16LIVES MICHAEL MALLIN
Brian Hughes
First published 2012 by The O’Brien Press Ltd, 12 Terenure Road East, Rathgar, Dublin 6, Ireland. Tel: +353 1 4923333; Fax: +353 1 4922777 E-mail: books@obrien.ie. Website: www.obrien.ie ISBN: 978-1-84717-266-2 Text © copyright Brian Hughes 2012 Copyright for typesetting, layout, editing, design © The O’Brien Press Ltd All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or utilised in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or in any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. PICTURE CREDITS The author and publisher thank the following for permission to use photographs and illustrative material: front cover image: Kilmainham Gaol Collection; back cover: Kilmainham Gaol; inside front cover: Kilmainham Gaol; Kilmainham Gaol Collection: section 1, p1, p2 both, p3 all, p6 top, p7 bottom, p8 bottom; section 2: p3 top, p4 bottom, p5 bottom, p7 bottom, p8; Lorcan Collins: section 1, p4 both, p5 top, p7 top, p8 top; section 2: p3 bottom, p4 top, p5 top; NLI: section 1, p5 bottom, p6 bottom; RTE: section 2, p1 top, p7 top; Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland: section 2, p1 bottom, p2 both; Honor O Brolchain: section 2, p6. If any involuntary infringement of copyright has occurred, sincere apologies are offered and the owners of such copyright are requested to contact the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY The paper used in this book is produced using pulp from managed forests.
Chapter Two
1889 – 1902
British Army Career
W
hen Michael Mallin joined the Royal Scots Fusiliers the regiment was on an extended period of home service. Beginning in 1881, fifteen years were spent stationed in Portland (England), Fermoy (County Cork), Birr (County Offaly), Dublin, Glasgow (Scotland) and Aldershot (England). There is little of note for this period in the regimental diary beyond ‘annual inspections, and the invariably flattering reports’, the Duke of Cambridge apparently declaring that ‘such manoeuvring was seldom seen nowadays’.1 The first battalion, of which Mallin was part, formed a guard for Queen Victoria at Balmoral in 1891.2 Following just over eighteen months of ‘boy’ service, Mallin was given the rank of ‘drummer’ on 1 June 1891.3 Traditionally, the role of a drummer in war was to provide
22
British Army Career a steady beat for the soldiers to march to and to raise troop morale in battle. The rhythm of the drums could also be used by soldiers to keep time when firing or reloading rifles. Though referred to as ‘drummers’, their duties would often be performed with flutes or bugles. During peacetime the role of the drummer was usually ceremonial: playing at parades, reviews and other events. As part of his training, Mallin learned the flute, violin, studied music theory and obtained a 3rd class certification on 13 March 1893.4 Aside from their musical requirements, band members also received much of the same basic training as regular members of the infantry. In 1894 Mallin earned the grade of ‘marksman’ for the first time and was to obtain this grade – first class or second class marksman – each year until his discharge.5 Mallin seems to have been a disciplined soldier. Although he was never promoted beyond the grade of drummer, he earned increases through ‘Good Conduct Pay’ on three occasions throughout his service: 1d (one penny) following two years’ service in 1891; 2d following six years’ service in 1895; 3d following twelve in 1901.6 He was also, apparently, a useful lightweight boxer and won a couple of medals for sport.7 In 1896 the Royal Scots Fusiliers were sent to India, then part of the British empire, and Mallin began what amounted to a stay of over six years there on 24 September. For the first eight months the regiment occupied various stations 23
16 LIVES: MICHAEL MALLIN in the Punjab, north India. As noted by John Buchan, who published a history of the regiment in 1925, at this point the Scots Fusiliers were ‘very near to active service, for the mutterings of trouble were beginning in the frontier hills.’ Mallin’s first, and only, period of active service followed: the ‘Tirah campaign’, often referred to in contemporary accounts as the ‘Tirah expedition’.This campaign lasted about two years and consisted of a series of encounters with various native tribes. The Tirah region is in modern-day Pakistan, but in the nineteenth century was part of British India. Trouble first erupted in the Khyber Pass, a mountain pass leading to Afghanistan, which formed a significant part of the lucrative ‘Silk Road’ trade route. From the early 1880s the Afridi (a collection of Indian tribes) had guarded the Khyber Pass in return for a subsidy from the British India Government. The government had formed a number of defensive posts in the area manned by units of Afridi. In July and August 1897 there was a general uprising of these tribes. In his work on the regiment, John Buchan linked this uprising to the ‘wide resurgence of Moslem pride which followed Turkey’s easy victory over Greece.’ The Afridi destroyed the posts guarded by their own countrymen along the Khyber Pass. Meanwhile, in the Swat and Tochi valleys to the north-east of the pass, the Mohmand tribe had risen against the British. By October, the Mohmands had been suppressed by two British divisions moving from Makaland and Pashawur respectively, 24
