chemical weapons and the effective efforts, amde together with the USA, to bring peace to the areas of war. All the above, however, corresponds to

what the countries of the Atlantic Alliance have been carrying out, demanding and proposing for years to the leaders of the Eastern bloc, without ever been taken into serious consideration, except for particular sectors and proposal from which the Warsaw Paet could draw some political or strategico-military advantage (see for example the limitation of nuclear-strategic weapons and the anti-missile defence dealt with during the Salt 1, e and AilM negotiations). H, by means of an adequate policy of security, NATO lu1d not. prevent.e d the Soviets from employing their forces or imposing their will, we would now be either slaves or destroyed. In fact, before the changes to Soviet policy made by Gorbaehev, USSR exp.ansionism and hegemonic tendencies had already suffered various deadlocks, also as the direct or indirect result of the policy of the Atlantic Alliance. In fact, the presence of the Alliance and its Armed Forces, besides preventing the Red Army's further advance into the territories of member countries and contributing to stop the attempts at subverting communism from within, implicitly guaranteed

neutral or non-aligned countries too. It gave, for instance, an indirect support to the resistance of Yugoslavia against Stalin's attempts to enthral it (1948-50) and his expectations of obedience; it implicitly favoured the separation ol Albania from the Warsaw Pact (1968); it helped in stopping the Berlin block (1949) and in preventing further attempts of that kind and stopping Yugoslavia's ambitions regarding Trieste; it gave support to Egypt when the latter decided to break its bond of friendship and cooperation with the USSR and drive advisors and Soviet ships from its territory; it has been an example for the establishment of similar defensive alliances with tasks of antiexpansionlsm of the USSR in other parts of the world (SEATO, CENTO) and represented a support for the latter; it also gave·a direct and indirect contribution to restrain the various Middle East conflicts and re-establish conditions of peace and truce, stopping the USSR's attempts at infiltrating into the area. On two specific occasions, the Atlantic Alliance stopped an intimidating manoeuvre of a nuclear threat towards the West aiming at separating America from Western Europe; tlte first, in 1962, when the Soviets tried to install their missiles in Cuba to place the big American cities under fire and thus make tl1e USA government abandon the retaliation against the USSR to defend the European allies if attacked; the second, between the late 70s and the early 80s when, by installing the SS-20, they repeated the attempt, but this time against European cities to induce Europeans to relinquish the USA umbrella. Soviet penetration, carried out with the help of war materials accompanied by the relative military advisors, has had to face increasing res.lstance in other parts of the world as well, outside the North Atlantic Treaty area, (the Horn of Africa, Austral Africa, Latin America, South East Asia). The above before the rise of Gorbachev who finally put an end to tlie invasion of Afghanistan, which had induced NATO, in protest, to interrupt the friendly dialogue an.d the economic cooperation with the USSR and the countries of the Eastern bloc. However, the greatest politico-military success is to have made the Kremlin abandon its policy of power "tout court" and negotiate on the reduction of conventional forces with intentions other tlian those of the unsuccessful previous MBFR negotiation. This was made possible for the following reasons: • the Alliance has maiotianed the initiative in the strategico-political field (Moscow often took the initiative in the tacticopolitical field) and did not withdraw from its positions nor from the request of an actual balancing of all forces at lower levels, as a guarantee of peace, though it accepted to negotiate and cooperate whenever and wherever necessary for tlte elimination of tension and the improvement of mutual relations;

• it has maintained a solid and substantial internal cohesion on the vital problems of mutual security, despite the internal crises which, in France £or example, led to the withdrawal from tlte command integrated organization (the same for Greece which later returned) and in particular it has preserverd the bond between Western Europe and the United States, whose troops located on the European soil represented the human, political and military pledge of the Washington Government to intervene in our defence in case of a conflict, even if carried out with nuclear weapons. • despite the evolution in the ratio of forces to the advantage of the USSR in the past y1::11rs, llue to its race for armaments aimed at achieving an overwhelming superiority, the military instrument of the Alliance has been made and maintained to carry out an initial conventional resistance, sufficient at least to avoid sudden ruptures of its advanced defences and by nuclear retaliation bring unacceptable damage in the event that the enemy continued to attack in order to induce him to withdraw and negotiate as provided for by the "flexible response" strategy.

With this strategy and with the above mentioned military instrument the Atlantic Alliance has succeeded in discouraging aggressive intentions and in frustrating the Soviet Union's attempts at intimidation, thus preserving peace on the Continent, the independence of the Western States and the freedom of their citizens. Italian military men too must be pround of this for our Armed Forces have given an important contribution; determining for the southern area of NATO and an absolutely necessary support for the central area. THE FUTURE OF RELATIONS BETWEEN EAST AND WEST It is yet too early to advance reliable conclusions on the new Vienna negotiation on conventional disarmament in Europe which started on March 6, 1989, with the partecipation of the countries of the two blocs as well as other neutral or non-aligned European countries. In fact, while we are almost certain that the USSR and the other Warsaw Pact countries are about to start a reorgani:,,ation which

19

will reduce their armies by means of the announced cuts in order to face die demographic deficiencies and serious economic difficulties, we have serious doubts as to whether they will be willing to make further important cuts which are actually necessary to eliminate existing disparities, as requested by NATO and as implicitly and partly admitted by the Warsaw Pact itsell by recently publishing the comparative data. • The reason for this is tliat while tbe military instrument of the Alliance was conceived to avoid war and stop it at the out• break • not to win it • it does not seem as if the Soviets bave abandoned this aim since they now state that their forces must not go below the levels established by the coalition o! the potential enemy, instead of being SU• perior as heretofore and, however, must be capable of counterattacking and destroying the eventual aggressor. At present we may make three theoretic hypotheses on the future of relations between the two blocs without however, giving indications o! differentiated probabilities, d1ough sufficiently plausible: • the end of Gorbachev's detente as already happened with Krushchev and Brez. nev with a return to the cold war and a new accelerated race for armaments. This will happen if the internal centrifugal process, favoured by "glasnost" and "perestroika" thrusts the Moscow empire into a severe crisis and makes it search for a cohesion to give new shape to the external threat of world capitalism; • a "slackened" pursuit of detente, especially as regards conventional disarmament, in case the Soviet leadership is unwilling to abandon the attained superiority, either for security reasons or because such disarmament is no longer necessary to weaken both materially and morally the At· !antic Alliance, in case its defensive power and cohesion were already compromised for internal motivations; • a quick and gradual development of det.ente and disarmament in all fields due to Gorbacliev's political will ainling at recovering Soviet economy and, in the long run, achieving the separation between Western Europe and tl1e United States. Moreover, whatever the winning hypothesis, the following must be borne in mind: even if Russia abandoned the aim of its past military policy to overwhelm NATO forces in Europe, it cannot relinquish its political and geostrategic objective to disrupt the Atlantic Alliance and impose its will on Western Europe. In view of this unchanged objective the Soviet leadership will try, despite negotiations on disarmament, to undermine the strength of the Alliance: the politico-military bond with the United States and the nuclear armament, essential instrument for dissuasion. Gorbachev's pacifist offensive aimed at convincing Western public opinion that the threat from the East has disappeared, must be placed within the above framework. it 20

would thus be no longer necessary to carry on the "force programmes" of the Atlantic Alliance as regards nuclear or conventional forces, even thougl1 established only with the ain1 of limiting the existing gap between the military power of the two blocs. The international political situation in relations between East and West has reached a point in which one can only go ahead or backwards and I believe that, if Gorbachev remains in power, we shall have to go ahead due to the USSR's present state of need. According to me the step will probably be "slowly ahead", at least for tbe next five or ten years. This because • during the dialogue between the parts and as a result of

this dialogue • the reasons for distrust and disagreement will dwindle and those for mutual trust will consolidate though the elimination of disparities between the two forces and the actual ponderal balance at lower levels wanted by NATO and Western public opinion will not be attained. However, the likelihood of a suprise at· tack will be greatly re-sized, though the USSR will maintain its capacity to develop a large scale offensive by mobilization . . CONCLUSIONS From what outlined above as regards the

¡":

future of East-West relations we may undoubtedly state that the Atlantic Alliance is in a crucial stage of transition in which, as a result of the successes achieved, the very reasons for its existence seem to fall through so that peoples and governments instinctively lower the guard, while the risks are actually still there and could suddenly spring up dramatically. Therefore, at present the greatest difficulties for the Alliance consist in "managing" d1e copious and promising results of the past, without losing security, indeed increasing it, since the latter allows to employ in the best possible way the moral, intellectual and material energies of Western democracy in or-

der to attain economic power, welfare, freedom and peace. In the competitive confrontation with tl1e East which will continue throughout negotiations on disarmament and after, it will not be enough to reduce the main elements of the enemy military power which direaten us, but we shall have to safeguard the deterntlning factors of our political and military "strength", that is solidarity between Western Europe and the United States and the availability of nuclear weapons for dissuasion. 1ÂŁ negotiations on disarmament succeed, we shall be able to change the "military strategy" of the Alliance, as already occurred

in the past, and adapt it to the new situation of ratio of forces; the above factors, however, will have to be the basic elements.

Gen. Vittorio Bernard

It is, however, a failure having a historic bearing: ideologic, s0<.'io-political and economic which made the USSR put off history examinations because, after the ackowledged untrut.hs of the past, they do not know what texts to use and maybe they do not know what to write in the new texts.

(I)

21

THE NEGOTIATION ON

CONVENTIONAL FORCES IN

EUROPE

22

On March 9 NATO and the Warsaw Pact gave rise in Vienna to the Negotiation on Conventipnal Forces_)n Europe .(CFE) which aims at lowering the level of the military confrontation on the Europeaq continent by acting on the conventional forces of the blocs.stationed there. The 11ew Negotiation sanctions th~.actual failure of the previous one on Mutual and Balanced Force Reductions (MBFR) which for 15 years unsuccessfully pursued the same objective in the area of Central Europe with the participation of a more limited number of countries of the two sides. In the following pages the main problems and outlook of the new Negotiation are examined on the basis of what may be perceived from the initial stages. THE «MANDATE» The Negotiation on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe is carried out on the basis of a mandate agreed upon among participants during the preparatory stage. This mandate indicates the objectives of the Negotiations, the methods to reach them, the forces concerned and the area of application of future agreements. Objectives are the following: • to strengthen stability and security in Europe; • to eliminate disparities which may jeopardize stability and security; • to give priority to the efimination of the capacity of attacking by surprise and carrying out large scale offensive actions. These objectives must be achieved by means of the following: • the establishment, at levels lower than the present ones, of a firm and safe balance of conventional Armed Forces; • the application of militarily important measures such as reductions, limitations, redeployment, equal ceilings and co-related provisions; • the gradual introduction of agreements in order that the security of -each participant be guaranteed at all stages; • the severe and efficacious use of verifications. The area of application of the above negotiation includes the Eui::opean territory which lies between the Atlantic Ocean and the Ural Mountains, including the European insular territories of the participants. The forces concerned are those based in the above mentioned area belonging to participants. Thus the forces of the two hlocs located outside the area as well as the nuclear, naval and chemical forces whereever located are excluded. The mandate is the result of almost two years' negotiations among tf1e parts and is a compromise among often very distant positions. Compared to the mandate for the MBFR negotiation it seems remarkably more binding; in fact the general aim of the MBJlR negotiation was to contribute to more stable relations and to the strengthening of peace and security in Europe. As for the methods, it was decided that the agreements

to be reached were to conform to the principle of a non-diminished security of the parts. The new negotiation thus seems to stem from .more solid grounds and this, together with the fact that it involves directly all the countries of the two Alliances, seems to give it more chances of success. It must be mentioned, however, that certain Western participants arc not "easy" and have particular demands. Moreover, in the MBPR, NATO delegates negotiated as an Alliance coordinated by the Atlantic Council; in the new negotiation each Nation maintains its individuality and even if we can perceive that NA TO is carrying out some form of coordination, the unity of opinions shown by the West during the MBFR could sometimes be in danger. As regards the Warsaw Pact, the Soviet leadership which had always been clear within the MBPR negotiations will probably be affected by the openings under way in tlle Eastern world and we cannot exclude the rise of national positions apt to break the previous monolitism. Apart from the above, however, the new Negotiation has had to face a series of problems which, according to the MBFR ex-

perience, could block it right from the start or binder its path sine die. AREA OF APPLICATION The area of application of the negotiation is formed by the European territory fixed to the West by the Atlantic Ocean and to the East by the Ural Mountains, by the Ural river and by the Caspian Sea; the land of Franz Joseph, the New Zemlja and the European islands are also included. The Asian territory of Turkey is only partially included; the boundary area of Iran, Iraq and Syria have been enucleated from the area of application because this area, though unimportant for the military balances in Europe is, however, important for the security of Turkey as regards to those States which will not participate to future agreements (1). One of the crucial subjects discussed during the MBFR negotiation somehow also applies to the new negotiation and that is the one known as the geographical factor. In the MBPR American and Canadian forces with-

German counterair self-propelled tank «Gepard».

23

USA artillery men getting ready to load their M102 .105mm light howitzer. drawn from Central Europe had to return beyond the Atlantic, British forces beyond the Atlantic, British forces beyond the Channel, Soviet Forces to the East of the Czechoslovakian-Polish boundary; according to the new negotiation American and Canadian forces should retreat as above, Soviet forces beyond the Urals. For the Europeans the situation has certainly improved. The improvement, however, does not concern the substance as the main military potential of tbe Warsaw Pact is still on tbc Euro-Asian continent and the chances of it being re-introduced are much greater than those of getting NorthAmerican reinforcements. For the Western World the improvement regards tl1e possibility for the East to carry out consistent large scale surprise and offensive actions: such operations, in fact, require a previous flow towards the West of second and third echelons fron the rear regions of tl1e Soviet Union and this conld not be unobserved and would demand much more time than the one allowed by the old MBFR area in Central Europe.

INITIAL AND FINAL DATA ON THE FORCE The problem on data regarding forces present in the area of the Negotiations has for years tormented the life of MBFR: the Soviets have never accepted NATO estiâ&#x20AC;˘ mates for Central Euwpe (190.000 men more for the Warsaw Pact) holding that in tl1ls area there is a rough equality of forces

24

FORCES FROM THE ATLANTIC TO THE URALS (Rough figures)

NATO ESTIMATES (1) NATO Ground Forces Tanks Armoured vehicles Artillery

2,214,000 16,500

WARSA\VI PACT 3,090,000 51,500

39,500 14,500

93,500 43,500

\VIARSA\VI PACT NATO

2,115,000 30,500 47,000 57,000

ESTIMATES WARSA\VI PACT 1,823,000 59,500

70,000 71,500

(1) Only materials distributed to the units are reckoned. If we consider materials in stores figures increase for NATO by 5,800 tanks, 8,135 armoured vehicles aod 2,870 pieces of artillery; the stocks of the Warsaw Pact arc not wcll known, but are estimated much higher.

of the two blocs. To overcome this deadlock, Western negotiators put the issue aside and decided to repropose it at another time, but this has not as yet happened and the problem is still unsolved. A similar problem came up in the new Forum. Many new countries and further consistent forces have entered into negotiations: Spain, Portugal, France, Denmark, Norway, Italy, Greece and Turkey for NATO; Hungary, Bulgaria, Rumania for the Warsaw Pact. Accordfog to NATO estimates, Western forces to be reckoned have increased by about 1,500,000 men; Eastern Nations and the metropolitan territory of the Soviet Union l1ave added 2,200,000. On the whole, the West which was already inferior in the MBFR area, is at a further disadvantage in the territory from the Atlantic to the Urals and the difference with the Warsaw Pact is about 900,000 men. The same is as

regards armaments. The unilateral withdrawal of 50,000 men from the German Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia and Hungary (6 armoured divisions and 5,000 tanks) started a few months ago, represents a decrease of ahont. 2096 of the Superior Soviet Units in Central Europe but does not make up for the existing differences. Neither will the reduction foreseen within the next two years, of 500,000 men (240,000 in Europe and the rest in Asia), 10,000 tanks and 8,500 pieces of artillery announced by Gorbachev in December 1988. These reductions, in fact, do not affect the strategical potential of the Warsaw Pact and do not jeopardize the Soviet Union's capacity of carrying out large scale offensive actions. At the end of last January, tl1e German Democratic Republic decided to reduce its

Armed Forces by 10,000 men and 600 tanks within two years; Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland will do the same and the withdrawal of some Soviet units located on Polish territory cannot be excluded. This is a re-sizing of the Warsaw Pact forces which appears aimed at transformirtg, in a reductive sense, the image of power of the Eastern bloc before the new Negotiation starts dealing with numerical data. This indirectly confirms the fact that Western estimates are not very far from tile truth; for Nato therefore the gap regarding forces located on the European continent is in favour of the Warsaw Pact which will continue to be superior to the West even after the announced withdrawals. This means that in order to reach an equality of forces the reductions to be considered by the new Negotiation cannot be equal. How can we quantify the present basic differences? This is no simple answer: the MBFR negotiation has come to a deadlock to define the system of control of the initial data. The first step should be the exchange of inforJnation on the existing forces and the opportunities of verifying them in order to achieve acceptable results. Comrade Gorbachev officially declared himself ready to do this; thus this is not the problem as the willing to exchange information also during tile MBFR negotiation; the real obstacle is the subsequent step as the proof of the accuracy of data requires the willingness to supply them demultiplieated to the level of unit which may be controlled without a margin of error and also requi.res tl1e unconditioned acceptance of on-site verifications, It is not at all certain whether tl1e eastern side is now ready for an opening which it has always refused in the previous negotiation. Moreover, what data would be exchanged and verified? That of all the components of Ille military instrument or ooly the more important ones, that is that of tf1e potentially more dangerous components? According to the West tanks, transport armoured vehicles and artillery are considered dangerous. The counter-part, however, does not agree with tliis and has vented the problem of other kinds of armaments and materials and particularly that of tJ1e air and naval forces. However, granted that an agreement is reached on the kind of data to be exchanged and that the exchange takes place, the £of. lowing stage would be, as already mentioned, the verification of the figures supplied by the parties concerned as each Alliance will surely have its own estimates on tl1e enemy forces which will not coincide wit1l t1le data submitted. This too is no small problem. For instance, let us consider having to verify 1,500 tanks and having to to this so that the result be indisputable.

USA combat tank M.lA1 «Abram» armed with 120 mm smoothebore gun.

Tbe operation would require the almost contemporary presence of inspectors in scores of barracks located between Udine and Capo Teulada, inspections in the training areas, in plants, depots and factories. The order of battle of armoured units should virtually be made known in all its particu• lars and the entire national territory should be opened to verifications. If we consider bigger countries such as the Soviet Union for example, verifications would require an unacceptable length of time and operations of verification would be almost unproposable as they would concern figures amounting to millions as regards personnel and thousands as regards materials. And what if at the end figures turn out to be wrong? This is possible because we know that NATO estimates published in Decem• ber 1988 did not coincide with those of the Warsaw Pact published in January 1989. The gap may be due to different methods of reckoning, but an agreement on these methods may also be an obstacle which cannot be overcome. As things now stand, some people believe that basic differences could be ignored and more attention should be paid to the final data: in other words, we should aim only at controlling the forces that each bloc must

have at the end of the reduction process and, as regards the initial data, carry out a few sample verifications on values supplied by the counterpart. In his closing speech at the CSCE Soviet Foreign Minister, Shevardnadze, recommended not to lose time with the basic data and long debates on the methods and classes of arms, since the aim of the Negotiation is the final level and not the initial one. "Arithmetic - he added should not become an obstacle to politics", This idea has supporters also in the West as tliese believe that this would avoid a deadlock suck as the one which arose during the

MBFR. In fact, the idea of starting reductions "in

the dark" is rather puzzllng. Some people point out that the control of the final data may give rise to the same difficulties as that regarding the initial data and the risk could be that of starting reductions without being sure of being able to check results. Supporters of the procedure "without data". However, sustain that by that time the forces to be controlled will be greatly inferior and, what is more, the after-agreement system of verification would be applied which, as we shall explain later, the West wants very binding.

Which data are Right? Pigures of the previous tab.le are drawn from the publication "CJassical Porces in Europe facts", published by NATO in December, 1988 and from estimates of the Warsaw Pact of January 1989. These figures do not coincide with those of other sources, especially with those of the London International Institute for Strategic Studies which has always been considered an authority on the subject. In the 1988 Military Balance the Institute gives the following figures for the active ground forces located between the Atlantic and the Urals.