British Army Career with the loss of nearly a quarter of the force. Then the Afridi tribes attacked the British forts at Samana Range, further south. Sir William Lockhart was tasked with assembling the Tirah Expeditionary Force to deal with this more troubling outbreak. The native tribes used their knowledge of the landscape to inflict an often devastating guerrilla campaign on the regular troops. John Buchan has described some of the difficulties facing the army in quelling the local tribes: Between them the Afridis and the Orakzais could bring more than 40,000 men into the field – men armed not with jezails and old muzzle-loaders, but with [more modern and efficient] Martini-Henrys or stolen Lee-Metfords. The terrain, too, was most intricate and difficult – one of which Wellington’s words in the Pensinsula were true: ‘If you make war in that country with a large army, you starve; and if you go into it with a small one, you get beaten.8
By December 1899, however, the local tribes had been sufficiently suppressed to end ‘this sharp little campaign’.9 Mallin was awarded with the India medal (1895), with the ‘Punjab frontier’ clasp (1897-98) and the ‘Tirah’ clasp (189798).10 Following the end of the Tirah campaign, the Royal Scots Fusiliers remained in India, stationed in various towns and cities in the north of the country (including Landi Khotal, Peshawur, Cherat, Chakrata, Allahabad, Bareilly, Amritsar and Jubbulpore) with no ‘break in the monotony of its life.’11 25
16 LIVES: MICHAEL MALLIN Although the British Army was still active in India the Scots Fusiliers were not called into action. While on leave in Ireland, some time before leaving for India, Mallin joined a friend of the Hickey family in visiting their home, between Lucan and Chapelizod in Dublin. There he met Patrick Hickey’s young daughter, Agnes. Mr Hickey was originally far from happy to have a British soldier visiting his house. He was an old Fenian and had been exiled for his role in the 1867 uprising. Soon, however, they became close friends. From the end of 1894 until his return from India in 1902, Mallin kept up a regular correspondence with Agnes, and they became engaged to be married. Letters that Mallin wrote have survived and offer a rare and tantalising glimpse of Mallin’s time in India, his attitudes to the war he was asked to fight and the flag under which he fought.12 He writes in an unpunctuated, continuous-flow style, with regular misspellings. For most of the ‘Tirah campaign’ (1897-98) Mallin was stationed in Sialkot. He seems to have made little reference to his orders or the fighting itself in his correspondence with Agnes, except in one early letter, sent from Sialkot in November 1897, in which he gave a detailed description of a battle at the Ublan Pass, just outside Kohat in modern-day Pakistan. Mallin was part of a force that was given orders to ‘clear the enemy off the hills about six miles away’. He mentions that he was with ‘H’ company as they were short 26
British Army Career of buglers, suggesting that he fulfilled the traditional role of a drummer or bugler during the fighting. This is the only mention of his own duties in the field in the letters. He had some infantry training, including in musketry, but it is not clear if he ever fired a rifle in battle. For this engagement the men set off at three thirty in the morning with only ‘a pint of tea one gill of rum in it and one biscute [sic] we had to march six miles and fight on that.’ They spent much of the time walking in ‘the bed of a river ... the water was past [sic] our knees very near the whole time.’ Mallin described the scene when they reached the enemy: the Artillery set the ball rolling you should have heard the shouting of the enemy as soon as the shells burst amongst them as soon as the Artillery had done with them we moved to the attack the enemy rolling big stones on top of us one of them struck two native soldiers killed one and broke the other poor fellows [sic] legs.
Three of the native soldiers were killed and five wounded. They reached the top of the hill, but the enemy had moved to another hill and showered them with bullets, forcing a retreat. However, when they retired from the hill, the enemy ‘swarmed up it again’ and they had to fight again. This time the artillery could not be used as the soldiers were too near the target. Mallin related how: we started to loose [sic] the men the first to fall was a man
27
16 LIVES: MICHAEL MALLIN of ours ... shot through the head and two shots in his body one Officer of the native Infantry and two men killed then we lost annother [sic] man killed and two Officers severely wounded and four men slightly [wounded].
Mallin reports that this engagement happened about three o’clock, nearly twelve hours after they had set out and the men had had nothing to eat and their water was all gone: ‘our men were calling for water my tongue was swollen in my mouth one of our men went mad.’ They were saved by the native soldiers in the British army who offered their own water as ‘they could stand the heat better’ and could last without it. Fourteen hours after they left – fourteen hours since they had eaten – the men returned to camp. Mallin had been very slightly wounded when a bullet hit a rock beside him and a shard of rock hit him in the neck.13 After the battle at Ublan Pass, Mallin contracted a serious case of malaria. He wrote to Agnes that when they returned the men were forced to sleep outside their tents in their clothes ‘in case of a night attack’. This is, apparently, how he caught the malaria. Mallin downplayed it as a ‘slight attack’ that had ‘given him a bit of a shake’ but also mentioned that he had lost two and a half stone in weight during his illness.14 During the rest of his stay in India he suffered occasional attacks of the symptoms and more time in hospital. In a letter to Agnes written in November 1900, Mallin described a particularly uncomfortable period in hospital: 28
British Army Career I was lying in hospital when your loving letter came to me last week and I could not write. This is the worst attack I have had in the country I have remitting fever and a touch of ague [periods of chills, fever and sweating] this is my tenth day in and I am nearly out of my mind drinking great doses of queenine [sic] not in little spoonful’s that you Nurses [Agnes worked as a nurse] are good enough to give but a wine glass full three times a day oh it is horrid stuff.15
Symptoms of the malaria would sporadically appear for the rest of his life.16 Mallin had thought that his illness might prevent him from returning to the front and he wrote to Agnes: ‘I may have to go back to the front but I dont [sic] think so. if I do I shall let you know.’ On 19 December 1897, less than a month after leaving hospital, he sent ‘Just a few lines to let you know I have to go to the front at once we have lost a lot of men this last few days ... We have to take the Kiber Pass [sic] on the 22nd we have two days on the train and one days [sic] march through the enemy country.’17 Later, from Cherat in 1899 when the Tirah campaign was over, he gave a rare and revealing account of a time when he had been in significant danger during the campaign: One night when my company was lost in the dark up in the last expedition and the enemy were yelling like mad men round us after what seemed [like] ages the Captain said men
29
16 LIVES: MICHAEL MALLIN it is every one for himself good by [sic] men in case I never get in just then he was shot down I thought to myself will Agnes pray for me or is she praying for me we lost five men and a[n] officer that night we never saw four of out of [sic] the five poor fellows since you must always pray for me my darling.18
Away from the danger of the battlefield, Mallin had a number of narrow escapes. He related one remarkable tale to Agnes in March 1897: I had quite a little adventure the Dr[u]ms went out on a paper chase [a game where a designated ‘hare’ sets off and is followed by ‘hounds’ who follow a trail of paper left by the ‘hare’] on horses we started off at nine am I was one of the hares the other one was a Lt Corpral [sic] and he knew the country very well but we went a little off the track and were lost for some hours and where did we finde [sic] ourselves but in the woods of the Rajha [Raja – an Indian prince] of Jumus Domine the natives about there do not like us very much of course a crowd of them got around us and started beating us with sticks we would never [have] got away from them if it had not been for a dog that we had with us. Natives are very frightened of dogs at least our dogs because soldiers train them to hate natives.19
One night in March 1902 in Chakrata, Mallin had another run in with some natives and believed that ‘only I was in 30