Personnel Tanks Armed armoured vehicles (calibre 20mm) Artillery

NATO

WARSAW PACT

2,340,000 22,200

2,143,000 53,000

6,200 10,600

23,600 36,000

EQUAL REDUCTIONS, ASYMMETRICAL PERCENTAGES

J

As regards the old MBFR negotiation the new area of reduction of the forces is vaster and better defined; here too it is a question of finding solutions which will guarantee that during the entire process of withdrawals and that at its conclusion the security of the parts be assured or at least not compromised, that is die possibility of defending oneself and the impossibility of attacking with high chances of success. To obtain this result the MBFR negotiation provided that the total ceiling of the forces of each bloc be of 900,000 men and this was to he ot.Ained through a aeries of balanced reductions of present forces. In the Budapest Appeal of June 1986, Gorbachev proposed a reduction of about 2.5 % of the forces of the two parts. This proposal seems to stem from the implicit idea that the military balance in Europe already exists and puts forth solutions of a linear and symmetric kind which do not at all take into account the present inequalities and the limitations inevitably imposed by the geographic situation of the two blocs. In sunm, give an example, the impact of a 2.5% reduction of the Western German Soviet paratroopers getting ready to embark on a !liushin II 76 transport aircraft

26

forces cannot be compared to the same reduction of Rumanian forces. In the same way a 2.5% reduction of the tanks of the two blocs assigned to tl1e operational units would take NATO from the present 16,424 to 12,318 and the Warsaw Pact from 51,500 ro 38,62.5 (Western estimates); the gap would pass from 35,076 to 26,307 tanks: this decrease attenuates the imbalance, but does not cancel it. Such an approach to the problem is thus not in line with the aims of the West whose primary objective is not the mere reduction of the forces of the two blocs, but the achievement of a balance centred on the elimination of the existing inequality. Symmetrical and linear reductions, the same or of the same percentages - suck as those proposed by the Soviets in Budapest and stated during the Moscow meeting between Reagan and Gorbachev in May 1988 - put the West at a disadvantage and do not favour stability. The coming negotiation, therefore, will have to continue to insist on the fact that mentioned without success during the MBFR negotiation - the geographical factor and the conventional superiority of the Warsaw Pact imply that the balance may be achieved only by means of asymmetrical reductions. In principle this has also been acknowledged by the Soviets, but in Vienna, during negotiations, they declare that asymmetries are not only against the West: data supplied by the Warsaw Pact on the main classes of arms of the two blocs give, true enough, an Eastern superiority as regards t.a nks, artillery and armoured vehicles, but not as regards antitanks, aircraft

and helicopters. Generally speaking there are other asymmetries in military potentials according to which the West has a greater capacity as regards human resources, technology and industrial productivity. The new area of reduction from the Atlantic to the Urals includes the part of the USSR with the greatest concentration of fighting units; together witli these, however, there is a great number of training units, logistic bases, depots, schools, support units of all kinds. These structures also have armoured vehicles, cannons and various armaments, but as they are not fighting units they may not be included in an agreement centred on forces capable of attacking; moreover, thls also holds tr ue ÂŁor the USA. However, it is easily understood that in case of an emergency all the above may quickly be turned into fighting units and thus be added to peacetime operational units. Many Western European Nations have plans to this effect and so do the United States and Canada, but, as usual, in terms of danger, having logistic bases and training units on the Soviet territory is something quite different from having them on the American continent. This, therefore, should be another of the asymmetries to be considered and the coming negotiation will have to f111d solutions not only as regards advanced and ready employment forces and the relative materials, but also as regards remaining forces.

COJ.LECTIVE CETI.,ING, INDIVIDUAL CEU,ING Once the global level to which forces in Europe must be reduced and maintained has

CONCENTRATION OF TANKS (Western proposals)

11,}00 tanks pet ;;de

10,300 tanks pet aide

,,, I

,, been established, we must decide whether this is on a collective basis, that is for the whole of the Nations, or whether individual sub-ceilings must he set for each Nation. In the first case we could theoretically reach the ceiling with forces of a single Nation, for example solely with American and Soviet forces eliminating those of all the other allies. In the second case, the two Alliances could make up for the reductions of a country by increasing the forces of another, but only upto the individual ceiling allowed for each Nation. During the MBFR negotiations, the Soviets were in favour of an individual ceiling and the reason considered at the basis of this position is that the individual ceiling permits to maintain a precise limit to the forces of Federal Germany, rightly or wrongly considered by the Warsaw Pact as the most dangerous among Western forces. We may thus believe that this attitude will be followed by the East also during the coming negotiation. The individual ceiling is clearly to the disadvantage of NATO as it does not allow any

flexibility. Western countries are totally self. sufficient and the Atlantic Alliance does not have the monolitic structure that character17.es the Eastern bloc. Thus, if a Western country autonomously decides to vary the consistency of its Armed Forces in peacetinie or, as already happened in France, to exit from the military structure 0£ the Alliance, the other countries must be able to balance this situation by making the appropriate variations to their forces.

The problem is greatly felt by W estem Germans as well as by the Turks who believe themselves to be more directly subject to the threat and thus aim at maintaining the rigllt to increment their defences i£ for some reason tlieir allies should reexam.ine the con• sistency of forces put at the disposal of NATO. However, the need to avoid individual ceilings does not agree with the need to limit the presence of Soviet forces in Europe which, at present, form about 2/3 of the Warsaw Pact forces and most certainly the most battle trained part. Thus, for its security .the West must put limitations to the lo-

cation of Soviet units West of the Urals so that these do not exceed the American ones. This way too the agreement would not be in favour of NATO as regards the problem of withdrawn Soviet units which still remain close to the Urals. Here, however, we shall have to face another important problem: if we truly aim at a kind of equality between American and Soviet forces in Europe we shall have to solve the equation o{ blllancing 216,000 Americans and their 1,800 tanks, 6,550 armoured vehicles and 11,000 guns and 2,200,000 Soviets, 37,000 tanks, 64,000 armoured vehicles and 33,000 guns. 1£ we ex• clude an increase in American forces, the simplest solution could be (and will probably have to be) that of an updated edition 0£ the area of MBFR reduction, elated to the central part of Europe, in which the Soviet presence were greatly reduced; in Europe as a whole, from the Atlantic to the Urals, we should establish a NATO • Warsaw Pact balance. This is a decisive item of the new Negotiation as the danger for stability is not, or not

27

A marine enganged in aiming with an antitank 1'0W m issile system. only, in the degree of strength, but in the huge superiority of the Soviet Union as regards all the other European states and in the advanced location of this superiority. It is here that the new Negotiation will have to guarantee radical changes, taking advantage of the favourable times which see, on the one side, Gorbachev engaged on the domestic front to reduce military committruents in bis country and, on the other, several countries of the communist area intent on decreasing the Soviet presence on their territories. REDUCTIONS AS REGARDS MEN, REDUCTIONS AS REGARDS MATERIALS When speaking of degrees of strength, the problem of armaments arises. There is, obviously, a certain relationship between men and materials: during the MilFR negotiation Westerners privileged men on the basis of tl1e principle that they employ means and materials; the negotiation on medium range nuclear weapons (INF) was centred on materials as the destructive capacity of the latter made the men that employed them almost negligible.

28

According to Westerners the new Negotiation must privilege armaments for several reasons: means and materials may be counted - and, what is more, they may be controlled more easily than men - the offensive capacity of a modern army is based essentially on means and, lastly, they create less negotial problems because they avoid tricky issues such as which men to count (military forces, para-military forces, in training, fighting, support, ground, air units, naval infantry, etc.) which have for many years blocked the MilFR negotiation. However, reference to means and equipments represents an undeniable danger for NATO: thefr witlidrawal from the area of reductions highly aÂŁÂŁects quick mobility capacity and the possibility of reinforcing the West, but does not greatly affect tl1e capacity of the East which will benefit from ground communication paths. To balance this disadvantage, NATO has the advantage that the Warsaw Pact has a ratio tanks/men and artillery/men superior to that of NATO and thus it is better for the West to balance tanks and guns as well as soldiers. However, when speaking of materials the problem becomes more complicated because there is a need to define materials which will be the object of negotiations: as already mentioned, tanks, artillery and armoured vehicles should undoubtedly be dealt with, but we shall have to agree on how to

compare tliem because they do not have the same characteristics. Moreover, it seems that the Soviet Union has no intention of stopping at this and also wants to include arm systems in which, it states, NATO is superior in number; besides, it has no intention of omitting its personnel. SYSTEMS WITH A NUCLEAR CAPACITY However, the reduction of materials means entering the field of double and triple capacity weapons. Missiles, artilleries, aircraft, mines and probably certain kinds of tanks have a metaconventional capacity. NATO is set on reducing artilleries and thus guns having a nuclear capacity would not be excluded, but for the other systems the problem is more co.tnplicated. As regards tactical missiles, it is possible that their reduction/eliru.ination will be considered, at least as far as the Eastern part is concerned. In this respect, however, opinions differ greatly within NATO. Some consider them unacceptable for they will inevitably strike the " friendly" territory, otl1ers consider them absolutely necessary as they arc the only ground missiles in the West capable of carrying out the flexible response strategy, the only one that can make tl1e risks of an attack, though only conventional, incalculable in advance.

Hal way between these two thesis we have those who believe in the opportunity of a negotiation dealing with "medium range" missiles, but only once a balance will have been established 11nd stability in the conventional field guaranteed. In fact, under such circumstances deterrence would be implied in tl1e facts as no attack could have much chance of success. The debate on tactical missiles, however, comes after the drafting of the preparatory agreements of the new conference. In the mandate drafted in February the problem of double capacity was solved by the agreement that no conventional armament or equipment will be excluded from the uegotiation for the fact that it may have other capacities besides the conventional ones. By this agreement, reached after difficult mediations, the idea of the so-called constructive ambiguity was adopted. This does not exclude or include any multiple capacity system and thus leaves the problem open to negotiations. However, as tactical mjssiles arc nuclear systems having a conventional capacity, despite the altitude 0£ some Eastern Representatives, the thesis that sucli systems arc .excluded from the CEE Negotiation seems to prevail in Vienna and thus they will not be dealt with here. However, despite this tacit agreement, the Easterners have no intention of yielding as regards the third double capacity system: the aircraft. AIR FORCES To say the truth, Westerners showed no ambiguity as regards air forces. Even if in an extet1Sive interpretation of the mandate the term "ground based conventional

Tupolev Soviet bomber · Tu 142 «Bean>.

forces" are not embarked, the West clearly let us understand that it does not consider air forces the prioritarian subject of the Negotiation. In fact, in the present situation of great conventional and nuclear imbalance between NATO and the Warsaw Pact in Europe the air component is an essential ele• ment for the defensive strategy of the Atlantic Alliance. In their conventional form fighter bombers are at present the sole Western weapon capable of beating concentration of forces trained for supprise attacks. In their nuclear form they are, even more than tactical missiles, a basic element of deterrence as they are the only long t.Ange ai,craft belonging to the West after the elimination of Pershing and Cruise following the INF negotiation. Moreover, as the Negotiation is centred on large scale offensive operations the air component is not part of this priority as it is insufficient to invade and maintain the territory. Besides, because of their mobility from the Atlantic to the Urals - they are not easily counted: their reduction means redeploying them beyond the Urals as regards the East and beyond the Atlantic as regards tl1e West and this would be to the disadvantage of the West because of the greater distance. It must also be borne in mind that the Soviets have no intention of negotiating on all the aircraft but only on those considered as capable of "attacking tactical aviation"; this definition should indicate the aircraft suited to carry out ground attack missions and £or this very reason, capable of carrying out offensive operations against ground forces !Ind thus an integrating part of the destabilizing potentials that the CFE negotiation intends to limit. The above, however, would include almost all Western aircraft - which in general have a multiple role - against a small number of aircraft belonging to the

Warsaw Pact; this because a great number of Eastern aircraft is allotted to counterair defence organizations, that is to counterair tasks which, for the Easterners, is part of the defensive potential and not of tlte attack potential. It is obvious that the East must reexamine this unnatural definition of the aircraft because the existing possibility of reconverting aircraft easily makes their role interchangeable. H an agreement is reached on this issue and there is a favourable trend of the Negotiation as regards other systems at issue, the West is ready to negotiate on tltis component as well and though it will not accept a dangerous drastic reduction it will certainly consider a rebalance to levels inferior to the present ones. This, of course, would only regard "groundbased" aircraft. NATO'S POSITION IN THE NEW NEGOTIATION The declared aim of the Negotiation - it is necessary to repeat it to better focalize the above - is to eliminate the more destabilizing imbalances and radically reduce the chances of surprise attacks .and large scale offensive operations. For the West this means carrying out balanced reductions - and thus asymmetrical given the present disparity of forces - designed to lead to lower equal levels as regards ground weapons of an offensive type and, that is, as regards those arms systems which due to their firing power, mobility and protection have attacking and invading capacities. According to Nato the agreement must thus be centred on those components of the military instrument which are determining for the occupation and maintenance of the territory. Such components have been individuated in tanks, armoured vehicles, ar-

29

EASTERN PROPOSALS - RANGES OF CONTACT

1111

NATO Range Warsaw Pact Range

. ---:.

,

,,

I

- \

tilleries and tbe forces employing them, especially those deployed on advanced positions. As tbe Warsaw Pact, and markedly the Soviet Union, is at present far superior as regards the above materials, reductions must aim at eliminating this superiority heavily a£. fccting tbe present Eastern military supplies, especially those of the Soviet forces. Let us make a practical example, that of tbe tanks. NATO asks for the global limit of these means in Europe to be set at 40,000 units which include tanks allotted to operational units and those presently designed for any other use (at present there are 68,000 tanks in tbe operational units, 51,500 of the Warsaw Pact and 16,500 belonging to the Atlantic Alliance). None of the 23 countries taking part in tbe Negotiation must be in a condition to threaten the others with large scale offensive operations and thus no Nation may have more than 30% of the total, that is more than 12,000 tanks (USSR has 37,000 at pre.s ent and is the only Nation to exceed this

30

limit; within NATO the FRG has the greatest number 0£ tanks, but this figure is well below the limit as it amounts to 4,300 tanks). To prevent a rear country to deploy its tanks in an advanced position - which would thus represent a threat - the means of each Alliance located outside the national boundaries in active units must not exceed 3,200 units (at present Western tanks located in countries different from. the ones they belong to are about 3,500 while Eastern tanks - which are virtually only Soviet are more than 11,000). However, despite such limits, both NATO and the Warsaw Pact could locate a high number of tanks towards the Line of contact in Central Europe and this would still make surprise attacks and offensive operations possible. The West thus demands that: • of the 20,000 tanks allowed to each Alliance, only a certain percentage be kept in the employment departments; • from the Atlantic-Ural area be enucleated three sub-zones with a decreasing concentration 0£ tanks where the means d is-

tributed to tbe active units of each side do not exceed certain set values. The solution outlined as regards tanks, clearly indicates the kind of approach the West intends to follow during the new Negotiation; as regards other arms systems percentages are different, but the basic philosophy remains the same. It is obvious that as regards tanks, and other materials, reductions would not greatly alfect the for·ces 0£ NATO countries but would be very important as regads tl1e Soviet Union. However, tbe elimination of asymmetries is the ftrst aim of the Negotiation and, inevitably, is the price to be paid to reach a really convincing stability. Indeed, due to the fact that stability is not only a reduction of forces to same level, but also the guarantee that the levd is not exceeded and that the residual forces are not a threat, the West demands a series of additional conun.ittments and so-called measures of stabilization aiming at reducing the capacity of a rapid reinforcement and concentration of the units and increasing the

Soviet Navy riflemen disembarking from BRDM2 armoured vehicles. chances of foreseeing eventual threats. In particular, given that the parts concerned must inform yearly on the number of tanks supplied to the units upto battallion level and notify changes to such values, the following must be agreed upon during the Negotiation: • measures of transparency, notification and limitation regarding the deployment, movements and state of operational readiness of the units, as well as regards the stocking of materials; • procedures of verification of the agreement, including the right to carry out on site inspections; • clauses aiming at preventing circumvention of engagements and, in particular, avoiding that the redeployment of the forces withdrawn from a region may negatively af. fcct the security of other regions; • possible exceptions to perform high level exercise, In the long run, if all the above was achieved, NATO could consider further reductions as well as the reorganization of residual units in order to limit offensive capacities drastically. THE POSITION OF THE WARSAW PACT For the Easterners, the most destablizing armaments - to be thus considered during the Negotiation - arc the attack aircraft of tactical aviation, tanks, fighting 11clicopters, armoured vehicles, artillery, multiple rocketlaunchers and mortars: personnel must also be considered. The agreement must develop in three stages in the span of nine years, During the first stage (between 1991 and 1994) imbalances and asymmetries now existing between the two blocs must be eliminated; forces and armaments must be reduced to a ceiling about 10-1.5% lower than the minimum level now belonging to one or the other of the two Alliances. In order to prevent surprise attacks two "ranges of contact" must be enucleated from the Atlantic-Ural area, These include Central Europe and the remaining regions of the continent where the two blocs face each other. In these t'\Vo ranges the most, dcstablizing weapons ha~e to be withdrawn, reduced or limited and military activities must be proportionally frozen. The second stage of the agreement (1994-1907) sees a futhcr joint 25% reduction of forces and armaments as well as reductions in those classes of arms not considered in the first stage. In addition, the remaining forces would be reo.rganized according to the principle of the so-called "defensive Jlllfficiency'' that is in a number that would only guarantee defence. In the third stage (1997-2000) reduction and reorgani1.ation of forces are scheduled

in order to make them unsuitable for an attack and capable only of defensive actions. With reference to tanks and as regards to NATO proposals mentioned above, we notice the following: • the Western global limit of 20,000 tanks on each side bas been accepted (there is no disagreement even as regards the number of armoured vehicles); • as regards the area of Central Europe - which, except for ilungary, coincides with the solution of the West - the ceiling of tanks is equal to 8,700 units (against the 8,000 proposed by NATO); • the highest number of tanks a Nation may have is 14,000 units (against ·the 12,000 requested by the West); • tanks located outside the country of origin cannot he more than 4,500 (3,200 for the West). Eastern proposals do not exclude an initial exchange of data on the force, on the basis of agreed parameters, which may be followed by a series of verifications to make sure of their truthfulness, In any case, during the reducing process and at the end of it a series of verifications must be carried out based on one side "by right" inspections and the use of any means of verification based on tl1e ground, in the air or in the stratosphere. Roughly speaking the philosophy of the Warsaw Pact does not seem too far away from that of the West as it favours the means and aims at climating imbalances; it also bears in mind the need for solutions which may be different according to the area and suitable verifications for each stage of the agreement, The only serious disagreement concerns the kind of armaments to be considered which include systems which the West does not want, for the moment, to deal with and the issue of personnel which must be included in the reckoning. The Negotiation on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe has started in an atmosphere of optimism, nourished by the out• look of Gorbachev's new course, by the progress of negotiations on strategic weapons

(START) and on chemical weapons and, above all, by the success obtained in Vienna by the Conference on European Security and Cooperation (CESC). Thus, the favourable international situation and the direct participation of all the Countries of the two blocs - together with the involvement of neutral and non-aligned countries provided for in the mandate - lead us to believe that the new negotiation may hope to achieve the success which the MBFR lacked. Moreover, it seems that also in the East there is a widespread belief that in the present European historical stage peace cannot be based on military strength and that there are no alternatives to the reduction of military potentials. If the new level of stability were based on the present NATO level of forces and on a reorgani1.ation of the Soviet potential the West could consider it a success; this result could be a sort of guarantee against increase in future military budgets, All participants are responsible for the achievement of the objectives of the Negotiation, but we cannot ignore that the attitude of the Great Powers will be determining; during the drafting of these notes (end of May) in Vienna there is a widespread convinction that a short term agreement must be reached, This may be seen from the acceptance hy the Soviet Union of many ceilins proposed by the West as regards several systems and, likewise, from the American willingness to reduce the USA contingent in Europe and negotiate on the limitations of the air forces. Since 1945 conventional forces have swallowed up money and men; it is by reducing these, more than by missile arsenals, that America could cancel its budget deficit and the Soviet Union find the resources it needs to improve the fate of its people.

Gen. Mario Sardo (1) The definition of the territory r:o be excluded from the agreements has given rise to a Greek-Turkish contentious. In fact, in the indicated area, Turkish forces will nor be subject to limitations and Greece believes this could affect rhe nearby island of C yprus.

31

THE MEETING ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE

CONCLUSION OF THE VIENNA REVISION MEETING OF THE c.s:-c.E. On 19 January, 1989 the Vienna Revision Meeting of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) eventually came to an end; a few days earlier, on 10 January, the parallel Consultations for the Mandate for the new negotiation on conventional Armed Forces in Europe, had also ended. At this point one naturally wonders in what measure these events affect the subject of military security.