British Army Career Dr[u]ms I would most likely have been thrown down the Kuds, however I am safe in my room.’ Though it is unclear what he meant by ‘the Kuds’, there is an implication here that army musicians were viewed differently to other soldiers by the rebels and were, perhaps, in less danger of the kind of attack Mallin mentioned. After the Tirah campaign had officially ended in December 1899, Mallin’s regiment was not again involved in combat. As will be seen, Mallin developed a strong distaste for the army and the war in India but a comment made from Allahabad in June 1901 indicates that Mallin had enjoyed the excitement and danger of life at the front, or at least found it preferable to some of the more mundane aspects of regular life in India: I would like to be back on the Frontier the danger of having your head blown off made it nice and exciting here it is to[o] safe and easy.20
Previously, in 1898 he had written: I cannot be in very bad health doing all those things but I am recommended for the hills on account of my health in the Tirah Campaign weather [sic] I shall go up or not I cannot say yet I hope I do go it will do me good.21
He does, however, seem to have experienced some joy from his musical duties. In April 1901, he wrote: 31
16 LIVES: MICHAEL MALLIN I am hard at work at the present time what with Playing at Dances Regimental Concerts & Theatre I have my work cut out I can assure [you] but I don’t mind the work love it is a pleasure to me I can Play the Flute very well a little of the Violin, Mandolin & Banjo I have been asked to get up a Mandoline [sic] and Banjo band in the Regiment.22
He also continued his musketry practice. In 1898 he informed Agnes he was ‘the best shot in the company again this year (score 173) that makes it three times out of four the first prise [sic] is £1.18.6. and the honour of being best shot’; and in 1901, ‘I have proved myself the best shot in my company and wear gold guns and a star on my arm.’23 One remarkable story has emerged from Mallin’s time in India and though there is little supporting evidence, it is worth relating. It seems that Mallin often told the story himself and this is how it has survived. As the tale goes, a British officer was shot by an Indian nationalist at a British army event. Mallin had witnessed the shooting and was able to identify the shooter. A native man was arrested and tried. Fourteen witnesses were called to the stand and of the fourteen, Mallin was the only one to maintain that the accused was innocent. The man was, nevertheless, convicted and executed on the basis of the evidence of the other thirteen witnesses. It is then claimed that local Indian nationalists took their revenge on those who had given evidence at the trial and only Mallin escaped unharmed.24 Though the 32
British Army Career details of these events are impossible to clarify, it seems that the shooting and subsequent trial and execution did actually take place. It is an important part of Mallin’s development as it shows sympathy towards local nationalists in India, and also an acute sense of justice and honesty. It may have also been a pivotal event in the growth of Mallin’s anti-imperial beliefs, which will be described later. As well as writing to Agnes Hickey, Mallin appears to have kept a regular correspondence with Agnes’s mother and her sister, Josephine, during his stay in India. Two letters to his soon to be mother-in-law have survived. Mallin developed a close relationship with Mrs Hickey, and there is evidence of genuine warmth in the surviving letters. He refers to her affectionately as ‘Dear mother’ in one and signs off as ‘Your affectionate future son’. Writing from Allahabad on 25 May 1901 Mallin consoled Mrs Hickey on the death of her husband (‘you must not let your-self run down in spirits now about your Mr Hickey he is in a better place than us please God’) and passed on optimistic thoughts (‘we always have something to live for and I dont think we will always be in the same condition that we are now’).25 Mallin’s twelve years of service was due to expire on 21 October 1901, just over a month short of his twenty-seventh birthday. In a letter to Agnes in June 1899 he declared, ‘I come home in October 1901’, and just over a year later, ‘yes dear it will not be long till I am home’.26 He was, however, 33
16 LIVES: MICHAEL MALLIN required to remain in India. By May 1901 Mallin was aware that he might be kept over time. Writing to Mrs Hickey, he noted: ‘I dont know what I will do if I am kept over my time but when the boats does start [sic] I am one of the first to get a passage. I may have to do a few months extra if the War is not finished.’27 Three days before he was officially due to be discharged Mallin was certain he would have to stay and wrote to Agnes pointing out that the army had ordered that all long-service men must be discharged three months before they reach thirteen years, and ‘well dear I shall have twelve years and nine months service next July’.28 He was still in Allahabad in September, but informed Agnes that one boat was leaving on 17 September and another on 25 September and ‘I am sure to get one of those I expect the first.’ On 10 September he wrote to say that he would, in fact, be leaving on 19 September only to be informed two days later that it would be the next month before he could get a boat.29 Almost a full year after he was due for discharge (October 1902) Mallin again wrote to Mrs Hickey from India: ‘am waiting patiently for the order to proceed home it will not be long now a matter of weeks that is all’. Aggrieved by the delay but clearly aware of the futility of complaint he added, ‘even then the government has broken it [sic] contract with me I will have thirteen years and five or six weeks and you know that is not fair atal [sic] well we must put up with it and not grumble’.30 Mallin’s final weeks of service in India 34