For a better understanding of the importance of what ocurred in the Austrian capital it is absolutely necessary to recall some essential precedents. The starting point of tbe entire process of tbe CSCE is tbe Helsinki Final Act, undersigned in August, 197.5 by 3.5 Governments and precisely by all the countries of Europe, excluding Albania, plus tbe United States and Canada. In Helsinki it was established to summon periodic meetings for "Revision and/or Follow Through", with the double task of making sure the provisions of the Final Act are applied correctly and decisions taken (tl1e so-called "Mandates") on the future developments of the CSCE process. Meetings of this kind have been held in Belgrade (1977-78), Madrid (1980-83) and in Vienna preci~ely (1986-89). The Madrid meeting, one of the most important stages of the pt0cess, had decided on summoning, as a "sub-follow-through" the "Conference on confidence building measures and security an on Disarmament in Europe (CDE)", advancing its division into two different stages: â&#x20AC;˘ 1st stage, regarding the adoption of a set of measures aiming at confidence building and security {CSBM); â&#x20AC;˘ 2nd stage, to be defined during a future follow-through meeting taking account of the results achieved in the first stage, regarding conventional disarmament in Europe (1). The Vienna Meeting, opened on 4

34

November, 1986, under the best of omens and highest expectations mirroring the atmosphere of detente now present in East/West relations, gradually came to a stanstill due to remarkable differences of opinion, and thus of negotial positions, of the tbree attending parties, that is NATO, the Warsaw Pact, {WP) and Neutral and Non-Aligned countries (NNA). The standstill concerned all sectors of the CSCE (1st basket: "Principles and Military Security"; 2nd basket: "Economy"; 3rd basket: "Human Rights"), but was particularly marked on the subject of military security, since this was the most delicate subject, hard to compromise on. In tliis respect, I here wish to summarize the initial standpoints of the three deployments. The Warsaw Pact wanletl â&#x20AC;˘hove all to modify the so-called Madrid mandate so as to consider, after the Vienna conference, two parallel military negotiations with the participation of all 3.5 CSCE States, and precisely tlie continuation of negotiations on security and confidence building measures (CSDM) and the start of a megotiation on the reduction of armaments. In other words, tbe Eastern Bloc championed the i.nlmediate passage to the second stage {disarmament) of the CDE. As regards the confidence building measures, it was in favour of a set of provisions which were decidedly new as compared witb the Stockholm ones and included, besides other things, a regulation

"Austria Center Vienna" Seat where the CSCF, was held and concluded regarding independent air and naval areas. As for NATO, though taking into account the Madrid mandate, believed that the time had not yet come to proceed to the second stage (CDE) since the negotiation on security and confidence building measures started in Stockholm could not be considered ended and tliere was still a long way to go. Westerners too wanted to continue the after Vienna with two negotiations but these had to be completely independent one from the other and precisely one among the J.5 CSCE State to detail and extend the measures adopted in Stockholm and tl1e other, different from the CSCE and limited to the 23 members of the two milita.ry Alliances (plus France), aiming at rebalancing the conventional weapons of the two Dlocs, As regards the substance of the security and confidence building measures, NATO strongly opposed the discipline of naval and air activities considered potentially prejudicial to a vital interest of the Alliance, that is the liberty to receive reinforcements from beyond the Atlantic. Neutral and Non-Aligned countries, though not succeeding in forming a solid and unitarian front, seemed unanimous in tl1e mutual desire to be markedly involved in the future negotiations on conventional weapons, in respect of which though all

agreed to the exclusion thereof of their own forces - they wanted to maintain the right to have their say (the so-called "droit de regard" of the NNA on the "23"). In view of the above we must mention that on 17 February, 1987, the Consultations among_ the 23 member countries regarding the mandate on conventional stability were started in Vienna. TI1e 23 countries of the two Alliances started special negotiation on conventional stability in Europe (or disarmament as the Warsaw Pact held). The above talks were held in a constructive climate, but soon enough the standpoints of the two parties proved to he quite different.

As regards the Objectives, NATO advanced the idea of reaching a safe and stable balance of conventional weapons by eliminating the inequalities betwe,en the two Blocs; whereas the Warsaw Pact l1eld that the prioritarian objective was reduction of the Armed Forces and conventional weapons of the two Blocs. As regards the Area of Application, though all agreed on the principle tJ1at the negotiation was to cover all Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals, strong differences of opinion arose as regards the Asian areas (Anatolia and Transcaucasia) and the islands. As regards the Forces, NATO contrary to tl1e Warsaw Pact, was strongly against negotiating on naval forces or tactical nuclear weapons; moreover no agreement was readied on "if and how" to count air forces, amphibious forces and double capacity systems. Another tricky issue concerned the Autonomy of the negotiation among the 23 countries in respect of the CSCE, also indicated as the problem of the Connecting link between the two future negotiations, NATO insisted on a negotiation on conventional stability completely autonomous as regards parâ&#x20AC;˘ ticipation, subject, procedures and results. 111c Warsaw pact considered this negotiation among the 23 countries as an activity

"Austria Center Vienna" hall whL>re the CSCE was held

having a contingent feature destined to help forward the CSCE process within which, sooner or later, it would have to develop both formally and substa'ntially. In the Sununer of 1988, after works had been carried out for over a year and a half, the two Vienna negotiations were in fact at a standstill on most of the mentioned standpoints, with many cross-vetoes and a wide. spread negotial intolerance. Fortunately, since last Autumn, the two negotiations have started to register a marked progress, following a series of favourable political developments, both within the Atlantic Alliance and the wider East/West coutt:xt. Among tl1e political factors within the Alliance, mention must be made of the end of the di!ficult contrast between the United States and France, essentially centred around the "connecting link" between the two future negotiations, which had for a long time jeopardized progress of the works in both forums. The contrast was due to a different concept of the principle of autonomy of the negotiation among tJ1c 23 countries which, according to France, was to be more flexible tlrnn tl1e one held by the United States. 111c agreement reached by the two countries at the end of November, again confo:med the substantial autonomy of the negotiation and permitted a better definition of certain aspects of the Western position, advancing among other things certain grants to the Neutral Countries as regards information meetings and the mutual compatibility of the working programmes of the future negotiations. This brought the positions of the parties closer and, as a result, it permitted works to advance constructively. External political factors may be traced back to two different categories, those of a general character and those directly linked to the negotiation. Among the former, the Western Capital's perception that the good intentions announced by the Secretary General of the Soviet Union's Communist Party Gorbachev were in fact turning into reality, both as regards human rights and in the military field (applications in all sincerity of the Stockholm agreements and the INF treaty; withdrawal

of the troops in Afghanistan; gradual disengagement from the Third World; announced unilateral cuts in the field of conventional and chemical weapons). An1ong the second set of factors, contracts between the major Allies and the Soviet Secretary of State, Schevardnad.ze during his various visits in the West which, during the consultations among the 23 countries, brought to a general agreement on the forces to be considered and on the area of application, which were then the two main negotial problems. The end of the year thus proved a decidedly favourable "Moment" which allowed to intt:sify works and brought to success of negotiations by tl1c middle of January 1989, tht is over 26 months after tl1c opening of the negotiation. At this point I feel it necessary to menâ&#x20AC;˘ tion the causes that made negotiations long and difficult. First it was necessary to cancel tJ1e contrasts among the different parties (East/West; West/NNA; East/NNA), and this is quite normal. Unfortunately, there were disagreements among Allies too, such as for example the co.ntrast between the United States and France on the connecting link between the two negotiations and the Greek/Turkish disagreement regarding a minor aspect of the area of application of the 23 countries negotiation; the intolerance of the parties concerned, allied tl1ough tl1ey are, often made differences of opinion difficult to abolish. Secondly, controversial aspects were such that they often demanded high level political decisions which were beyond the power of the Vienna delegates (for instance, the problem of the forces to be considered in the negotiation on conventional weapons); it was thus necessary to wait for orders from the Capitals and the respective politico-military joint-allied Organizations. Moreover, and this is a particular characteristic of CSCE, there was the need to safeguard a balanced progress among the various sectors of the Conference, and thus one party could deem it necessary to "push" in a particular sector (for example that regarding human rights) and "pull on the break" in another sector (the military one for example); The final result of such a "weight and counterweight'' action, considering the inevitable reactions of the opposing party, often caused negotiations to slacken. Lastly, we must remember that in this kind of negotiation the rule of consent holds good and it was really difficult to find full agreement among the 35 countries. RESULTS OF THE TWO VIENNA NEGOTIATIONS The result of the two parallel Vienna negotiations rests in the formal adoption of the two texts: â&#x20AC;˘ the ".Mandate for the Negotiation on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe", ap-

35

proved and initialed on 10 January, 1989 by the 23 representatives of the NATO and Warsaw Pact countries; • the final document of the CSCE meeting, definitely approved on 1.5 January, 1989, which as regards military matters is formed by the relative section under "Measures aiming at building confidence and strengthening security and certain aspects of security and disarmament in Europe'', which incorporates as its annex the mentioned 23 countries mandate, according to the principle that the Negotiation on Conventional Armed Forces will have to take place~in the CSCE framework. Extraxts of the most interesting parts are published separately. It making a general consideration, I must here mention that the two mandates and the relative negotiations co-exist in full autonomy. The net separation between the two negotiations, pursued with determination by NATO and actually accepted by the Warsaw Pact too, is in fact acknowledged in the 3.5 countries document from which, as later better specified, we evict that the search for conventional stability is at present a completely autonomous excercise of a certain number of States, the " 23": the NNA were not involved at the beginning, will not he able to evaluate the results in the near future and lastly will not be in a position to deliberate on its sebsequcnt development; however, in accordance with the principle of the indivisibility of security, Neutral Countries will be periodically updated on negotiations by the 23 and wilJ thus be able to follow the progress achieved. I shall now go onto more detailed considetarions, separating the two documents and starting with the CSCE one.

Extract from the Mandate for the Negotiation on Conventional Armed Forces «MANDATE FOR THE NEGOTIATION ON CONVENTIONAL ARMED FORCES IN EUROPE»

OBJECTIVE AND METHODS The ob;ective of the Negotiation wilt be the strengthening of stability and security in Rurope through the establishment of a stabk and secure balance, at lower levels than at present, ofconventional armed forces, which include conventional armaments and equipment: the elimination of inequalities liable to preiudice stability and security; and the prioritarian elimination of the capacity to launch surprise attacks and start large scale offensive actions. All and each participant must contribute to the Jul/illment of these objectives. These objectives will be fulfilled by applying militarily important measures, such as, among others, cuts, limitations, redeployment provisions, equal ceilings and r.n-r~uzted measures. To Jui/ill the above objective, measures for the entire area of application should be adapted with provisions, if and where appropriate, of regional differentiation aiming at obviating disparties in the area of application and preventing circumventions. 'J.71e process of strengthening stability and security should be achieved gradually, so as to guarantee that the security of each participant will not at any stage be injured. SPHERE AND AREA OP APPLICA11ON Conventional armed forces will be the sub;ect of the Negotiation: these include conventional armaments and equipment belonging to Partecipants and group based on the territory of Participants in Rurope, from the Atlantic to the Urals. The existence of multiple capacities will not be a principle apt to modify the sphere of the Negotiation: - no conventional armament or equipment will be excluded from the subject ofthe Negotiation only /or the fact that it may have other capacities besides conventionale ones. The above armaments and equipment will not be considered in a separate category; - nuclear weapons will not be considered in the above Negotiation. At first, particular attention will be paid to those /orces directly connected with the f ul/ilbnent of the above defined ob;ectives of the Negotiatio11. Naval f orces and chemical weapons wilt 11ot be dealt with. The area of application will be the entire ground territo1y of the Participants in TTurope, from the Atlantic to the Urals, which includes all Ruropeatt ittsular territories of Participants. As regards the Soviet Union, the area ofapplication includes all the territory west ofthe river Ural and the Caspian Sea. As regards Turkey, the area ofapplication includes the territory of Turkey north and west of the follo wing line: intersection point ofthe boundary with the )9 paralle4 Muradive, Patnos, Karayazi, Tekman, Kemaliye, Feke, Ceyhan, Dogankent, Gowe and from there to the sea.

MEASURES AIMING AT BUILDING

CONflIDENCE AND STRENGTHENING SECURITY AND CERTAIN OTHER ASPECTS OF SECURITY AND DISARMAMENT IN EUROPE 11,c most i.lllportant parts of the document are those regarding the two military negotiations and the link between them: • Ncgotintion on the measures aiming at building confidence and strengthening security. Tt is undoubtedly the most important part of the text in which the opening of a specific negotiation is announced for 9 March, 1989. This follows the Stockholm Conference and aims at establishing and adoptir\g a new scrie of CSBM disigned to reduce the risk of a military confrontation in Europe. It must be mentioned that tbe Warsaw Pact's request to include air and naval activities in the discipline of the future CSBM and which NATO deemed unacceptable, fell through. It is likely bowever that the Warsaw Pact may bring up the subject in the substantive negotiation; • Negotiation on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe.

EXCHANGE OF INFORMA11ON AND VERIFICATIONS Compliance with the provisions ofany agreement will be ascertained by an efficacious and rigid regime of verifications which, among other things, will include the right to onsite inspections and exchange of information. There will be an exchange of sufficiently detailed information to allow a significant comparison of the capacities of the /orces concerned. Information will be detailed enough also to serve as the basis / or the verification of compliance with provisions. The specific modalities ofverifications and the exchange of information, including the degree of detail of the information itself, and the order with which they will be exchanged, will be agreed upon during the Negotiation. • Conventional armed f orces include conventional annamcnts and equipment.

The negotiation must be carried out within the "framework of the CSCE process' , but it is without any doubt autonomous, as desired by the Westerners, because it must be hdd according to the agenda, procedures, modalities and working programme agreed upon by the participating States alone; but, above all, no other State may interfere on its outcome. Moreover, progress achieved during the negotiation may not be "evaluated", as expected by the Neutral Countries, from the CSCE Meeting to he held in Helsinki in March, 1992, but may ooly be the

subject 0£ an "exchange of opinions". • Meetings for the exchange of opinions and information regarding the progress of the negotiation on Conventional Armed Forces. This was one of the most debated subject and the one which, more than any other, contributed to increase the NNA' s suspicions on the West's supposed unwillingaess to inform them on the progress of the works being carried out by the "23". The text finally agreed upon represents a satisfactory balance between the need for " information" shown by Neutral Countries

Exu-act &om the final document 0£ the CSCE Vienna Confe,ence.

MEASURES AIMING AT BUILDING CONFIDENCE AND SECURITY AND SOME O11-IER ASPECTS OF SECURITY AND DISARMAMENT IN EUROPE NEW EFFORTS FOR SECURITY AND DISARMAMENT IN EUROPE

The Participating Stat.es, reached an agreement according to which these efforts should be divided in the following manner: NEGOTIANTIONS ON TIIE MEASURES AIMING AT BUILDING CONFIDENCE AND SECURI'lY The participating States agreed that Negotiations will be held on Measures Aiming at Strengthening Confidence and Security with the purpose of developping and widening the results already achieved during the Stockholm Conference with the aim of elaborating and adopting a new set of measures aiming at strengthening mutually complementary confidence and security designed to reduce the risk of a military confrontation in Europe. Such Negotiations will take place in conformity to the Madrid mandate. The decisions made by the preparatory Meeting held in Helsinki from 25 October to 11 November, 1983 (compare Annex 11) will be applied, mutatis mutandis. The above negotiations will be held in Vienna, starting in the week beginning on 6 March, 1989. . The next Meeting 0£ the participating States, in the framework of the CSCE FollowThrough Meetings, which will be held in Helsinki starting on 24 March 1992, will evaluate the progress achieved during the above negotiations. NEGOTIJ\TION ON CONVENTIONAL ARMED FORCES IN EUROPE The negotiation on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe will be carried out as agreed upon by the States indicated in the mandate contained in the President's declaration as according to Annex III of the present Document, which have agreed upon the agenda, the rules of procedures and the organizational methods of negotiations and will define dates and results. The a:bove negotiations will be carried out in the framework of the CSCE process. 1be above negotiations will take place in Vienna, starting the week beginning on 6 March, 1989. During the next CSCE Follow-Through Meeting of participating States which will be held in Helsinki starting 24 March, 1992, an exchange of opinions on the progress ·achieved during negotiations will take place. MEETING FOR AN EXCIIANGE OF OPINIONS AND INFORMATION REGARDING PROGRESS OF TI IE NEGOTIJ\TION ON CONVENTIONAL ARMED FORCES IN EUROPE It has been agreed that participating States will hold meetings for an exchange of opinions and information regarding the progress of the Negotiation on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe. These meetings will be held at least twice during each session of the Negotiation on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe. Provisions on the practical modalities regarding such meetings are contained in Annex IV of the present Document. During the above meetings substantial information will be supplied by participants to the Negotiation on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe. Information will concern development, progress and results of negotiations with the aim of allowing each participating State to evaluate progress. Participants have committed themselves to take into consideration, during negotiations, opinions expressed during the meetings by other participating States in respect of their own security. Information on a bilateral basis will also be supplied. TI1e next CSCE Follow-'lbrough Meeting which will be held in IIelsonki starting 24 March, 1992, will take into consideration the functionality of the above provisions. Bearing in mind pertinent provisions of the Final Act and of the Conclusive Document of the Madrid Mandate and having tal<en into consideration the results achieved during the two negotiations, in the light of other negotiations pertaining to security and disarmament in Europe, a future meeting within the CSCE Follow Thorugh Meetings will consider the most appropriate means and methods to allow participating States to pursue in their efforts in favour of security and disarmament in Europe, including the issue regarding the integration of the Madrid mandate for the following stage of the Conference on the Measure Aiming at Building Confidence and Security and on Disarmament in Europe.

and that of the autonomy of the negotiation, defended by the West; in pratice, by granting some extra information meeting (virtually once a month, besides the initial and fi. nal meeting of each session of the negotiation on conventional forces) and by promising to consider the NNA's opinion on aspects strictly connected with their security, Nato managed to avoid the NNA's opinions becoming binding for the "23" and, thus, any third Counu-y interference. Lastly, it must be underlined tl1at the final paragraph of trhe text regarding the fu}. filment of the Madrid provisions on the possibility of passing to the second stage of the CDE (disrmament), once again confirms, in a wantedly vague manner, that a decision on the matter w.ill be made in a "future" follow-through CSCE Meeting. As already mentioned, this is a success for NATO which has always maintained that the time has not yet come to go into a process of Paneuropean disarmament in the CSCE framework. In tl1is respect, we must state that the decision to pass to tl1e second CDE stage, bas not been made in Vienna and may not necessary be made in Helsinki (in fact the document speaks of decisions to be made by "a future" and not by "the future" followthrough CSCE Meeting).

MANDATE FOR THE NEGOTIATION ON CONVENTIONAL ARMED FORCES IN EUROPE First a brief mention of how the title of the negotiation was reached, since it is an important example of the willingness of the two Parties to achieve acceptable compromises. After having abandoned the initial positions which, though supporterd for a long time, proved conceptually too far apart, (that is "stability" for NATO and "cuts" for the Warsaw Pact), an agreement on the title "Negotiation on tl1e Conventional Armed Forces in Europe" was finally reached. A footnote to the title explains that conventional Armed Forces include conventional armaments and equipment. Mention of armaments, which in fact also appears in the specific sector titled "Qbjectives and methods" confirms the Warsaw Pact's concern that the West, in the unsuccessful wake of the MBFR, may ideotify the Armed Forces only with the troops.

OBJECTIVE AND METHODS Having declared the primary objective of strengthening stability and security in Europe, the text explains that this aim will have to be pursued by the establishment of a stable and secure balance of the Armed Forces at lower levels than at present and by eliminating differences and the capacity to carry out surprise attacks and/or large scale offensive actions. Objectives will have to be achieved by the application of measures

Ho/burg Palace, where the two new military negotiations were held. negotiations starts dealing with aircraft in general, will return on the subject • as it as repeatedly tried to do during the mandate st.ge · and will try to exclude defence aircraft from the reckon.ing to make up for the West's refusal to include carrier based attack naval aviation.

Ares of application The problem of the area of application of the negotiation t"equires a detailed survey;

which include reductions, limitations and relocations. The appllcation of such measures will have to be fullfilled with criteria of regional differtentiation and will have to avoid circumventions (to avoid, for example, that forces withdraw form a particular region, instead of being elim.inated, be redeployed dsewherc) . It may thus be seen that the fears of the Warsaw Pact regarding the methods employed to reach this balance (reductions) are taken into account, as are those 0£ NATO regarding possible geographic circumventions.

Spl1cre of application The sphere of application, that is of the forces under reference, is certainly the most important part of the mandate: it establishes that the subject of the negotiation will be ground based conventional Armed Forces. This excludes naval forces; this exclusion is confirmed by a spe!icic clause. However, the words "ground based" with the clause excluding naval forces, creates an area of potential ambiguity as regards amphibious troops and ground based naval aviation. Another ambiguity concerns air forces which are never expressly mentioned, though they may be included in tl1e words "ground based'', This ambiguity also arises in the passage stating that negotiations will start on the forces directly connected to the mentioned capacity to launch surprise attacks and start large scale offensives. What these forces are has not been explained. As known, according to the West they include tanks, artilleries, troop transport armoured vehicles, whereas aircraft should be taken into account only in a further stage of the negotiation. The Warsaw Pact instead has repeatedly stated that attack aircraft too should be taken into consideration im· mediately. We have reason to believe that the negotiation will be very "lively" on these points. NATO has succeeded in turning down (see the specific clause) the East's request to include tactical nuclear weapons and chemical weapons.