British Army Career consisted of further delay, frustration and illness. Mallin was again hospitalised, probably with another attack of malaria, as he wrote to Agnes on 31 October, ‘my Coleen Dass [sic], I am still in hospital but well and strong again’. He reported that in a week’s time he was to travel from Allahabad to the transit camp at Deolali, a three-day journey, before waiting ten days there to catch the boat home.31 From his next letter, of 13 November 1902, it seems that his illness had meant that he was sent as an invalid to catch an earlier boat only to find that he had arrived too late, the boat was full and he would have to wait until 22 November. Even then, there was another frustrating delay and the boat did not leave until 25 November. In his final letter to Agnes from India he wrote, ‘I will arrive in Gosport [England] on the 16th of next month [December] ... this is the last letter to write to you from India, I will be home a few days after it myself ’.32 Two days of ‘home’ service followed before Mallin was finally discharged on 18 December 1902. He had just turned twenty-eight. His service totalled thirteen years and fifty-nine days.33 Thomas Mallin has stated that his brother was asked to remain in the army as a band sergeant but refused, telling his adjutant ‘he wanted to go home as he wanted to forget that he was ever a soldier.’34 Perhaps Mallin simply wished to forget that he was a British soldier, as this statement, written nearly fifty years after the event, is certainly at odds with the path Mallin was to follow in civilian life. 35
16 LIVES: MICHAEL MALLIN
Legacy Extracts from Mallin’s letters to Agnes Hickey from 1898 to 1901 reveal some important developments in Mallin’s ideology and politics in his early twenties. Mallin’s political beliefs radicalised during his time in India and he grew to detest having to serve with the British army. In one letter he revealed to Agnes that ‘the British army is a Hell on earth I wish I were well out of it but I did not think it was so bad until I came out here’.35 Mallin felt this way as he had come to disagree with the aims of the war that he and the British army were fighting in India and his sympathies lay with the native rebels. He pointed out in another letter: the war is lasting a very long time dear we aught [sic] to leave the poor people alone for I am sure they will never give in and they have proved brave men God help them if I were not a soldier I would be out fighting for them.36
He goes further on another occasion and writes, ‘I wish it was for Erin that I was fighting and not against these poor people’.37 Mallin repeats this desire to fight for Ireland against British rule a number of times. After he received his medal for the Tirah campaign, Mallin contrasted his pride at his military achievement with the cause for which he earned it: ‘I am very proud dear to have a medal but would be far prouder if it was for Ireland I earned it’. He also acknowledged the role played by the British army in Ireland, adding, 36
British Army Career ‘it is the likes of me that keeps mine and your country down God help her.’38 In 1901, when Mallin knew he would no longer be required to take part in active service, he presciently commented, ‘all the chance of being killed fighting for the robber flag that I am serving under is all over if ever I am to die by bayonet or bullet I hope it is against it for Ireland’.39 For Mallin, there was a clear link between social and religious injustice in Ireland (and, indeed, in India) and British rule. In a letter of September 1898 he explained to Agnes that ‘it made the Irish men very bitter out here while we are fiting [sic] for England’s Queen and Government they were letting our poor people starve’.40 Mallin also makes a scathing remark about Irish MPs, responsible for representing Ireland at the British Parliament in Westminster: In poor Ireland God save her she is in a bad state is there no good and true men to lift her up and strike out for her strong and hard if I had my way I would take all our members of parliament out into the Bay put a rope round their necks with a stone at the end of it and throw them in they are only using the poor people for their own ends.41
This suggests that Mallin had little or no faith that the politicians of the day would solve the plight of the poor in Ireland. Agnes sent Irish newspapers and kept him informed about events in Ireland and this seems to have had an important influence on his attitude towards British imperialism 37
16 LIVES: MICHAEL MALLIN and the army. In September 1898 he notes that he: read somethings [sic] which is not fit for me to mention in the paper that makes my blood boil to think of it. If the Soldierery (sic) done half what is said of them they are burning in Hell as sure as there is a good God in heaven’
before passionately adding: a day will come when we will be able to pay England back with Interest all she has done to us and I hope I am alive and in Ireland I will help to pay it.
It is not clear what event Mallin was referring to, and it may not have even taken place in Ireland, but his heated response is noteworthy. Mallin also refers to a large demonstration in Dublin that Agnes had described for him, most likely an event to commemorate the centenary of the 1798 rebellion: it must have been a splendid sight but how much grander it would have been if it had been a demonstration to selebrate [sic] our Independance [sic] but God is good and it will come to pass yet Dear Agnes.42
From the many references to God in the letters, it is clear that Mallin’s faith was deeply important to him. The attitude of the Protestant British monarch and state towards Catholicism had a definite impact on his growing hatred for the 38
British Army Career British empire. Queen Victoria, who also held the title of Empress of India, died in January 1901. In May 1901 Mallin informed Agnes that he had ‘refused to give a subscription to the Queen’s Memorial until the Oath is changed but here I am a soldier making threats’43 – on coronation, the British monarch was required to swear an oath to uphold the Protestant faith in Britain, and Mallin would not contribute money towards a memorial for Queen Victoria for this reason. His brother,Thomas, suggested later that this was one of a number of similar incidents that prevented Mallin from obtaining a higher commission in the army.44 Queen Victoria was succeeded by her son, Edward VII. Having read an article sent to him by Agnes, Mallin was incensed at a comment or comments made by Edward VII in April 1901 and wrote: is it not terrible are we to allow even a king to say such things of us and our Religion I only hope the day will come when I for one will be able to pay them back for all the insults and I think there are thousands who will so as I would if there was only a chance, I would not say all this to you my love only I know you are a true daughter of Ireland and our holy Church my darling you do not know what we Irish-men and Catholics have to put up with in the Army.45
On 30 July 1902 Mallin joined the Confraternity of the Lady of Our Sacred Heart. Soon afterwards, on his return 39
16 LIVES: MICHAEL MALLIN to Dublin, he joined the Workingmen’s Temperance Society, which had been founded by Capuchin priests in the city.46 In later life, Mallin did not deny or downplay his British army career and it was widely known that he had been a British soldier. Liam Ó Briain, who fought under Mallin in 1916, learned from another source that Mallin had been a British soldier and that ‘he had done the Chitral campaign, 1896, [sic] but not, he was proud to say, the Boer War.’47 A second battalion of the Royal Scots Fusiliers, founded in 1858, had been sent from India to South Africa to deal with the Boer uprising. There was much nationalist support in Ireland for the Boer cause and Mallin was clearly keen to make this distinction. There is clear evidence in Michael Mallin’s letters to Agnes Hickey that he became radicalised during his British army service in India.The social injustice and inequality that Mallin read about and witnessed first-hand convinced him that Ireland must rid itself of British rule. It becomes obvious that Mallin believed, even as early as 1898, that physical force was necessary to achieve this and that he hoped to play his part and use his British army training and experience against the British. This, however, did not happen immediately. There were several steps in between. Given the concern with the poor and social issues in Ireland evident at times in his letters, it is not surprising that the next great step on Mallin’s path to rebellion in 1916 was into trade unionism and socialism in Dublin. 40