38

As regards double capacity systems, the future attitude is formulated "in the negative", according to a wording aiming at excluding personally suited interpretations. There are two sentences requested by NATO: the first says: "the existence of multiple capacities will not be reason enough to modify tl1e subject of the negotiation" which is and will remain strictly conventional. This formula assures tlie West tliat the Warsaw Pact, with the excuse of negotiating on double capacity systems, will not try to reintroduce tactical nuclear systems. The second sentence states that various capacity armament and equipment "will not be considered within a separate category". This formulation, confirms and reinforces the previous principle and aims at avoiding a privileged and/or differentiated treatment of conventional weapons cannot by any means be divided into separate categories 0£ only conventional weapons and weapons having various capacities too. Despite the ability of the two "wordings" it is obvious that the danger of re-introducing double capacity systems is all but eliminated. In any case, a possible reduction of double capacity systems, even if labelled conventional, wilJ impugn the full freedom of NATO's nuclear option. This is why the starting standpoint of the Alliance was not to even mention double capacity systems. We must however acknowledge a certain dose of truth in the Soviet statement according to which double capacity systems prevail in the last generation armaments and therefore, sooner or IAtt'er, the problem will have to be faced and solved. As for the Warsaw Pact, it was content with a sole "wording" and precisely: "No conventional armament or equipment will be excluded from the negotiation for the fact that it may have other capacities besides the conventional one"; the Eastern Bloc thus deems it may be sure that the West, confirming to the specific clause that nuclear weapons will not be the subject of the negotiation, will not attempt to exclude all double capacity systems from the negotiation with the excuse that tl1ey have a nuclear capacity. To complete the picture, it is necessary to remember that the Warsaw Pact, once the

it was the last serious duwback to the conclusion of the works. The following were the principal point of the above: • NATO's concern that all tlie territories of Soviet Transcaucasia should be included in tlie phrase "from the Atlantic to the Urals''; • Turkey's national interest, supported by NATO, aiming at excluding a large part of its territory (south,eastern portion of Anatolia) in which to preserve freedom of manoeuvre to face the hovering threat by Syria, Iran and lrak (countries "outside tl1e area" of both the "23" and the "35"); • the obvious and contrasting Soviet interest in reducing to the minimum the exempted territories of Anatolia to avoid the danger of circumvention (for exaple, a concentration of NATO and/or Turkish troops in the exempted area) and obtain, as a compesation, tl1e exclusion of part of its own ter· ritory close to Iran; • Spain and Portugal's demand to see their Atlantic island (the Canaries and the Azzorres/Madera) explicitly included in the mandate as a formal acknowledgement of their belonging to Europe; • the converging Soviet interest in the inclusion 0£ tlic Azzorres in the negotiation, important point of operational and logistic support for NATO. Though the Soviet Union quickly abandoned the request of a territorial exemption "in compensation" for the area excluded in Anatolia, it insisted with great determination on the reduction of tlie extension of the above area and, above all, on the inclusion in the area of application of the lncirilik air base (immediately East of Adana). n,1:: re:;ult of this particular negotiation, essentially carried out by Turkey and the Soviet Union, led to the definition of an area (see the map above right) roughly between the Turkish and the Soviet demands with the inclusion of lncirlik. In this respect we must underline that the language of the mandate does not indicate the terminal site on the Anatolian coast of the boundary llne between the "excluded1' area and the "included" one, but only says that the end of the line must reach the sea (" ... Dogankeot, Gozne and from there to the sea") (see map on the side). This is a margin of ambiguity which mir-

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The area south and east of the MuradiyePatnos-Karayazi-Tekman-Kemaliye-FekeCeyham-Dogankent-Gdzne line is the one excluded from the area of application

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.. rors the Greek/Turkish last moment contrast, centred on the need - for stated reasons of national security • to include (for the Greeks) or not (for the Turks) the port of Mersin and the relative military installations in the area of application; since the two Delegations concerned were intolerant on the subject. Negotiators were "compelled" to turn to the above mentfoned language inaccuracy or ambiguity which allows the two countries concerned to give their own personal interpretation regarding the terminal part of the line (3). As regards the islands, the above mentioned mutual interestes between the USSR and the States to which tfue remote islandsbelong (Azzorres, Madeira and the Canaries) caused the latter to be included in the area of application. Through a subtle game of compensations and negotial balances this inclusion was later cxtcndco to the Svalbat:d, Faroer, Francis Joseph's Land and New Zemlja islands. It must be mentioned however that the island owing States asked that tllis subject should not be dealt with in the text of the Mandate, but in specific "Natio• nal declarations'' annexed at the end of the document. Lastly, no mention is made in the mandate of adjacent or territorial seas and this, according to the NATO standpoint, not to involve in any way the maritime areas of the negotiation as this could lead to considering the naval forces.

Exchange of iliformation and verifications

Below

This is a very new aspect by which the Soviet Union · in the wake of the INF negotiation • explicitly accepts inspections on its terri• tory, without being able to oppose a refusal.

The area south and east of the Feke-CeyhamDogankent-Gozne line is the one excluded from the area of application. The port of Mersin is the subiect of the Greek/Iurkish disagreement.

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39

Exchanges of detailed data on the organization, consistency and location of forces are also foreseen.

CONCLUSIONS AND OUTLOOKS All the Foreign Affairs Ministers who attended the closing ceremony of the Vienna Conference underlined that the final Document of the CSCE may represent a milestone in the history of our Continent. Of course, most of the Western speakers focused their attention on the important progress achieved as regards human rights, but no one overlooked the importance and the "extraorclin1u:y character" of that pod of the document regarding the military subject, which gave rise to the opening of two military negotiations, one of which, the one on conventional forces, was considered as "a wonderful opportunity to £ace the heart of the matter of European secu.rity". The importance of this certainly did not escape the Soviet Union which rightly feels it has granted things which, only two years ago, nobody dared expect, In fact, NATO negotiators may rightly state that most of their initial positions have been accepted, grudgingly or not, by the Warsaw Pact and the Neutral Countries and more precisely: • as regards the military aspect of the CSCE and the connecting link between the two substantive negotiation: the restatement that the time has not yet come to go onto a process of Paneuropean disarmament, that is to the second stage of the COE; the substantial autonomy of the negotiation among the "23" from the interference of other St.ates; the absence of a specific mention of the extension of the CSBM discipline to independent air and naval activities; • as regards the mandate £or the negotiation on conventional Armed Forces: the statement that the primary objective is the strengthening of stability and security in Europe and not only the reduction of forces; a formulotion which hinders or postpones the inclusion of air forces and double capacity system as such among the forces to be considered; the explicit exclusion from the negotiation of naval forces and nuclear and chenucal armaments; the inclusion of all Soviet Transcaucasia in the area of application of the agreements and the exclusion of about 11 quarter of Anatolia; lastly, on-site inspections, without the chance of opposing a refusal, to verify the measures adopted. In brief, we may state that the results of the Vienna mandatory works as regards military security, are an encouraging political and diplomatic success, achieved a.lso in the wake of favourable international events, However, tl1e true and substantial value of these agreements may only be measured by the progress achieved during the two substance negotiations when the above mentioned language ambiguities of the texts will undoubtedly come to light. However, if we turn more specifically to

40

the future, we may easily advance which areas will became a problem during negotiations. As regards tl1e negotiation on the measures fot building confidence and security, NATO countries must be ready to reject tl1e following Warsaw Pact proposals, already widely publicized; • the extension of the CSBM discipline to independent naval and air activities; • the adoption of highly limiting measures as regards military activities (the so-called "constraining measures"), that is reduction in number and extension of exercises and, in particular, tl1e prohibition to carry several exercises at the same time and in the same area; • the cstJlblishmcnt 0£ special regime security areas, such as demilitarized corridors in-between the boundary of the two Alliances and of the area devoid of nuclear weapons; • military budget cuts. Considering the negotiation on conventional Armed Forces, the foreseeable points of contrast may be sununarv.ed as follows: • categories of forces to be considered, with particular reference to the above (including embarked attack air forces and defence aircraft) and amphibious forces; • the rules adopted for the reckning of forces: in particular the level of data disaggregation and the manner to deal with stockpiled weapons and under staffed units (the Warsaw Pact would like combat ready units to be counted separately); • mutual reports and pre-eminence of the various stabilizing measures provided for (relocation, reductions and limitations); • area of application: an accurate definition of the exemption area in Anatolia and kind of area approach to be adopted, that is global, regional (and in this case a definition of the regions) or botl1 contemporaneously. A difficult task awaits Vienna negotiators. In this respect, we must observe that, while the CSBM negotiation will almost ce.rtainly have to end with some kind of results by the next Helsinki follow-through Meeting (March 1992), the negotiation on conventional forces, by virtue of its strongly defended independence, has no set limits of time and has no intention of setting them and it is thus absolutely impossible to foresee how long it may last. Apart from tfus, however, what really counts is the positive outcome for the West. This may be acWt<ved only if Western negotiators, on the basis of timely and clear indications, will be able to show the necessary determination and ability, both in form ulatin.g and supporting their own proposals and in driving back and rejecting the Warsaw Pact and NNA Countries' inevitable attacks.

Gen, Piero Bonabello

NOTE (1) It is here necessary to mention tl1at, ac-

cording to the Madrid Mandate, the Vienna Meeting, having been "one of the future" follow-through meetings, was entitled to decide on the future of the COE and on the specific subject of its coming negotial season. (2) The debate on this subject, arose during the negotiation among the 23 countries, but was in fact carried on during the negotiation of the 35 countries because of the NNA Countries'insistence to have their say on tl1e subject. (J) Besides considerations of substance, the Greek(I'urksih disagreement delayed the definition of the mandate and thus prevented the final Document of the CSCE to be annexed as formerly agreed, blocking for several days, any progress in both the Vienna negotiations, just when works were nearly over.

Brigadier Piero Bonabello attended the Military Academy, the Branch Service School, the War Institute and is graduated in Political Science. He commanded the 13th tank battalion and was deputy-commander of the "Mameli" armoured Brigade. He carried out General Staff tasks in the Commands of the 3 Army Corps and the "Aricte" Division; in particular, he occupied the post of Deputy General Staff Chief£ of the 5 Army Corps Command. Later on he attended the Royal College of Defence Studies In London and was Military Advsior to . the Italian Delegation of the CSCE. At present be occupies the post of Military Advisor of the Italian Delegation attending the negotiation on conventional Armed Forces in Europe.

2nd GENERATION IMPROVED ARMOUR MBT 120 mm SMOOTH-BORE GUN - STABILIZATION ON GUN AND LINES OF SIGHT MAX SPEED: OVER 65 Km/ h - GRUISING RANGE ON ROAD: 550 km

\

'CI-ARIETE. MBT OTO MELARA ARMOURED FIGHTING VEHICLES

'VCC ao· IFV

NEW ITALIAN ARMY IFV 2+7 MAN CREW· 25 mm OERLIKON KBA CANNON DAY AND NIGHT STABILIZED FCS

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I «STRUCTURE 2000»

'2 ·,

· OF THE ARMY OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY

The Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Germany are the only ones, both East and West, which arose from nothing in rather recent times. After having ceased to exist in 194 5, they began to re-establish after a 10 year blank - on 2 """" ·,. November, 1955, a few months af- •• ' i,o1.,," ter Federal Germany had become an equal rights member of the Atlantic Treaty. On the one hand the need to start from zero imposed a remark~" able effort to get a complex organi~, • .!, zation such as the military one, moving. On the other hand this allowed to act with minor bonds, abandoqing out of date conceptions and taking advantage of experiences drawn , during the recent war and lived by ·:: · · the allied armies while re-examining : · · · their structures in the ten years since the end of the war. In little more than thirty ware ti"· ., years the 100 soldiers which in ,11a. ,t November, 1955 ,were the first to '. swear in the Bonn barracks, have •.,. l"""i " now increased to 495,000 and ~··rl'l'I·.."~~ represent one of the most efficient . ~ \ "? · · military instruments of the world. "~q"~ v, , , of the ()/· i 411,;t Due_ to the c' haracter1st1cs af;, operational theatre of Central Eu· rope, the greatest component of the Bundeswehr is undoubtedly the Army which has about 341,000 officers, non commissioned officers and soldiers and this ' Armed Force is now getting ready to change into i the "Structure of the year 2000". 0

·

••

Tasks The command of the Armed Forces in peacetime is the responsibility of the Ministry of Defence, whereas in emergency it is entrusted to the Federal Chancellor. Each Armed Force is headed by an Inspector which in turn depends on the Defence Inspector who acts as military counsellor for the Government. The authorities in charge of employing the Armed Forces use them to guarantee the security of the nation according to NATO agreements; • in peacetime, by maintaining a level of operational readiness allowing them to intervene readily, together with the Allies, to prevent the national territory from being violated; • in times of crisis, guaranteeing the necessary decisional freedom to the Political Authorities; • in case of war, driving back all attacks, by means of advanced defence proceedings, to safeguard the integrity of the national territory.

Organizational division of the army

The ground instrument is formed by the Field Army and the Territori~1 Army (1) and is now based on the so-called "Structure 4" which, since 1979 has modified the previous organization called "Structure 3". Virtually since 1955, every 8 or 10 years there has been a modernizing cycle of units and materials,to harmonize doctrinal novelties, means and organization in the light of the available human and financial resources and with an attentive eye to the scientific and technological · progress underway. 44

Nowadays we are witnessing the beginning of a transformation cycle, called "Structure 2000" in view of the closing millennium and of which we shall later speak. According to "Structure 4" just recently completed, the Field Army is divided into 3 Army Corps and 12 Divisions, 6 of which armoured, 4 mechanized, an airborne troop and a mountain troop. During operations, the three Army Corps take position on the frontier with the German Democratic Republic, with Czechoslovakia and with Austria, flanking or alternating its own Divisions, from North to South, to those of Denmark, Holland, Great Britain, Belgium, United States and Canada which, on German soil, number ever since the end of the war, over 200,000 men. The Divisions of the Federal Army are mainly based on armoured and mechanized Brigades. Nowadays there are 17 armoured and 15 mechanized Brigades (besides a mountain Brigade and 3 airborne troop Brigades). The basic Army battalions and tactical supports are thus marked by a high degree of stardadization since the basic forms are faithfully repeated in all the elementary Superior Units. The main characteristics of this instrument are thus extreme mobility, a high firing capacity, especially antitank, and a great organizational flexibility. It must be noticed that in the presence of different morphologic characteristics of the Battle Position, both the Federal units and the allied ones maintain an unvaried tank/mechanized feature which may be seen as the will to react to an eventual military attack by promptly counterattacking in an attempt to recover the territorial integrity of Federal Germany. "Stmcture 4" in brief was intended to pursue a higher than in the past mobility of the units, a greater antitank firing capacity and a larger standardization. The aims set in 1979 have now been reached, but in the meantime certain circumstances and basic fac-

tors have changed so that the experts of the various planning offices of the Ministry of Defence and of the General Staffs have succeeded in drawing up the new "Structure

2000". NEW FACTORS AND ENSUING PROVISIONS At present, in the framework of the German defensive concept the various agreements on disarmament whether already reached or yet to be defined between East and West play a very important role. Logically enough Federal Germany wishes to have its say on this subject, since in case of conflict the air-ground encounter (conventional or nuclear) between the two blocs would take place on its soil. Nuclear disarmament and the increasing importance of forces require as a result the Federal Army to be in the front line even more, if possible, than in the past. Before improving the efficiency of the Armed Forces, the new situations apt to emphasize the deterrence of the Army are necessary in the political field. These situations, already spotted out by the experts and discussed in the appropriate Forums, regard a limitation of the opposing forces' offensive means, the survey of methods designed to prevent surprise attacks by one of the two parties concerned, the removal of the armoured Superior Units from the boundaries, greater controls on the mass movements of troops for exercises, the . exchange of observer officers, in one word the Jilatation of the Warning Time. Much work may be done on all these possible solutions and there are many opportunities to increment the margins of security. Technically speaking, however, the residual margins for the improvement of conventional forces is rather limited, both East and West. In fact, a strengthening of the conventional is conditioned by two factors, which are the basis for the

From top to bottom Troop transport vehicle "M 113" equipped with a Milan antitank missile system.

Multiplo 110 "SF2" rocketlauncher. "MARDER 1A2" Combat vehicle.

study of "Structure 2000" of the Federal Army and which, in a more or less similar manner, are to befound throughout the Western World. These two factors are the lack of financial resources and personnel.

These two difficulties may be counterbalanced by two positive elements, that is the goals achieved by Western technology and the opportunity to organize the employment of reservists. The problem of the decrease of available resources is also connected, within certain limits, with the logic of disarmament. The objective welfare of the German Federal Republic is such that there is no need to haggle over the Defence budget, but no politician, in a generalized atmosphere of harmony between the two blocs, dares go before the electorate and support the need for higher Defence expenditure. Moreover, the population is now more aware of the ecological threat than of that of the Soviet Bear, it wants greater guarantees in the social field, wants to help Third World countries and is annoyed when its attention is called to the fact that the Red Army continues to improve its quality and to remain unattainable as regards quantity. Thus, the German Defence budget, high though it may be - about 50 million marks a year - does not increase by an annual 3% as NATO hoped for, but also loses ground due to inflation which weighs by about 2% on the German currency. The personnel problem is bound to the demographic decrease and the ensuing availability of conscripts who form 51.5% of the force at arms (2). To obviate this difficulty which will soon be felt in Italy too, the Bundswehr has sought a solution. Last year Parliament approved a provision which sanctioned the extension of the term of service from 15 to 18 months (starting in the 1989 summer) which will result in a decrease of about 20,000 men yearly. Moreover, the 1988 budget approved the employment of extra funds for the percentual increase in professional military men on a 45

prolonged term of service in the ranks of the unit. In this respect it must be mentioned that due to a certain favour enjoyed by the Armed Forces in certain layers of the German national society and thanks to the attentive campaign for the promotion of enlistment, the federal Army has no difficulty a for the time being at least, in feeling the ......... . by open competition for the various categories of personnel. An intense activity in Personnel Offices and Departments recently permitted, with the support of political authorities, to pass a series of facilities consisting in prizes in case the term of service is prolonged and in better conditions for over hours and provisions aiming at decontrolling promotions for Officers in the higher ranks. The employment of reservists is another aspect of importance ensuing the decrease in popµlation. In fact, despite provisions regarding the extension of the term of service and enlistment for standing service or extended service personnel, it is advanced that starting in

46

1995 it will non longer be possible to have the 320,000 men now available for active service in the Army and that there will be an initial deficiency of 30,000 men destined to increase in time. Hence the need to give reservists a primary role in the maintenance of a satisfactory degree of operational readiness of the units which will partly become "cadre", a great training engagement and no small problems with the working world which will h~ve to yield reservists to the army for annual updating cycles (.3).

STRUCTURE «2000» Indicative principles

«Structure 2000» arose between 1985 and 1987 within the Planning Department of Defence General Staff following a logic process which springs from two basic questions: • "what features must the Bundeswehr of the year 2000 have as regards quantity, quality and organizations in order to perform its tasks?" • "the units being structurally outlined, how can they be usefully

employed and what contribution can they get from modern technology?" In seeking a reply four conditions have been borne in mind: • the need to have forces and means for exploration, to guarantee the longest possible warning time and to avoid operational and strategic surprise; • the need to have ground and air forces capable of stopping eventual enemy attacks and take immediate initiatives; • the demand for an efficacious air defence organization to prevent the first enemy attack to determine the paralysis of one's own defensive organization; • the demand for nuclear weapon carriers to allow flexible and efficacious operations responses. The features of the «Structure 2000» Army have been outlined on the basis of the above. The latter will be based on the following components: • mechanized tactical forces equiped with a special arresting capacity, for covering and blocking actions and for the defence of boundary positions; • operational forces, organized in Superior armoured or airBelow right

Paratroopers practicing the idea of ,iirmobility, gratly accentuated in the new st,·ucr.u.,·e.

mechanized Units to establish rapid and long distance defensive deployments or manoeuvre pivots and to counterattack; • territorial forces (light Infanty) to protect -the area of lines of communication and area and objectives of interest. Another effort for a better employment of resources will have to concern a greater rationalization of sectors common to the different Armed Forces, such as exploration and command and control. This is not all, however. The degree of intervention efficiency on the various types of likely objectives will have to be subject to a reexamination to reach a definition of the most economic arms systems to be employed for their neutralization. New organizations

The new organization of the Field Army will continue to have the same organizational steps as before, that is the Army Corps, Divisions and Brigades. The number of Army Corps and Divisions will not vary, three and twelve respectively, while Brigades will pass from 38 to 41. There will be 10 armoured or mechanized Divisions and 2 airborne

Divisions. Brigades will undergo greater changes and in part will have new features: • 28 of them will continue to be mechanized or armoured with slight differences between them, and compared to the past, limited to the number and type of tanks allotted; • 4 mechanized Infantry Brigades and the mountain Brigade will be modified to increase their capacity to employ the natural obstacle to stop the enemy; • 2 light Infrantry Brigades will be tasked with the defence and control of the areas of the lines of communic~tion of the Army Corps; • 2 parachutist Brigades will maintain the past structure; • 2 air-mechanized Brigades will be the true organizational novelty; • one Brigade will be the combination of the two previous types (parachutists and helicopters). We shall now see in what the different Brigades differ. First of all we shall deal with the 28 armoured or mechanized Brigades: of these 16 (type A) may be considered armoured tout court, in the classical sense of the term and with few differences as compared with the pasr; they will be particurarly suited to carry out interarm operations marked by hugh mobility and

the mechanized men will be destined to combat mainly from the vehicle. Each Brigade will include two tank battalions (on 53 "Leopard 2" tanks), two mechanized battalions (on 31 "Marder A3"), one selfpropelled artillery group (on 16 155mm "M109" self propelled vehicles) and the customary supports. Another 6 Brigades (called B 1) will be of a kind which could be defined "heavy mechanized". Their personnel is virtually identical to that of armoured Brigades, but tanks, of the "Leopard A5/A6 type, will be employed differently; they will be decentralized to the mechanized battalions for a more efficacious antitank action. 'The artillery group too will be less powerful: instead of 16 it will only have 10 self-propelled 155mm howitzers. Another 6 Brigades (type B2) could be considered ''light mechanized"; these will differ from the previous ones in the tank battalions which will have only 40 means Up to the end of the 90s the "BO-105 P" helicopter will be the means of the antitank helicopter sq1tads of the air-mechanized Brigades.

47

THE BUNDESWEHR'S STAPP (rough figure•)

495.000

i\rmy N•vy

38.300

(instead of 53) of the oldest series of "leopard 1"; their operational function will, however, remain unchanged. In both Brigades the following must be noticed: • mechanized soldiers will be designed to fight mainly on foot; • tanks will be considerably increased, from 61 of "Structure 4" to 106 in the Bl type Brigades and 80 in the B2 type. Five mechanized Brigades and the mountain Brigade will undergo more substantial changes in the type and number of battalions forming it. These changes are designed to improve their employment on terrains suitable for a type of defence which could be defined - according to doctrinal regulations of the series 800 - "anchored". In fact these will be the most consistent Brigades of the Army "2000" as they are based on 4 mechanized battalions (each supplied with a tank company), 1/pionier engineer battalion, 1 artillery group on 16 155mm (4) selfpropelled tanks and the customary supports. The two security Brigades will be virtually the same, as regards their organization, as those of the present Territorial Army and will be formed by Jagers (riflemen). They may be considered light Infantry, but the present light tanks, supplied to the squads, will be replaced by "Mll.3". They are designed to be employed to protect the communication lines of the Army Corps and the security of sensitive areas and points. The composition of the two Brigades has not yet been decided, but it is likely that the number of battalion sized units (nowadays 4-5) may be increased to 5-6 and the entity of the tank component has not yet been defined. The 2 parachutist Brigades and 48

Milita,y i\viation

340.000

Trained Rcsevist

ci.___11_0_ :70-~-L-- ,6.000

E,,l;•1cd soldiers Civilian s1aff (Officials, employees, workers)

45,5% l',olonged service soldiers

41,6% l'rofcs•ional 0/ficcrs and Non Commissioned Office,s.

12,9%

the 2 air-mechanized brigades will form 2 airtroop Divisions headed by the 1 and 11 Army Corps while the 111 Army Corps will have a mixed Brigade (a parachutist regiment and a helicopter regiment). Each parachutist Brigade will have 4 battalions with differentiated personnel. Two will be parachutist battalions with the same features as the light Infantry battalion and two will be more markedly antitank. They will be supplied with "Milan" and "TOW 1" antitank missiles and with a 30mm support weapon newly conceived. The "Kraka" wheeled vehicles will be replaced in 1990 with "Wiesel" light tracked vehicles (60

for each battalion) which will allow a greater protection of the crew and the workability of the arms systems from aboard. As today, support fire will be supplied by 16 120mm mortars grouped in a Brigade sized company. The real novelty of the new structure, however, is the airmechanized Brigade which will initially contain two squadron groups with about 40 "BO-105" helicopters with "TOW" missiles and by the end of the 90s the "PAH-2" antitank helicopters, consequence of the ambitious Franco-German project for the creation of a new vehicle, more advanced than the "Mangusta" and in competition with the future

INDICA'ITVE DIVISION OF REVENUE FOR THE VARIOUS ITEMS

OF THE GERMAN FEDER.AL BUDGCT

10,891,

Spe.cial Financing

"Tonal", equiped with new generation missiles. Each antitank helicopter squadron group will be suppJied with recce helicopters in the ratio 9f 1 to 7 as regards antitank helicopters. Besides -the two fighting squadron groups, the Brigade will also be supplied with a transport helicopter component in support of operations of the parachutist Brigade as well as a technical unit. " The two Divisions and the mixed Brigade thus organized are a novelty and will grant the German Army new operational opportunities which will allow Army Corps Commanders

ject to further important changes. Artillery units in particular underwent in 1985 a deep reorganization with variations in the staff and a standardization of materials which also considered the introduction of new materials such as the MLRS. An increasing attention is paid to all that regards command and control. Commanding and communication units will be unified in battalion sized units in view of a better integration between the two components which are the basis for an efficient command activity. In practice, the entire performance of combat-exploration-fire will be en-

ARMY STAFF The Army is the most staffetd Armed Force of the Bundeswehr and makes for about 70% of the entire staff. It numbers a total of 340,000 men. Field Army

Territorial Army Bodies of Army Central Office

2s.ooo I

267.000

==

5),5%

Professional Soldiers

Prolonged service soldiers Enlisted soldiers

to have a versatile and flexible instrument capable of facing critical situations and preparing the path for in-depth counterattacks which continue to be one of the conceptual strongholds of the employment doctrines of the Bundeswehr. To conclude this panoramic view on the organizational novelties resulting from the adoption of «Structure 2000» mention must be made of the tactical support of Army Corps and Divisions. The present artillery and engineering support units have already reached the highest capacity in "Structure 4" and will not be sub-

tirely reorganized. In this framework a "Drone" Army Corps sized combat unit will be established. This will respond to the demands stemmed during the doctrinal debate. on FOFA (Follow on Forces Attack) and on the opportunities of contrasting it. As regards the Division there are no important novelties: as today, supports will be formed by a commanding and communication UQit, an artillery regiment, an antiair artillery regiment, an exploring battalion and a pioneer engineering battalion. A supply battalion, a repair bat-

talion and a modical unit will continue to ensure logistic support. Means and materials

The federal Army is characterized by a large availability of means and by the constant modernization to which such means are subject. Moreover, no sector is neglected or left with outdated materials. Rotation of means occurs steadily and renewal is carried out according to a cadenced and respected schedule. The new means of «Structure 2000» are the result of the technical bodies' steady research. In the supply programmes of the Army of the 90s and early 2000 there are interesting novelties regarding antitank and helicopter combat. 'Ibe novelty in the ground performed antitank combat is the armoured vehicle "Panther". It is the result of the work of an association of four important industries and seems the only true novelty in the field of armoured vehicles of the German Army. This vehicle, formed by an armoured platform with a jointed arm which may be hydraulically raised upto 12 m, combines old and new requirements. The old ones regarding antitank combat and the new regarding antihelicopter combat. In fact, third generation missiles are installed on the mobile arm. The range of these missiles reaches 4,500 m and they are equiped with a fire and forget guiding system, capable of carrying out antitank and antihelicopter activity. The action of the "Panther" which will be supplied to the antitank companies of mechanized and armoured Brigades will be integrated with that of the tank which will continue to be the "Leopard 2". While the tank carries out its action, under conditions of visibility supplied by the German plain, be-

tween 800 and 1800 m the "Panther" will be employed between 1800 and 4500 metres. Defence will thus balance the action of enemy antitank helicopters by means of a simple though efficacious ground vehicle capable of opposing attack helicopters and intervene against enemy tanks before the latter can employ the equipment on board. The other novelty will be the Franco-German "PAH-2" antitank helicopter. It stems from the political will of the two Governments, but it will not come to light before the late 90s. Its characteristics will not be much different from those of American, Russian and Italian helicopters already employed, but its transport capacity and maneageability will be different. The fact that the two most important novelties among the Bundeswehr' s materials are the "Panther" and the " PAH-2" proves that the tank is and will always be the leading feature of modern con-

50

ventional combat and that the German Army has no intention of replacing the "Leopard 2", in the medium run at least, shows the confidence placed in this particular model. A further effort will be made to renew the combat and transport vehicle line still based on the "Marder". As regards arms systems for the fire support, two industries are working on a tracked self-propelled vehicle to replace the failed "SP-70" and the construction of a combat "Drone" is being surveyed. The other means and materials protract their validity well further than the 90s and for the time being there is no plan to modify them. Separate mention must be made of command and control for which high investments are foreseen for the coming years. Battlefield surveillance is carried out with a series of radar systems and with "Drones 89" already on stock to which the "Drones 289" are gradually being added. The chain of surveillance systems is lacking a mini RPV for which experiments are being carried out though there is yet no precise orientation. The command and control system

for the antitank defence is entirely defined and the two kinds of radar considered are being supplied as is the hardware and software involved. The "Heros 3" system to carry out command and control by the general Staff of Army Corps and Division is also already defined and, starting the coming year, it will be supplied to the Superior Units concerned. In sum, a positive outlook without dark areas.

CONCLUSIONS The ''breezes of peace'' which for the first time blow from East to West have had an immediate effect. Most Europeans hope they are not passing breezes and we all hope that in the near future the money destined to the Armed Forces will be Below left

A Panzergrenadier, an am1oured grenadier of the Federal Army. Below

The mountain Brigade, placed within a mechanized Division will continue to be an interesting point of reference /or the entire Federal Anny.

less and less and peace more and more consolidated. Federal Germany does not escape this logic, even though its front line position does not allow. it to lower the guarq too hastily. The "breezes of peace" are enough, however, to convince the experts to re-examine, though marginally, the employment doctrine, the structure of the Armed Forces and expenses to destine to Defence. The doctrine revaluates the terrain as an incrementing factor of defence and grants credit to mechanized infantry forces and pioneer engineering for the defence of positions. It also enhances extremely mobile forces such as airborne and helicopter units, as absolutely necessary elements for strength and surprise actions or to close up eventual breeches in the defensive organization. In future the structure of forces will be characterized by a lesser

Below

Soviet observers at a NA TO exercise in Germany. Below right

'J'he ]iigers, Infantry speciality,. will be tasked with the defence of the communication zone.

defensive capacity and will greatly depend on reserves and mobilization as the Superior Unit§ will be understaffed. Even today the budged is gradually, but steadily decreasing. Therefore, the sub-division of funds will have to be re-examined since greater resources will have to be destined to the training of reservists and less will be devoted to investments on new materials. The Bundeswehr's Structure 2000 is already considering all this and is trying to balance the demands for efficiency and those imposed by the circumstances that ask for a revision of the military instrument. There have been, however, discussion and polemics and opinions offered by the majority and the opposition have appeared on all organs of information. Some believe that too much has been reduced and others state that enough has been sacrificed. The fact remains that the Federal Army has, with great attention and preparedness, made the necessary steps to adapt to future foreseable events, not expecting to be strengthened by such a reorganization, but certainly more fit for the evolving reality of the modern world. It is likely that such steps will soon

have to be taken by many other countries of the West and perhaps also of the East. Col. Carlo Cabigiosu

NOTES (1) The Territorial Army acts as gobetween for the national military organization, the NATO organization and the civil administration of the State and is supplied with a few units (nowadays Brigades and Regiments) for the defence of the territory. (2) The remaining 48.59 is formed by 38.4% Soldaten auf Zeit (Officers, NCOs and soldiers on prolonged services) and by 10.1% Berufsoldaten (professional Officers and NCOs). Of the above mentioned 340 men of the Army, 267,000 make up the field Army, 48,000 the Territorial Army and 25,000 work within the so-called Central Office of the Army which indudes study, school and training bodies. (3) It is advanced that a tank battalion for each armoured Brigade and two mechanized battallions for eachmechanized Brigade may become "cadres". The existing battalions will be equaled to the "cadre" ones and will have a 15-20% Officers and Non Commissioned Officers more to form the fast mobilized unit group. (4) The I7ranco-German mixed Brigade, not assigned to NATO, will be similarJy staffed.

51

The badege of the Gebrings-undWinterkampfschule

Above Getman mountain soldiers with the new camouflage smock and the new helmet been tested at present. Right A member of a Hochgebirgszug in action: The rifle is fixed to the knapsack.

GEBIRGS UND WINTE

F

SCHULE

0£ the five Alpine nations, Austria, France, Italy, Switzerland and Federal Ger· many, the latter is most certainly the one with the lowest portion of mountainous territory in proportion to the extension of the country. Moreover, from a military point of view, the Alpine boundary sea prates Germany from two neutral nations, Austria and Swiuerland. In spite of this even Germany admits the importance of keeping up a group, though limited in number, of Alpine troops specialv.ed in mountain combat and consequently trained and equiped, heirs of the tradition of the Gebirgstruppe established during the First World War. In an army of conscripts most of the training cycle is carried out within the employment unit. This also holds true for the Gebirgsjager, the German Alpine troops serv· ing in the 2} Mountain Infrantry Brigade, the sole unit really speciali:r.ed in altitude combat belonging to the 1st Mountain Division, since the other divisional units are an armoured and a mechanized Brigade. However, to train conscripts and lead them in the typical alpine scenery special Cadres must be established and it is necessary to study the development of combat tactis according to the technological progress connected to arms and transport systems as well as the aspect regarding personal equipment. Upto the beginning of World War II, the German army did not have a training centre for mountain combat. In Mittenwald, now headquarters of the school, a mountain training range was established in 19}6, followed in 1939 by the first true high mountain school, the Heeres-Hocbgebirgsschule with headquarters in Fulpmes, in Tyrol. Following decisions taken during the Paris Conference of 20-22 October, 1954, the occupa· tlon regime in Germany ended, but in De-

Non commissioned cadets listen to the briefing of a non commissioned instructor be/ore an exercise.

eember of the following year the Soviet Union, which had not taken part in the previous meeting, signed with Pankow the treaty which made a separate state of the Soviet area of occupation. The above and the invitation sent to Germany by the three Western powers, France, great Britain and the United States, to join the Atlantic Alliance, led to the establishment of the Bundeswehr. The first trace of an alpine school is found on the plain, in Hanunelburg, where within the Infantry School the Heeresschule Gebirgs-undWintekampf is established on 1 July, 1956. A month later it is defintely called Gebirgsund-Winterkarupfschule. It is back in the mountains once more and on 1 September, 1956 it is moved to Mittenwald where it still is nowadays. The school headquarters in the Luttensee Kaserne which takes the name of the Lutten lake, a few kilometres nortl1-wcst of the tourist resort on the boundaries of Austria. The location of the school in Mittenwald is due to a well-defined reason: the surrounding area is a mountain climber's paradise. From the windows of the school's headquarters we may see on the east the Karwen-

Left

The Headquarters of the German Mountain school in Mittenwald. Below

On the kft pocket of this non commissioned officer ofa mountain battalion we see the oval with the edelweiss of his military mountain guide licence. Right

A squad of German mountain climbers during a winter exercise.

dcl mountains with peaks of 2,.30 · 2,500 meters, while at the back we see tl1e Wetterstein mountains, towards the east-west, with the Zugspitze, 2,963 metres, the highest peak in Germany. Botb tbesc group of mountains are used as mounting climbing training areas, but are not used £or tactical exercises for ecologic reasons and limitations of a naturalistic kind. For tactical training the school has a £iring range for low level activity, whereas £or more complex activity the typical training area is that of the so-called Mittelgehirge, a plateau which reaches 2,000 metres and is a £cw kilometres north of the school and has a remarkable extension.

1w,1M=tm,1 The Gebirgs-und-Winterkampfschule depends on the Heeresamt, responsible for materials and training of the German fumy, and more precisely on the 5th Division, responsible for the training of fighting troops. In £act, the two fighting schools, tl1c already mentioned KTSl in Ha.mmelburg (Infantry) and tl1e KTS2 in Munster (armoured) depend on the same Division like the Schongau parachutist school and tl1e mythical long range international patrol school in Weingarten. The Luttense Kaserme was built in 1934 by a Munich school as a holiday and study resort £or its students. An economic crisis befell tlie school and the buildings were hougl1t, while still under construction, by the mili tary administration and since 1935 the barracks have been the headquarters of military units, the Wernacht first, then allied and finally Bundeswehr, with a break from 1946 to 1956, during which they put up certain bodies of the UNNRA international organization, a sanatorium and lastly the skiing and mountain climbing school of the Ger-

54

man frontier guards, tl1e Ilundesgrenzschutz. As already mentioned the consistency of the German Alpine troops proper is limited to a Brigade, four Infantry battalions, one of which designed to become cadre, an artillery group and, in the near future, a tank battalion, besides support uni ts. The personnel and potentialities of the school are thus in line with the requirements of the units. Present personnel amounts to 16 officers, JO non commissioned officers and eight enlisted men together with 39 civilians, while the highest number of men attending the school is 136. T he low number of soldien is due to the £act that many logistic tasks are entrusted to civilians, while guards arc performed by personnel belonging to the two Alpine battalions of the 23 Brigade located in Mittenwald, the 23Jred and the 234tli. The organi1,ation is very simple: The co,nmand, employing 6 officers, 15 non conunissioned officers and all the soldiers as well as almost all the civilians, has a personnel/information section, a training section, by far the most numerous, a logistic, sanitary, administrative section, wholly managed by civilians and a didactic documen tation section, most in1portant in a

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taining vocation organi:r.ation, With II very limited number of personnel, three officers and one commissioned officer, the research and study centre is of the utmost importance not only for the school, hut for the mountain troops as a whole and £or the very German Army as we shall further see. The training soul of the school is formed by the "inspektion", the instruction company, divided into a command, an instructors' section, £our sections for the speciali1.ation courses and a platoon of the non commissioned officers cadet course.

li•li)$1iti The mountain climbing and skiing training does not concern only the Gebirgsjiiger; in £act, many ground units of the Ilundeswehr send their men to Mittenald to be trained in the various techniques . However, the main course of the school is that for the Hee, rcsbergsfuhrer, the military mountain guides. Personnel destined to specialize in mountain activities consists mainly of non commissioned officers, though some officers also attend the course . Training lasts eight months, four during the winter and four during the summer and includes the theoretic and practiCJll study of mountain climbing and skiing techniques, first aid, rescuing, theory on the conditions of the snow and the prevention of avalancl,es, in fact everything needed to be able to work safely in the high mountains, under any circumstance, at the head of a unit, It must be mentioned that due to the almost total absence of perennial glaciers in the German Alps (two limited size glacier11 mAy he seen on tbe peak ol the above mentioned Zugspitze) the course moves £or a few weeks to Chamonix, at the Ecole Militairc de haute Montagne dell' Armee de Terre to train on the Mer de Glace. At the end of the course the Heeresbergsfiihrer return to their units. Each Infantry battalion of the Gehirgsjiigerbdg de 23 has 21 mountain guides employed at the Command and at the various companies and, in particular, in the specialized high mountain platoon, one £or each battalion, known as the Hochgebirgszug, in which the platoon and team commanders have a mountain guide licence. The oval badge with the edelweiss and the crossed ice axes is not assigned

Below

Soldiers of a high mountain platoon of a battalion getting ready to build an igloo.

...

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for life: in fact, every two years a verification course must be followed if one wants to keep the qualification: the course is held in the school, in two different stages, one during the summer and one during the winter. The importance of the course for the mountain guides is underlined by the fact that the head of mountain guide course instructors has a higher rank than the commander of the instruction company. The Heeresbergsfiihrcrs are not employed exclusively within the mountain Infantry Brigade; we way find them also in the other units of the 1 Mountain Division, though in smaller number. Another important course is the one for officers destined to the units of the Division.

In fact, before attending.the officers' school, these cadets spend three months in Mittenwald where they attend a first mountain training course and once the officer training is over they return to the school for a two months' course centred on mountain fighting tactics, After serving the units as file men, the cadet on co11unissioned officers of the units of the Division qualify for the rank of non commissioned officer by following a three months' course at the school where from a tactical point of view the most important teaching is the one that qualifies them to command a squad. During his carreer, a non commissioned officer will often return to the school for further courses.

He will most probably follow the three weeks' mountain fighting tactical course and that for mountain rescuing, sub-divided into a two week winter stage and a three week summer stage. Most of the Division's personnel attends the latter. The Edelweiss Division men are not the only ones attending the Luttensee Kaserne: many units send their own Cadres to attend the military skiing course, since snow is the mutual element of all Germany and not of its mountain territory. In Mittenwald therefore one may quite easily find officers of the various Arms who attend the course for military skiing instructors which lasts three weeks; generally these people are already trained in military skiing and on going back to their unit they will be able to train enlisted personnel. Moreover, the boundary with C:r.echoslovakia is fonned by low mountains and high hills to the south and is similat to the Mittelgehirge where most of the tactical training is carried out. Often therefore, the units destined to intervene in that area, mostly headed by the Mountain Division, are trained on die mountains north of Mittenwald, and it is not by chance alone that the reconnaissance battalion of the Division is located in Freyung, a few kilometres from where Federal Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia join together. Foreign units, especially Belgian, British, Dutch and American, join die national attendants at die school and the crests that decorate the stairway of the Inspektion headquarters, for the most part a gift of units of the special forces, are a witness to this.

55

Students ofthe school during an exercise armed with a "G-3" rifle and the 40mm gren<1delauncher: the school has the task oftesting arms systems in a cold environment,

Et'BJ;!1®':tM#IMl•liiQt$·• The Centre's first task is the drafting of the series of doctrinal manuals titled "Mountain Fighting". The editions at present being used are rather old, but during this year new manuals will be published describing the operational procedures at battalion, compa· ny and platoon level; the reasons for examining tactics upto platoon level is the consideration, common to mountain troops of many countries, that the division of the terrain causes reduced groups to operate autonomously. Besides manuals devoted to Division personnel, of the Brigade 23 especially, the centre is also revising two manuals dedicated to a vaster public, entitled respectively "Combat on skiis" and "The Soldier in Winter". TI1e two manuals deal witl1 military mountain climbing the first and mountain rescue the second. Moreover the centre has been asked to study the new concept of employment for German mountain troops, whose secondary role is to operate as light Infantry in the Bavarian plains and has had its part in the definition of the new organi~ation of the mountain Infantry Brigade which is about to get the reinforcement of a tank battalion and is to replace part of the vehicles with armoured transport vehicles "Fuchs". TI1is project is slightly belated due to the precedence given to the Franco-German Brigade. The second field in which the centre's reduced staff operates is that regarding the evaluation of materials. At present the Bundeswehr is testing a new series of uniforms and accoutrements; Goretex found its first applications in mountain troop gloves and was later used for tbe internal layers of heavy coats and trousers, shoes and gaiters. The clothing being tested is a "system of cloth• ing" consisting in several layers which allows to adapt the clothing to the climate and the work to be performed. The new comouflage smock will be completed by a splinter proof jacket in a spotted camouflage material which should replace the grey-green uniform of the camouflage smock used at present. Moreover, the German Army is testing in all the units a series of equipment which goes from the one-man tent to the mess-tins and

56

rations and the school is obviously an impor· tant point of reference and the school is obviously an important point of reference since it can test materials in extreme conditions; the aim of these changes is to reach greater comfort, better protection and have less weight to transport. The school has recently been asked to test the new revolutionary gun "G-11" by Heckler and Koch which fires ammunition from 4. 7mm without cartridge case which as regards the total weight weapon-ammunition of the "G.J" at present employed (weapon + 100 shots 7.62.mm = 7.35 kg) will allow the soldier to carry 614 shots or reduce the weight transported. Tests carried out at the school proved very satisfactory; the plastic material from which the weapon is made is very appreciated by those operating at temperatures well below zero. The skin sticking to the metallic parts is no longer a problem, especially that of the hand during the daily maintenance and that of the cheeks during firing. Despite the trigger guard be-

ing fixed there have been no inconveniences during firing with gloves and only minor changes have been suggested. Moreover, the centre is responsible for the choice od specialist material regarding the skiing kit, bindings, seal skins, climbing material, rescuing systems. Obviously the best material, all of industrial origin, is distrihuted t.o the mountain troops while the plain units which may have to work on snow are equiped with older material since they have to .move on minor slopes. Though small and with a reduced staff the Gebirgs-und-Wi.nterkampfschule in Mittenwald carries out its task of training the Cadres destined to wear the beret with the edelweiss, symbol which distinguishes the German mountain units and the Army Cadres which will somehow have to operate in a mountain environment or under winter conditions.

Paolo Valpolini

FRANCE AT WAR BATTlE SPECTACLE AND A REVIEW

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Travelling with two chauffeurs is not the luxury it looks; since there is only one of you, and there is always another of those iron men to relieve the wheel. Nor can I decide whether an ex.professor of the German tongue, or an ex-road-racer who has lived six years abroad, or a Marechal des Logis, or a Brigadier makes the most thrusting driver through three mile stretches of military traffic, repeated at half hour intervals. Sometimes it was motor ambulances strung all along a level; or supply; or those eternal big guns coming round corners with trees chained on their long backs to puzzle aeroplanes, and their leafy, big-shell limbers snorting behind them. In the rare breathing spaces men with rollers and road metal attacked the road. In peace the roads of France, thanks to the Motor, were none too good. In war they stand tlie incessant traffic far better than they did with the tourist. My impression - after some 700 miles printed off on me at between sixty and seventy kilometres - was of uniform excellence. Nor did I come upon any smashes or breakdowns in that distance, and they were certainly trying them hard. Nor, which is the greater marvel, did we kill anybody; though we did miracles down the streets to avoid babes, kittens, and chickens. The land is used to every detail of war, and to its grime and horror and makeshifts, but also to war's unbounded courtesy, kidness, and long-suffering, and the gaiety that comes, thank God, to balance overwhelming material loss.

A VILLAGE SKETCH There was a village that had been stamped flat, till it looked older than Pompeii. There were not three roofs left, nor whole house. In most places you saw straight into the cellars. The hops were ripe in the dotted fields round about. They had been brought in and piled in the nearest outline of a dwelling. Women sat on chairs on the pavement, picking the good smelling bundles. When they had finished one, they reached back and pulled out another through the window hole behind had to be man~uvred out of what had been a farmyard, to take the hops to market. A thick, broad, fair haired wench, of the sort that Millet drew, flung all her weight on a spoke and brought the cart forward into the street. Then she shook herself, and, liands on hips, danced a little-·defiant jig in her sabots as she went back to get the horse. Another girl came across a bridge. She was precisely of the oppositive type, slender, creamy-skinned, and delicate featured. She carried a brand new broom over her shoulder through that desolation,

and bore herself with the pride and grace Still higher up, on a narrow path among of Queen lseult. The farm girl came out the trees, stood a priest and three or four leading the horse, and as the two young · officers. things passed they nodded and smiled at They watched the battle, and claimed each other, with the delicate tangle of the the great bursts of smoke for one side or the other, at the same time as they kept an eye hop vines at their feet. The guns spoke earnestly in the north. on the flickering aeroplane. "Ours", they That was the Argonne, where the Crown said, half under their breath. "Theirs". Prince was busily getting rid of a few "No, not ours that one - theirs! ... That thousands of his fatlier's faithful subjects fool is banking too steep ... That's Boche in order to secure himself the reversion sharpnel. They always burst is high. That's of liis father's throne. No man likes los- our big gun behind that ounter hill ... He'll ing his job, and when at long last the drop his machine in the street if he doesn't inner history of this war comes to be writ• take care ... There goes a trench-sweeper. ten, we may find that the people we mis- Those last two were theirs, but that' - it took for principals and prime agents were was a full roar - "was ours". onJy average incompetents moving all hell to avoid dismissal. (For it is absolutely true that when a man sells liis soul to BEHIND THE GERMAN LINES the devil he does it for the price of half The valley held and increased the sounds nothing). till they seemed to hit our hillside like a sea. A change of light showed a village exquisitely pencilled atop of a hill, with reddish haze at its feet. WATCHING THE GUN-FIRE "What is that place?" I asked. The priest replied in a voice as deep as It must have been a hot fight. A village, wrecked as is usual along this line, opened an organ: "That is Saint. It is in the Boche on it from a hillside that overlooked an lines. Its condition is pitiable". TI1e thunders and the smokes rolled up Italian landscape of carefully drawn hills studded with small villages - a plain with and diminished and renewed themselves, a road and a river in the foreground, and but the small children romped up and an all revealing afternoon light upon down the old stone steps; the beginner's aeroplane unsteadily chased its own everything. The hills smoked and shook and bel- shadow over the fields; and the soldiers lowed. An observation balloon climbed up in billet asked the band for their favourite to see; while an aeroplane which had.noth- tunes. Said the lieutenant of local Guards as ing to do with the strife, but was merely training a beginner, ducked and swooped the cars went on: "She - play - Tip· on the edge of the Plain. Two rose pink perary". And she did - to an accompaniment pillars ·of crumpled masonry, guarding some carefully trimmed evergreens on a of heavy pieces in the hills, which followed lawn half buried in rubbish, represented us into a town all ringed with enormous an hotel where the Crown Prince had once searchlights, French and Boche together, stayed. All up the hillside to our right the scowling at each other beneath the stars. It happened about that time that Lord foundations of houses lay out, like a bit of tripe, with the sunshine in their square Kitchener with General Joffre reviewed a French Army Corps. hollows. We came on it in a vast dip of ground Suddenly a band began to play up the hill among some trees; and an officer of under grey clouds, as one comes suddenlocal Guards in the new steel anti-shrapnel ly on water; for it lay out in misty blue helmet, which is like the seventeenth• lakes of men mixed with darker patches, century sallet, suggested that we should like osiers and undergrowth, of guns, climb and get a better view. He was a horses, and wagons. A straight road cut kindly man, and in speaking English had the landscape in two along its murmuring discovered (as I do when speaking French) front. that it is simpler to stick to one gender. His choice was the feminine, and the Boche described as "she" throughout VETERANS OF THE WAR made me think better of myself, which is It was though Cadmus had sown the the essence of friendship. We climbed a flight of old stone steps, for generations dragon's teeth, not in orderly furrows but the playground of little children, and broadcast, till, horrified by what arose, he found a ruined church, and a battalion in had emptied out the whole bag and fled. billets, recreating themselves with excel- But these were no new warriors. The lent music and a little horseplay on the record of their mere pitched battles would outer edge of the crowd. The trouble in have satiated a Napoleon. Their regiments the hills was none of their business for that and batteries had learnt to achieve the impossible as a matter of routine, and in day.

59

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ward, headed by massed bands playing a tune that sounded like the very pulse of France. The two Generals, with their Staff, and the French Minister for War, were on foot near a patch of very green lucerne. They made about twenty figures in all. The cars were little grey blocks against the grey skyline. There was nothing else in all that great plain except the army; no sound but the changing notes of the aeroplanes and the blunted impression, rather than noise, of feet of men on soft ground. They came over a slight ridge, so that one saw the curve of it first furred, then grassed, with the tips of bayonets, which immediately grew to full height, and then, beneath them, poured the wonderful infantry. The speed, the thrust, the drive of that broad blue mass was like a tide-race up an arm of the sea: and how such speed could go with such weight, and how such weight could be in itseH so absolutely under control, filled one with terror. All the while, the band, on a far headland, was telling them and telling them (as if they did not know!) of the passion and gaiety and high heart of their own land in the speech that only they could fully understand. (To hear the music of a country is like hearning a woman think aloud). "What is the tune?" I asked of an officer beside me. "My faith, I can't recall for the moment. I've marcked to it often enough, though. "Sambre-et-Meuse", perhaps. Look! There goes my battalion! Those Chasseurs yonder". He knew, of course; but what could a stranger identify in that earth-shaking pasâ&#x20AC;˘ sage of thirty thousand?

AR'ITLLERY AND CAVALRY

twelve months they had scarcely for a week lost direct contact with death. We went down the line and looked into the eyes of those men with the used bayonets and rifles; the packs that could almost stow themselves on the shoulders that would be strange without them; at the s1,lashed guns on their repaired wheels, and the easy working limbers. One could feel the strength and power of the mass as one feels the flush of heat from off a sunbaked wall. When the Generals' cars arrived there, there was no loud word or galloping about. The lakes of men gathered into straightedged battalions; tl1e batteries aligned a little; a squadron reined back or spurred up; but it was all as swiftly smooth as the cerâ&#x20AC;˘ tainty with which a man used to the pistol draws and levels it at the required moment. (,C

A few peasant women saw the Generals alight. The aeroplanes, which had been skimming low as swallows along the front of the line ( theirs must have been a superb view) ascended leisurely, and "waited on" like hawks. Then followed the inspection, and one saw tlte two figures, tall and short, growing smaller side by side along the white road, till far off among the cavalry they entered their cars again, and moved along the horizon to another rise of greygreen plain. "The army will move across where you are standing. Get to a flank', some one said. AN ARMY IN MOTION We were no more than well clear of that immobile host when it all surged for-

The note behind the ridge changed to something deeper. "Ah! Our guns", said an artillery officer, and smiled tolerantly on the last blue waves of the Line already beating towards the horizon. They came twelve abreast - one hundred and fifty guns free for the moment to take the air in company, behind their teams. And next week would see them, hidden singly or in lurking confederacies, by mountain and marsh and forest, or the wrecked habitations of men where? The big guns followed them, with that longnosed air of detachment peculiar to the breed. The Gunner at my side made. no comment. He was content to let his Arm Speak for itself, but when one big gun in a sticky place fell out of alignment for an instant I saw his eyebrows contract. The Artillery passed on with the same in-

human speed and silence as the Line; and the Cavalry's shattering trumpets closed it all. They are like our Cavalry in that their horses are in high condition, and they talk hopefully of getting past the barbed wire one of these days and coming into their own. Meantime, they are employed on "various work as requisite", and they all sympathise with our rough,rider of Dragoons who flatly refused to take off his spurs in the trenches. If he had to die as a dammed infrantry-man, he wasn't going to be buried as such. A troop-horse of a flanking squadron decided tl1at he had had enough of war, and jibbed like Lot's wife. His rider (we all watched him) ranged about till he found a stick, which lie used, but without effe-ct. Then he got off and led the horse, which was evidently what the brute wanted, for when the man remounted the jibbing began again. The last we saw of him was one immensely lonely figure leading one bad but happy horse across an absolutely empty world. Think of his reception - the sole man of 40,000 who had fallen out!

THE BOCHE AS MR. SMITH The Commander of that Army Corps came up to salute. The cars went away with the generals and the Minister for War; the Army passed out of sight over the ridges to the north; the peasant women stooped again to their work on the fields, and wet mist shut clown on all the plain; but one tingled with the electricity tlu1t has passed. Now one knows what the solidarity of civilisation means. Later on the civilised nations will know more, and will wonder and laugh together at their old blindness. When Lord Kitchener went down the ]foe, before the march past, they say that he stopped to speak to a General who had been Marchand's Chief of Staff at the time of Fashoda. And . Fashoda was one of several cases when civilisation was very nearly manlSuvred into fighting with itself "for the King of Prussia", as the saying goes. The allembracing vileness of the Boche is best realised from French soil, where they have had large experience of it. "And yet", as some one observed, "we ought to have known that a race who have brought anonymous letter-writing to its highest pitch in their own dirty Court affairs would certainly use the same methods in their foreign politics. Why didn't we realise? "For the same reason", another responded, "that society did not realise that the late Mr. Smith, of your England, who married three wives, bought baths in advance for each of them, and, when they had left him all their money,

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drowned them one by one". "And were the baths by any chance called Denmark, Austria, and France in 1870?" a third asked. "No, they were respectable British tubs. But until Mr. Smith had drowned his third wife people didn't get suspicious. They argued that "men don't do such things". That sentiment is the criminal's best protection". THE LAND THAT ENDURES We passed into the zone of another army and a hillier country, where the border villages lay more sheltered. Here and there a town and the fields round it gave us a glimpse of the furious industry with which France makes and handles material and

troops. With her, as with us, the wound, ed officer of experience goes back to the drill-ground to train the new levies. But it was always the little crowded, defiant villages, and the civil population waiting unweariedly and cheerfully on the unâ&#x20AC;˘ wearied, cheerful army, that went closest to the heart. Take these pictures, caught almost anywhere during a journey: A knot of little children in difficulties with the village water-tap or high-handled pump. A soldier, bearded and fatherly, or young and slim and therefore rather sky of the big girls' chaff, comes forward and lifts the pail or swings the handle. His reward, from the smallest babe swung high in air, or, if he is an older man, pressed against his knees, is a kiss. Then nobody laughs. Or a fat old lady making oration against some wicked young soldiers who, she says, 61

know what has happened to a certain bottle of wine. "And I meant it for all - yes, for all - yes, for all of you - this evening, instead of for the thieves who stole it. Yes, I tell you - stole it!" The whole street hears her; so does the officer, who pretends not to, and the amused half.battalion up the road. The young men express penitence; she growls like a thunderstorm, but, softening at last, cuffs and drives them affectionately before her. They are all one family. Or a girl at work with horses in a ploughed field that is dotted with graves. The machine must avoid each sacred plot. So, hands on the plough-stilts, her hair flying forward, she shouts and wrenches till her little brotl1er runs up and swings 62

the team out of the furrow. Every aspect and detail of life in France seems overlaid with a smooth patina of longcontinued war - everything except t11e spirit of the people, and that is as fresh and glorious as the sight of their own land in sunshine.

A CITY AND WOMAN We found a city among hills which knew itself to be a prize greatly coveted by the Kaiser. For, truly, it was a pleasant, a desirable, and an insolent city. Its streets were full of life; it boasted an establishment almost as big as Harrod's and full of buyers, and its women dressed

and shod tltemselves with care and grace, as befits ladies who, at any time, may be ripped into rags by bombs from aeroplanes. And there was another city whose population seemed to be all soldiers in training; and yet another given up to big guns and ammunition - an extraordinary sight. After that, we came to a little town of pale stone which an Army had made its headquarters. It looked like a plain woman who had fainted in public. It had rejoiced in many public institutions tl1at were turned into hospitals and offices; the wounded limped its wide, dusty streets, detachments of Infrantry went through it swiftly; and utterly bored motor-lorries cruised up and down roaring, I suppose, for something to look at or to talk to. In the centre of it I found one Janny, or rather his marble bust, brooding over a minute iron-railed garden of half-dried asters opposite shut-up school, which it appeared from the inscription Janny had founded somewhere in the arid Thirties. It was precisely the sort of school that Janny, by the look of him, would have invented. Not even French adaptability could make anything of it. So Janny had his school, with a faint perfume of varnish, all to himself in a hot stillness of used-up air and little whirls of dust. And because that town seemed so barren, I met there a French General whom I would have gone very far to have encountered. He, like the others, had created and tempered an army for certain work in a certain place, and its hand had been heavy on the Boche. We talked of what the French woman was, and had done, and was doing, and extolled her for her goodness and her faith and her splendid courage. When we parted, I went back and made my profoundest apologies to Janny, who must have had a mother. The pale, overwhelmed town did not now any longer resemble a woman who had faintâ&#x20AC;˘ ed, but one who must endure in public all manner of private woe and still, with hands that never cease working, keeps her soul and is cleanly strong for herself and for her men.

FRENCH OFFICERS The guns began to speak again among the hiUs that we dived into; the air grew chillier as we climbed; forest and wet rocks closed round us in the mist, to the sound of waters trickling alongside; there was a tang of wet fern, cut pine, and the first breath of autumn when the road entered a tunnel and a new world - Alsace. Said the Governor of those parts tltoughtfully: "The main thing was to get those factory chimneys smoking again". (They were doing so in little towns and

villages all along.) "You won't see any girls, because they're at work in the textile factories. Yes, it isn' t a bad country for summer hotds, but I'm afraid it won't do for winter sports. W.eâ&#x20AC;˘ve only a metre of snow, and it doesn't lie, except when you are hauling guns up mountains. Then, of course, ifdrifts and freezes like Davos. That's our new railway below there. Pity it's too misty to see the view". Except for his medals, there was nothing about the Governor to show that he was not English. He might have come straight from an Indian frontier command. One notices this approximation of type in the lligher ranks, and many of Lhe juniors are cut out of the very same cloth as ours. They get wl1atever fun may be going: their performances are as incredible and ountrageous as the language in which they describe them afterwards is bait, but convincing, and - I overheard the tailend of a yarn told by a child of twenty to some other babes. It was veiled in the obscurity of the French tongue, and the points were lost in shouts of laughter but I imagine the subaltern among his equals displays just as much reverence for his elders and betters as our own boys do. The epilogue, at least, was as old as both Armies: "And what did he say then?" "Oh, the usual thing. He held his breath till I thought he'd burst. Then he damned me in heaps, and I took good care to keep out of his sight till next day''. But officially and in the high social atmosphere of Headquarters their manners and their meekness are of the most admirable. There they attend devoutly on tl1e wisdom of their seniors, who treat tl1cm, so it seemed, with affectionate confidence.

THE INVENTIVE FRONT When the day's reports are in, all along tl1e front, there is a man, expert in the meaning of things, who boils them down for that cold official digest whicl1 tells us that ''There was the usual grenade figl1ting at - . We made appreciable advance at -", etc. The original material comes in sheaves and sheaves, where individual character and temperament have full and amusing play. It is reduced for domestic consuption like an overwhelming electric current. Otherwise we could not take it in. But at closer range one realises that the Front never sleeps; never ceases from trying new ideas and weapons which, so soon as the Boche thinks he has mastered them, are discarded for newer annoyances and bewilderments. ''The Boche is above all things observant and imitative", said one who counted quite a few Boches dead on the front

of his sector. "When you present him with a new idea, he thinks it over for a day or two. Then he presents his rispote". "Yes, my General. That was exactly what he did to me whan I - did so and so. He was quite silent for a day. Then he stole my patent". "And you?" "I had a notion that he'd do that, so I had changed the specification". Thus spoke the Staff, and so it is among the junior commands, down to the semiisolated posts where boy-Napoleons live on tlieir own, through unbelievable adventures. They are inventive young devils, these veterans of twenty-one, possesed of the single ideal - to kill - which they follow with men as single-minded as themselves. Battlefield tactics do not exist;

when a whole nation goes to ground there can be none of the "victories" of the old bookish days. But there is always the killing - the well-schemed smashing of a full trench, the rushing out and the mowing down of its occupants; the unsuspicious battalion far in the rear, located after two nights" extreme risk alone among rubbish of masonry, and wiped out as it eats or washes itself; and, more rarely, the body encounter with animals removed from the protection of their machinery, when the bayonets get their chance. The Boche does not at all like meeting men whose womenfolk he has dishonoured or mutilated, or used as a protection against bullets. It is not tl1at these men are angry or violent. They do not waste time in that way. They kill him. 63

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.. THE BUSINESS OF WAR The French are less reticent than we about atrocities committed by the Boche, because those atrocities form part of their lives. They are not tucked away in Reports of Commissions, and vaguely referred to as "too awful". Later on, perhaps, we shall be unreserved in our turn. But they do not talk of thetn with any babbling heat, or bleat, or make funny little appeals to a "public opinion" that, like the Boche, has gone underground. It occurs to me that this must be because every Frenchman has his place and his chance, direct or inderect, to diminish the number of Boches still alive. Whether he lies out in a sandwich of damp earth, or sweats the big guns up the crests behind th_e trees, or brings the fat, loaded barges mto the very heart of the city, where the shellwagons wait, or spends his last crippled years at the harvest, he is doing his work to tliat end. If he is a civilian he may - as he does - say things about his Government, which, after all, is very like other popular governments. (A lifetime spent in watching how tl1e cat jumps does not make lion• tamers). But there is very -little human rubbish knocking about France to hinder (,4

work or darken counsel. Above all, there is a thing called the Honour of Civilisation, to which France is attached. The meanest man feels that he, in his place, is permitted to help uphold it, and, I think, bears himself, therefore, with new dignity. A CONTRAST IN TYPES Tliis is written in a garden of smooth turf, under a copper-beech a glassy millstream, where soldiers of Alpine regiments are writing letters home, while the guns shout up and down the narrow valleys.

A huge wolf-hound, who considers himself in charge of the old-fashioned farmhouse, cannot understand why his master, aged six, should be sitting on the knees of the Marechal des Logis, the iron man who drives the big car. "But you are French, little one?" says the giant, with a yearning arm round the child. "Yes", very slowly mouthing the French words; "I - can't - speak French - but - I - am - French". The small face disappears in the big beard. Somehow, I can'timagine the Marechal des Logis killing babies - even if his superior officer, now sketching the scene, were to order him! The great building must once have been a monastery. Twiliglit softened its gaunt wings, in an angle of which were collected fifty prisioners, picked up among the hills behind the mists. They stood in some sort of military formation preparatory to being marched off. They were dressed in khaki, the colour of gassed grass, that might have belonged to any army. Two wore spectacles, and I counted eight faces of the fifty which were asymmetrical - out of drawing on one side. "Some of their later drafts give us that type", said the Interpreter. One of them had been wounded in the head and roughly bandaged. The others seemed all sound. Most of them looked at nothing, but several were vividly alive with terror that cannot keep the eyelids still, and a few wavered on the grey edge of collapse. They were the breed which, at the word of command, had stolen out to drown wom• en and children; had raped women in tl1e streets at the word of command; and, always at the word of command, had sprayed petrol, or squirted flame; or voided their excrements on tlie property and persons of their captives. They stood there outside all humanity. Yet they were made in the likeness of humanity. One realised it with a shock when the bandaged creature began to shiver, and tl1ey shuffled off in response to the orders of civilised men.

Rudyard Kipling

FRANCE AT WAR BATTLE SPECTACLE AND A REVIEW

16 September, 1920 when he organized his own funeral with invitations to attend. The book says: "The friends" dismay, flowers, wreaths and eventually surprise": Tata on the hearse, hale and hearty. Royal guards; arrest, a denunciation, which all ended for the best. Guglielmo Sansoni was dead and, new Phoenix, a painter who would henceforth call himself TATO was born. After this event, there is a succession of exhibitions in Italy and abroad, mingled with futurist evenings of all kinds, quarrels, misunderstandings and recognitions; no end of battles with Marinetti and all the overabundant lot of old and new futurists, famous and very fomous supporters of the avant-guard (from Balla to Fillia, from Prampolini to Depero, from Pratella to Dottori, from Sant'Elia to Russolo, not to speak of many more of greater or lesser importance). After the Manifesto of Photography signed by Marinetti and Tato, the latter becomes a painter from the air, art in which he dominates as the great creator of synthetic-dynamic works. Tato who had already flown on small fighters with overlapping wings, convinces Balla and other friends to board for the first time a big Caproni aircraft. It is thus decided to draft an Air-Painting Manifesto signed by Balla, Benedetta, Depero, Dettori, Fillia, Marinetti, Prampolini, Somenzi and Tato. Henceforth, it is no small task to follow the painter in his pyrotechnical and ingenious stunts, in his overseas odysseys in America or Africa (from where in the numberless one man or collective exhibitions, both futurist and from the air, as in the many Venice Biennale, following his creativity through hundreds and hundreds of paintings (not to speak of the frescoes in the airports of Ferrara, Venice, Siracuse, Guidonia, Tripoli and in many other public offices) some totally futurists, others with figurative repechage (a recurring feature in Tate's works. It has been said that "Airpainting is, among futurists, the easiest to understand). It is no small task to im66

Guglielmo Sansoni (Teto) was born in Bologna on 29 December, 1896 and died in Rome in January 1974. He was a volunteer in the 1915-1918 war during which he becomes a close &iend with Boccioni, Russolo e Sironi. At the end of his military service he goes back to Bologna where he organizes, together with Leo longanesi, Aldo Giovannini, Fanelli, Caviglioni and Federi• co Valli, then university students rebelling against time-serving, the first futurist group of Emilia, which he later heads with great success. · On September 16, 1920 he arranges his own funeral and summons to the house of the deceased Guglielmo Sansoni, a coffin, flowe'5, wreaths and hearse. He also assures the presence of the Royal Guards who break up the funeral procession and take Teto to the Police station. Gugliemo Sansoni had wanted to bury his own corpse to efficially announce the birth of the painter Teto, futurist, determined to devote himself to an intense activity of artistic• political propaganda designed to spread the Italian futurist movement to the Emilia-Romagna region. He thus regulady corresponds with Marinetti who1n he meets in Milan towards the end

0£ 1920.

.

On 22 January 1922, in Marinetti's presence, he organizes in Bologna the fust futurist art exhibition at the Modemissimo theatre. In 1924 he moves to Rome and is in touch with the Roman futurist circles which he comes to know by setting up a one man show in the BragagUa gallery. He takes part in the Venice Biennale from 1926 to 19.50 (He is awarded a prize at the XXTII Biennale) and in all the important futurist exhibits of Europe and of the world during the 30s (1932: in Paris, Galerie de la Renaissance with the airpaintcrs Alber.ti, Alimandi, Ambrosi, Andreaoni, Balla, Benedetta, Bot, Caviglioni, Cocchia, crali, Dcpero, Dulgheroff, Dormal, Dottori, Duse, Fillia, Marisa Mori, Munari, Oriani, Pozzo, Prampolini, Rosso, Saladittl, 111ayaht, Albissola, Vignazia and Zucco; 1937: in Amsterdam, Zurich, New York, Chicago, Rio de Janeiro, etc.). On 16 April, 1930, together with Marinetti he signs the "Manifesto of futurist photogi:aphy''. In Rome, in 1931, he o.rganizes in the ''Came.rate degli Artisti'' close to the Spanish steps, the first airpainting exhibition and signs the airpainting "Manifesto" together with Balla, Benedetta, Depero, Dottori, Fillia, Marinetti, Prampolini and Somensi. The following obtained by airpainting among painters marked 1931 as an essential date. Marinetti greeted the young innovator w.ith the following words: "Tato is the first to infuse palpitations and sweat of petrol, castor oil, calories and drive into the heavy three engine aircraft in a relationship of contrast-frindship with the transparent, evaporating, cotton wool, gauze or wolly texture of the atmosphere. I have a feeling that he is not going to stop at this first interesting invention". . In 1934, when the Second Colonial Att Exhibition was being held in Naples, he signs the Manifesto on African Art together with Marinetti, Fillia and Cocchia. He takes part in the first five Quadrennials in Rome. He paiJltS the frescoes in the airports of Siracusa, Tripoli, Gu.idonia and in many government buildings in Palermo, Trento, Gorizia and other public buildings such as schools, villas and the seat of the "Crriere Padano" in Feuara with the Madonna dell'Aria, which Balbo and Quilici had ordered him. He creates decorative reliefs in the pilots' pavillions at the Milan, Tripoli and Paris Fairs. After the wu the figures that Tato still composes ...... far from denying the previous con• quests (futurism, airpainting, synthetism, cubism and dadaism, etc.), are not far off from contemporary aesthetics in many way.

Essential bibliographical indications: Tato raccontato da Tato, 20 di futurismo, Zucchi, Milan, 1941 Aurelio T. Prete, Toto futurists, Ers., Rome, 1963 Enrico Crispolti, II mito della macchina ... , Celebes, Trapani, 1969. Franco Passoni (edited by) Acropittura futurists, Blu Gallc.ry, May-June, 1970. Enrico Crispolti, I futuristi e la fotografia "Qui arte contemporanea'' No. 8, Rome, June, 1972; Giovanni Lista, Fotografia futurists, Mulhipla Editions, Milan 1980 Enrico Crispolti. (edited by), Ricostrt1zione futudsta dell'universo, Mole Antonelliana, Tud.n, June-October, 1980. Giovanni Lista (edited by) Photographic Futuriste Italianne 1911·}9, Musee d' Art Modeme, paris, 1981; Enrico Crispolti, Gli Anni Trenta... Mazzotta, Milan 1982, Enrico Crispolti, La ceramics futurista ... Centro Di, Florence, 1982, Ezfo Godoli, Guide all'architettura modems. II Futurismo, Laterza, bati, 1983: Claudia Salaris, Storie del futurismo, Editori Riuniti, Rome, 198.5. Salvatore Ventura

agine his friendly relations with fa- sary if we really wish to understand mous men of his time, especially the value of an artist and the exact with Balbo who believed in the im- .dimension of a period in which' he portance of aviation and admired air- lived and worked. We live at a time painters. Difficult though this may in which historical survey, quite be, it is important and even neces- right from an ethico-political view-

--

IAIO Above.

Tato: «La Festa dei Gagliardetti» ([be Feast

of the Pennons),

Left. Tato: «Pavillon Dore>>.

point, as well as prejudice, unfair from an aesthetical point of view, stil impugn an evaluation of Art. There is another negative fact to be considered: nowadays it is often the trend of the market to draw the attention of both public and critics. We witness a levitation of the quality value through publicity and market quotations. This is wrong especially in conderation of the ensuing strains: the drawing of a Renaissance painter, even a famous one, is valued the same price as an.... American popartist, artfully exaggerated as regards quotations and value. Let us go back to Tato. Marinetti writes of him: "The airpainter 67

,x,o Tato was the first to infuse palpitations and sweat of petrol, castor oil, calories and drive into the heavy three engine aircraft in a relationship of contrast-friendship with the transparent, evaporating, cotton wool, gauze or woolly texture of the atmosphere". Actually, it seems as if Tato transferred to his airpainting canvasses all of his passion and indeed of himself in an almost physical relationship with the aircraft; in fact, Bino Binazzi describing the characteristical features of the artist, writes: "as slim as a candle" but "vibrating as a blade", and further "an athlete's soul in an acrobat's body"; "he strongly felt the call of the air . . v1s1on . The many painting are testimony of the above. (The first dates back to 1919 and is entitled "Protecting the flight mate"). These paintings depict beautiful p:inoramic views with oblique lines ))

drawn vertically which open like a fan or draw together in concentric circles and which are among the most interesting things of airpainting (suffice it to remember ''Sensazioni di Volo" (Feelings during flight), Aeroplani (Aircraft), "Urbanismi obliqui" (Oblique Urbanisms), "Vuoto d'Aria" (Air Pocket), "Spiralata" (Spiralling), "Avviamento" (Spinning), but he also loved aircraft for their sake alone, their vibrating shine, the aereodynamic shapes, slim like female bodies; and on upto the so-called war painting which, beyond the propagandistic emphasis, has its own incisive beauty, pictorial transfiguration of events which are chronicle only in appearance. We have not wanted to carry out a critical investigation on Tato's work nor speak of our relationship as relatives (which started with a violent quarrel with Tato dressed as a whitewasher: vest and paper hat in

Tato: ÂŤLa Marcia su RomaÂť (March on Rome).

the Severini style, all stained with paint!), but only recall some of the milestones of his life on earth; because, in fact, all of Tate's work, from his beginnings in the world of Futurism to the Dadaism of the objects photographed in transparency, assembled together or overlapping, from the highly coloured sketches of fellow-tenants, to the almost abstact landscapes seen at high speed, upto the more realistic works of the second post-war period (why not think of the magic "Visioni di Cornacchio" (Visions of Cornacchio) or the last blossoming in an expressionist key of his sacred works?) speaks of a life dedicated to art still however to be discovered and analysed in an unitarian manner. It would be a surprise for us all. Vinicio Saviantoni

to face, s. to f. the enemy facility, recreational f. (al pl.) factor, conversion f. nuclear transmission f. range safety f. time and space f. s. Fall, f. exercise (FALLEX) free f. stone f. f. trap to fall, v.i.

fallout, beginning f. (BF) end f. (EF)

f. contours f. pattern f. safety height (HOBFs) farewell, farrier,

affrontare affrontare ii nemico agevolazione attrezzature sportive fattore fattore di conversione fattore di trasmissione nucleare altezza di sicurezza fattori di tempo e di spazio caduta; (USA) autunno esercitazione annuale caduta libera caduta di pietre trabocchetto cadere, soccombere, diminu ire. morire, dividersi rlcaduta radioattiva ora di inzio della ricaduta radioattiva ora di termine della ricaduta radioattiva lim iti della ricaduta radioattiva carta delle linee d' isointensita altezza di scoppio di sicurezza da ricaduta saluto di comrniato rnaniscalco

fatigue,

f. duty feature dominant terrain f. s. terrain f. s. to feed, f. system feeding,

to feint, Fence, double apron f. wire f.

ferry-boat, ferrying, field, (Fd) air f. battle f. f. artillery f. bed f. craft f. engineering f. exercise

f. fortification f. glasses

fatica; uomo di fatica comandata lineamento; configurazione; forma terreno dominante forme del terreno alimentare, vettovagliare sistema di alimentazione vettovag liamento, alimentazione lanciare un finto attacco siepe, recinto siepe di filo spinato dop pia siepe (recinto) di filo spinato nave traghetto traghettamento campo, campagna, terreno aerocampo, aeroporto campo di battaglia artiglieria da campagna letto da campo sfruttamento del terreno lavori campali esercitazione campale, campo d'arma fortificazione campale cannocchiale da campagna

0 f. hospital f. Marshal f. officer f. ot fire f. of view f. practice f. train landing f. mine f. observation f. visual f. to fig ht, fighter,

f. bomber jet-f. Fight(lng), bayonet f. close f.

f. efficiency f. line hand-to-hand f. file,

f. folder f. number single f. to break f. s. to close f. s. film, f. strip training , f. filte r, oil f. finance, financing, finder, direction f. range, f. telescopic f. finding , direction f. (0/F) fire, adjusting f. antiaircraft f. antitank f. artillery f. assault f. barrage f. close defensive f. close interdiction f. close supporting f. concentrated f. concentration f. continous f. counterbattery f. countermortar f.

70

ospedale da campo Maresciallo (Gen.) Ufficiale Superiore campo di tiro campo di vista tattica militare trasporti militari campo di atterraggio campo_minato (v.) campo di osservazione campo visivo combattere, lottare combattente, (aeron.) aereo da caccia cacciabombardiere caccia a reazione combattimento, lotta combattimento alla baionetta lotta ravvicinata efficenza combattiva linea di combattimento lotta corpo a corpo lista, protocollo, fila (d i persone) raccoglitore di carteggio numero di protocollo fila indiana, per uno rompere le file serrare le file film filmina fi lm addestrativo filtro filtro dell 'olio finanza, amministrazione finanziamento scopritore radiogoniometro telemetro mirino telescopico scoperta, ritrovamento orientamento fuoco, tiro tiro di aggiustamento tiro (fuoco) contraereo tiro (fuoco) controcarri fuoco di artiglieria fuoco di assalto tiro (fuoco) di sbarramento fuoco a distanza ravvicinata fuoco di interd izione vicina fuoco di accompagnamento tiro concentrato fuoco (tiro) di concentramento fuoco continuo fuoco di controbbatteria fuoco (tiro) contromortai

counterpreparation f. covering f. cross-f. defensive f. (DF) destruction f. direct f. final protective f. (FPF)

f. action f. for effect f. line f. on call f. plan f. within the battle position flat-trajectory f. flanking f. harassing f. high angle f. indirect f. long range f. long range interdiction f. masked f. naval gun f. neutralization f. nuclear f. observed f. overlapping f. prearranged f. preparation f. registration f. smoke shell f. spreading f. support f. suppression f. to be fire, to b fired upon

firer, firing, ceck f. cease check f. f. charge f. exercise f. pin f. position f. range first endorser, First li ne loads (ammo), fission, nuclear f. fitness, physical f. Fixed wing ai rcraft, Flag, national f. signal f.

fuoco di contropreparazione fuoco di c opertura tiro (fuoco) incrociato fuoco difensivo tiro di distruzione tiro diretto linea di arresto automatica azione di fuoco fuoco (tiro) di efficacia linea di tiro fuoco su richiesta piano dei fuochi fuoco nell 'interno della posizione di resistenza tiro teso tiro fianchegiato tiro di disturbo tiro curvo tiro indiretto fuoco a distanza fuoco d' interdizione lontana tiro mascherato fuoco navale fuoco di neutralizzazione fuoco nucleare tiro osservato fuoco sovrapposto, sovrapposizione dei fuochi fuoco (tiro) predisposto fuoco di preparazione tiro d'inquadramento tiro nebbiogE!no tiro non convergente fuoco di appoggio fuoco di repressione far fuoco, sparare essere sottoposto al fuoco tiratore ii far fuoco, sparo sospendere ii fuoco riprendere ii fuoco innesco esercitazione di tiro punta del percussore base di fuoco, centro di fuoco poligono di tiro 1° revisore dotazione di 1 a linea (munizioni) fissione fissione nucleare attitudine, idoneita idoneita fisica velivolo ad ala fissa bandiera bandiera nazionale bandiera da segnalazione

0 flak, flame, f. tkrower flank, exposed f.

f. guard f. protectio n flare, f. pistol f. signal parachute f.

flash, flash less, Fleet air f. flexibility, flig ht, f. d iagram f. path f. line f. manifest f. unit f. serial free f. level f. non-stop f. test f. flow, supply f. traffic f. fluid, antifreeze f. brake f. f. oil

to fl y, flying , f. mission instrument f. stunt f.

fodder, foe, to follow, f.-up supplies Food additional f. messing f.

Foot, f. bridge

f. march forage , force, ACE Mobile ¡ F. (AMF) airborne f. Air F. s. (AF)

fuoco antiaereo, shrapnel fiamma lanciafi amme fi anco fianco esposto elementi d i sicurezza sui fianchi fiancheggiamento, p rotezione sui fianchi razzo illuminante p istola d i segnalazione segnale con razzo razzo illuminante con paracadute lampo (Z) qualifi ca di precedenza nei messaggi), vampa senza vampa fl otta fl otta aerea flessibilita volo d iagramma d i volo traiettoria di volo asse d i passagg io manifesto d i volo unita d i volo serie d i volo volo li bero volo orizzontale volo senza scalo volo di prova flusso, volume flusso d i rifornimenti volume d i traffico, portata stradale fluido, olio fluido anticongelante olio per i freni olio fluido volare volante, volo missione d i volo volo strumentale volo acrobatico foraggio secco nemico avversario seg uire rifornimenti al seguito successivi vitto, alimentazione viveri suppelmentari rancio piede, piede (misure d i lunghezza pari a m. 0, 305 passerella marcia a piedi foraggio forza Forza Mobile d i ACE forza aviotrasportata Forze aeree (Aviazione)

air strike f. Allied Tactical Air F. (ATAF) amphibious f. Armed F.s. assig ned f. b lue f. s. covering f. earmarked for assig nment f. earmarked for assignment on mobili7;:ition f .

enemy f. s. f. allocated to NATO f. chopped to NATO friend ly f. s. garrison f. s. joint f. s. land f. land ing f. mobile f. multilateral f. NA TO allocated f. s, naval f. s. non-integrated f. (NIF) orange f. s. other f. s. for NATO reaction f. tactical air f. (TAF) task f.

forcing, minefield f. forecast, weather f. fo reig n F. Office

Foresight, ford, fordable, fording , deep

t.

forklift form, d isposition f. rnessage f. qualifi cation f.

formation, attack f. battle f. column f. combat f. diamond f. fl ying f. line f. marchi ng f.

froza d'attacco aereo Forza Aerotattica Alleata forza anfibia Forze Armate forza assegnata forze azzurre forza d i copertura, d ispositivo d i sicurezza fo rza p recettata per l'assegnazione

for7a precettata per l'asegnazio ne in caso d i mobilitazione forze nemic he forze d estinate alla NATO forze destinate alla NATO forze amiche forze d i g uarnig ione interforze forza terrestre forza d i sbarco forza mobile forza multilaterale forze NATO forze navali forza non integrata forze arancione altre forze per la NATO fo rza d i reazione forza aerea tattica fo rza organizzata per un compito specifico forzamento forzamento campi minati p revisione p revisione del tempo estero, straniero Ministero d eg li Esteri mirino (di un'arma) guado guadabile guado, ii g uadare gaudo profondo sollevatore a forcella modulo, formate, forma foglio d isposizioni mod ulo per rnessayyi documentazio ne psicotecnica fo rmazione, ordine formazione d i attacco formazione per la battag lia formazio ne in colon na formazione d i combattimento formazione a losanga formazio ne d i volo formazione di linea d ispositivo d i marc ia

71

movement f. open f. spread-out f. wedge f. forming-up,

f. place fortification, field f. permanent f. fortified, f. positions fortress, forward (Fwd) f. defence f. echelon f. edge of battle area (FEBA) f. Line of Own Troops (FLOT) to forward, to f. a letter foxhole, double f. single f.

fracture, fragmentation, f. bomb f. hand granade /

f. mine freedom,

f. of action f. of manoeuvre freezing, f. point freight, frequency, f. band f. channel f. modulation (FM) high f. (HF) low f. (LF) super high f, (SHF) ultra high f. (UHF) very high f. (VHF) very low f , (VLF) Friendly, f. forces Frogman, front, encirclement f. b ridge f. line f. of attack holding f. main f.

;~_)

formazione di movimento formazione aperta formazione spiegata formazione a cuneo assunzione di una formazione luogo di assunzione di una formazione fortificazione fortificazione campale fortificazione permanente fortificato posizioni fortificate fortezza in avanti, avanzato difesa avanzata scaglione avanzato limite avanzato dell 'area della battaglia linea avanzata delle proprie truppe avanzare, inoltrare inoltrare una lettera buca, appostamento, riparo appostamento per due tiratori appostamento per un uomo in piedi (per tiratore isolate) frattura rottura in piezzi bomba dirompente bomba a mano a frattura prestabilita mina antiuomo (a frattura prestabilita) liberta d'azione liberta d'azione liberta di manvore congelamento punto di congelamento carico, merce, trasportata frequenza banda di frequenza canale di frequenza modulazione di frequenza alta frequenza bassa frequenza frequenza super alta frequenza ultraelevata frequenza altissima frequenza bassissima amico, amichevole forze amiche uomo rana, sommozzatore fronte fronte di accerchiamento linea del fronte, 1a linea fronte di attacco (UK) fron te d 'investimento fronte principale

frontage, attack f. frontal, f. attack frontraller, frontier, frost, f-bi te

f .-bitten white f. frozen, f. meat fuel, f. s and lubricants f. consumption unit (FCU) to fulfil, to f. an order to f. one's duty

fulfillment, function, administrative f. s. functioning, staff f. fund, NATO funded

fungus, fuse, (fuze) base detonating f. (BD) boresafe f. direct action f. (DA) dummy f. f. body f. delay mechanical time f, (MT) percussion f. point detonating f. (PD) or point initiating f. (PI) super-quick f. (SQ) time and percussion f. (TP) time (fixed) f. time super-quick f. (TSO) variable time f. (VT) fuselage, fuse,

fronte di spiegamento fronte di attacco (USA) frontale attacco frontale confinario frontiera gelo, gelata, ghiaccio congelamento (di parte del corpo colpito da congelamento, congelato brina congelato carne congelata carburante, combustibile carburanti e lubrificanti unita di consume carburanti adempiere, compiere eseguire un ordine compiere ii proprio dovere adempimento, compimento, esecuzione funzione funzioni amministrative funzionamento funzionamento del Comando fondo, stanziamento, sovvenzione sovvenzionato dalla NATO fungo (agente biologico) spoletta spoletta di fondello a percussione spoletta con sicurezza di sparo spoletta di ogiva a percussione istantanea falsa spoletta corpo di spoletta spoletta ritardata spoletta meccanica a tempo spoletta a percussione spoletta di ogiva a percussione spoletta istantanea spoletta a doppio ettetto spoletta a tempo (fisso) spoletta a doppio effetto istantanea spoletta di prossimita fusoliera (v.fuse) spoletta

4) gallantry, decoration for g. gallon, game, war g. gamma, g. particles g. rays gap, a. g. in the defences column g. march unit g. minefield g. widening of a g.

Garrison, g. forces gas, (v. agente) chking g. g. mask g. proof nerve g. non-persistant g. persistant g. poison g. tear g. vomiting g. war g. gasoline, (USA) aviaton g. (AVGAS) g. motor motor g. (MOGAS) gastroenteric, g, affection general, (GEN) brigadier g. (Birg.) commanding g. (CG) lieutenant g. (L TGEN) major g, (MAJGEN)

g, Staff general, (agg.) g. support (GS) generator, electrical g. hand g. germ, glacier, glass, field g. es snow g. es glider, gliding, gllssade, global, glossary,

valore, prodezza decorazione al valore gallone (pari a It. 4,546) partita, gioco, gara, esercizio, sportivo manovra coi quadri gamma particella gamma raggi gamma breccia, varco, intervallo una breccia nelle difese intervallo tra elementi di una colonna in marcia intervallo tra unita di marcia varco in campo minato allargamento di una breccia guarnigione, distaccamento, presidio forze di guarnigione gas, aggressivo chimico gas soffocante maschera antigas antigas, a prova di gas gas nervino gas fugace gas persistente gas tossico gas lacrimogeno gas vomitatorio gas di guerra benzina benzina per aerei motore a benzina benzina per automezzi gastroenterico affezione gastroenterica generale (grado) Generale di Brigata Generale Comandante Generale di Corpo d'Arma Generale di Divisione, Maggior generale Stato Maggiore generale appogg io generale, massa di manovra, appogg io indiretto generatore generatore di corrente generatore a mano germe ghiacciaio vetro, occhiali (al pl.); binocolo da campagna occhiali da neve aliante volo librato scivolata (su neve) globale, mondiale glossario

goal, goniometer, gorge, gorget patch, government, grade, grader, gradient, to graduate, graph, march g. operational road mevement g. grave, burials and graves registration g. yard gravity, centre of g. (CG) grease, graphited g. g. pencil grenade, g. launcher hand g. hand g. fragmentation rifle g. grid, g. g. g. g, g.

azimuth convergence coordinated reference system

military g. ground, actual g. zero desired g. zero (DGZ) drill-g.

g. action

g. Liaison Officer (GLO) g. order of battle (GROBAT) g, order of War (WARBAT)

g. zero (GZ) high g. vital g. group, addresses indicator g. (AIG) army g.

meta, traguardo, scopo, obiettivo, risultato da raggiungere goniometro gola, forra, passaggio stretto in montagna mostrina governo grado livellatrice pendenza, inclinazione, g radiente diplomarsi, conseguire un diploma grafico, diagramma grafico di marcia grafico di movimento tomba, sepoltura reg istrazione tombe e sepolture cimitero gravita centro di gravita grasso g rasso grafitato matita dermografica granata, bomba lanciabombe bomba a mano bomba a mano difensiva bomba da fucile reticolato (di carta topografica) azimut rete convergenza rete rete topografica riferimento cartografico quadrettatura della carta topografica rete topografica militare terreno, terra, fuoco punto zero reale punto zero desiderato piazza d 'armi, campo d'addestramento azione terrestre ufficiale di collegamento del I' Esercito ordine di battaglia terrestre (tempo di pace) ordine di battaglia terrestre (tempo di guerra) punto zero (di una esplosione nucleare) rilievo tratto vitale gruppo gruppo indicatore di indirizzi gruppo di Armate

73

0 battle g. date/time g. (DTG) group of mutual supporting strongpoints tactical control g. tactical g. (tactical) battalion g. (tactical) company g. guard advance g. flank g. home g. rear g. to mount g. to releive g. guardroom, guerl Ila (guerrilla) counter g. guidance, logistic policy and g. guide, to guide, guided missile

hemorrhage, hemostatlc, half, h.-life h. thickness halt, scheduled h. temporary h. to hamper, handle-talkie, handling, message h. PW h. Hand-to-hand, h. to h. fighting, hangar, to harass, harrassing fire harbour, artificial h. unloading h. harmful, haversack, hazard,

74

gruppo di combattimento gruppo data orario gruppo di capisaldi cooperanti gruppo di controllo tattico gruppo tattico gruppo tattico a livello battagLione gruppo tattico a livello compagnia guardia, vigilanza avanguardia elementi di sicurezza sui fianchi forze territoriali retroguardia montare di guardia dare ii cambio alla guardia corpo di guardia guerriglia, guerrigliere controguerriglia guida, norma, direttiva, governo norme log istiche guide, scorta guidare, dirigere, governare missile teleguidato

emorragia emostatic meta, mezzo tempo di dimezzamento (radioattivita) spessore di dimezzamento (radioattivita) fermata, arresto, sosta fermata prog rammata sosta temporanea impedire, ostacolare radio portatile maneggio, trattamento, modi di impiegare, modo di trattare trattamento dei messaggi trattamento dei prigionieri corpo a corpo lotta corpo a corpo aviorimessa disturbare, molestare tiro di disturbo porto porto artificiale porto di scarico dannoso nocivo tascapane azzardo

gully, ice g. scree g. gun,

g. anti-aircraft

g. anti-tank g. anti-tank selfpropelled g. anti-tank towed g. artificer g.-barrel g. boat g.-carriage g.'s crew g.-fire g. position heavy g. light g. machine-g. recoilless g. self-propelled g. sub-maachine g. gunner, mach ine g. gunnery,

radiological h. head, testa air h. beach h. bridge h. rail h. war h. nuclear war h. headlight, anti-dazzle h.s. headquarters, battalion h, combined h. company h. h. and service company higher h. interallied h. joint h. mounting h. regiment h. subordinate h.

canalone (colatoio) canalone di ghiaccio canalone di detriti arma da fuoco, bocca da fuoco, cannone, pezzo d'artiglieria cannone c/a cannone c/c cannone c/c smv cannone c/c trainato artificere canna (d'arma da tuoco) cannoniera (nave) affusto di cannone serventi al pezzo sparo, colpo di cannone, cannoneggiamento linea pezzi cannone pesante cannone leggero mitrag liatrice arma (cannone) senza rinculo cannone semovente mitra artigliere mitragliere artiglieria, balistica, tiri d'artiglieria

azzardo radiologico testa d 'aviosbarco testa di sbarco (operaz. anfibie testa di ponte testa d i ponte ferroviario testata esplosiva testata termonucleare faro , proiettore, luce frontale (autom.) fari anabbaglianti comando, quartiere generale comando di battaglione comnndo combinato (d i piu nazioni alleate comando di compagnia compagnia comando e servizi comando superiore comando interralleato comando interforze (misto) comando superiore di appartenenza di una formazione comando di regimento comando inferiore

4D heater, hedgehog, height, drop h. h. of burst (HOB) fallout safety h. (HOB fs) safe burst h. spot h. heliborne, h. operations h. troops helicopter, (Heli) assault h. cargo h. h. transport operations reconnaissance (recce) h. utility h. hellograph, helipad, h. day marker heliport, helm, helmet, hero, heroism, to hide, hierarchy, highway, hindsight, hinterland, to hit, hoist, h. capacity holding, h. attack

riscaldatore posizione fortificata (a riccio), ostacolo antisbarco altezza, quota quota di lancio altezza di scoppio nucleare altezz~ di scoppio di sicurezza da ricaduta radioattiva altezza di scoppio di sicurezza quota (UK) eliportato elisbarco truppe eliportate elicottero elicottero d 'assalto elicottero da trasporto elitrasporto elicottero da ricognizione elicottero di impiego vario eliografo elicampo, zona di atterraggio elicotteri segnaletica di zona atterraggio elicotteri eliporto timone elmetto eroe eroismo, atto eroico nascondere gerarchia strada di grande comunicazione tacca di mira entroterra, retrovia colpire sollevamento, montacarichi capacita di sollevamento tenuta, fissaggio azione di fissaggio

holds, to hold-up, to h. a position to h. an advance hole, blast, h. bomb h. fox h. homeguard, honour, military h. s. soldierly h. the h. s. of war hook, spring-h. hospital, field h. hospitalization, host, h. nation hostile, hour, 'H''¡h. hovercraft, howitzer, heavy h. light h. medium h. 4

hut, hydrogen, heavy h. h. bomb hydrographer, hydrographlc(al), hydrography, hydroscoplc, hygiene, h. and prophylaxis personal h.

appigli (sulla roccia) tenere, fermare, contenere mantenere una posizione contenere l'avanzata nemica buca, fornello fornello da mina cratere buca, appostamento, riparo truppe territoriali onore onori militari onore di soldato (militare) onore delle armi gancio moschettone ospedale ospedale da campo ospedalizzazione, ricovero in ospedale ospite nazione ospitante nemico, ostile ora ora "H" veicolo a cuscino d'aria obice obice pesante (240 mm.) obice leggero (105 mm) obice medio (155 mm.) pesante campale rifugio idrogeno idrogeno pesante bomba all'idrogeno idrografo idrografico idrografia idroscopico igiene igiene e profilassi igiene personale

75

BOOK REVIEWS

region, precisely from the Upper Adige region, precisely from Bronzolo, and by choice also Oreste 13aratieri, who was expelled from the Ginnasio of Merano and died in Vipiteno. The Author is deeply convinced that the mutual respect and the correct knowledge of the many national traditions is fundamental to built the Europe of the future in a climate of honest and peaceful living together.

TOMMA::iO

06

SunTzu ~ARTE DELLA GUERRA

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Achille Ragazzoni: " Un garibaldino dimenticato : Camillo Zancani Da Egna (1820-1888) " , "A forgotten soldier in Garibaldi's army: Camillo Zancani Da Egna (1820-1888)", Centre of Atesine Studies, Bolzano, 1988, 78 pages, L. 19,000 One hundred years have passed since Camillo Zancani died, but - according to the Author - his memory still bothers someone. Zancani, who was awarded two Silver Medals for Military Valour and the Cross of the Military Order of Savoia, is not simply one of the soldiers in Garibaldi's army, but is the only person living in th e region of the upper Adige, who took part in Garibaldi's Thousand expedition, in the first, second and third lndipendence War, as well as in the exploit in Aspromonte and in the Mar.r.ini conspiracy of 1863-1864. A man who took part in all Garibaldi's compaigns from 1848 to 1866, who devoted his life to the Unity of Italy, darkens the artificial image of an always and merely German Tyrol. This is a page of history showing one of those characters who bound the Upper Adige region to the history of the Italian Risorgimento: beside Zancani it is necessary to mention also other soldiers of Garibaldi's army: Pietro Baroni of Bronr.olo and O ttavio Bonamini of Salorno and the worker Augusto 13enoni of Laives, who was one of the defenders of Venice. Also the mother of the heroic Bron;,.etti brothers was from the Upper Adige

78

VO l. I

Tornmaso De Russis: "Monumenti ai Caduti", ("War Memorials"), De Russis ed., Polignano a Mare (BA), 1988, 204 pages .

Published in a very short run, the first volume of "War Memorials" in postcards of that time, came out on May 7th, 1988, on the occasion of the formal unveiling of the Sea War Memorial of Polignano a Mare. It is a collection of picture postcards representing all the Italian regions. Such a collection was started by the author's father in 1930. H e did it with great passion and utilir.ed all his direct knowledge, since he was a fighting sailor and much-decorated in the Italian-Turkish war (1911-1912) and in World War I (1915-1918). Later, this collection was enriched by the author with new material and exhibited in many Italian towns with great success. Ferdinando Schettino

Sun Tzu: «L'arte delta guerra», (The Art of War) with an introduction by A. Corneli, published by Guida Editori, Naples, 1988, 147 pages, Lire 20,000. Sun Tzu is the Clausewitz of ancient China and is certainly one of the greatest scholars of strategy and one of the main theorists of war. He is often and, we believe, wrongly opposed to Clausewitz. In fact, it is said that Clausewitz is an upholder of direct strategy, of the fro ntal shock action of armed masses, believing more in the power of forces than in the ability and strategems of commanders. Sun Tzu, instead, is considered the theorist of indirect strategy, of wit, manoeuvre and psychological actions which weaken the enemy and which may even give rise to victory without fighting. As stated by Liddel Hart, Clausewitr.' severe critic though he had probably never read anything by him, the Pmssian general was the Madhi of the massacres of the First World War, the one who had eliminated the creative intelligence of the military chief only to replace it with brutal strength. Sun Tr.u on the one hand and Scipio the African on the other were, according to Liddel Hart, far superior to Clausewitz. The former because he enteded to achieve victory without running the risks and losses implied in battle. The latter because, by following a strategy of direct approach which consists in projecting the mass of the forces on the enemy's weak

BOOK REVIEWS

point (attacking H annibal in Spain and later in Afrka and not in Italy where he was with his army}, he obtained victory without the severe losses ensuing from every frontal battle. In fact, Sun Tzu says some very interesting things. He describes a method of conflict based on psychological and diplomatic skirmishes, more than on true and proper combats. I referred to the conflicts of his time among the Chinese "Lords of War" who, basing their power on the army, could not risk its destruction in battle. Clausewitz lived in another period. That of the national armies in which subjects had changed to citizens and had achieved the right-duty to bear arms. The legitimacy of the political system no longer depended on the army, but on the citi7,ens' consent. Compulsory conscription supplied masses of soldiers. Operations could become decisive and military strength could be turned into political results . The battle thus became the focal centre of the conflict. Clausewitz, however, does not limit the conflict to the sole military component,

even if for him strategy is the art of employing the latter to achieve political objectives and he thus discovers political strategy, the "military reason" of the "reason of State". Military strength is subject to policy and is moulded by it. It not only has material aspects, but moral and intellectual ones as well. It has however, its own internal grammar. For Clausewit7. too, the manoeuvre and the destruction of the enemy's moral are essential. The head of state as well as the field commander will always try the most inexpensive way to reach success and this consists in the moral and psycological collapse of the enemy. According to circumstances, this may be obtained directly, that is by materially destroying its forces or indirectly by striking the socio-systemic ties that keep them together. We believe that the opposition between Sun T zu and Clausewit7, is artificial. Sun Tzu is both Machiavelli and Clausewitz. Political reason and military reason are strictly integrated. The latter is virtually absorbed by the

first, without self-sufficiency, not only as regards logic, but partly also as regards grammar. As already said it is a question of priority arising from the conditions of the period in which the Chinese scholar lived and which - here we agree with the editor - are in many ways similar to the times we are now experiencing. 'lbere are no set rules however, but only explanations and descriptions. Here lies the importance of Sun Tzu's teachings and the wisdom and usefulness in facing the problems of the security and conflicts of our time. A new edition of this work is especially useful in this period of deep changes and importance for nuclear weapons. Alessandro Corneli' s comments to the book are very interesting, penetraing and apprnpriate. In brief, it is a work which we believe deserves to be widelv circulated and studied by the Italian i\;med Porces.

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