Ignacio Aguiló
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IBERIAN AND LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES
The Darkening Nation
Series Editors
Professor David George (Swansea University)
Professor Paul Garner (University of Leeds)
Editorial Board
David Frier (University of Leeds)
Lisa Shaw (University of Liverpool)
Gareth Walters (Swansea University)
Rob Stone (University of Birmingham)
David Gies (University of Virginia)
Catherine Davies (University of London)
Richard Cleminson (University of Leeds)
Duncan Wheeler (University of Leeds)
Jo Labanyi (New York University)
Roger Bartra (Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México)
Other titles in the series
Catalonia: National Identity and Cultural Policy
Kathryn Crameri
Melancholy and Culture: Diseases of the Soul in Golden Age Spain
Roger Bartra
The Poetics of Otherness in Antonio
Machado’s ‘Proverbios y Cantares’
Nicolas Fernandez-Medina
The Spanish Golden Age Sonnet
John Rutherford
María Zambrano: A Life of Poetic Reason and Political Commitment
Beatriz Caballero Rodríguez
Nationalism and Transnationalism in Spain and Latin America, 1808–1923
Paul Garner and Angel Smith (eds)
The Enlightenment in Iberia and Ibero-America
Brian Hamnett
Graciliano Ramos and the Making of Modern Brazil: Memory, Politics and Identities
Sara Brandellero and Lucia Villares (eds)
IBERIAN AND LATIN AMERICAN STUDIES
The Darkening Nation
Race, Neoliberalism and Crisis in Argentina
IGNACIO AGUILÓ
UNIVERSITY OF WALES PRESS 2018
© Ignacio Aguiló, 2018
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any material form (including photocopying or storing it in any medium by electronic means and whether or not transiently or incidentally to some other use of this publication) without the written permission of the copyright owner. Applications for the copyright owner’s written permission to reproduce any part of this publication should be addressed to the University of Wales Press, 10 Columbus Walk, Brigantine Place, Cardiff CF10 4UP.
www.uwp.co.uk
British Library CIP
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
ISBN 978-1-78683-221-4
e-ISBN 978-1-78683-222-1
The right of Ignacio Aguiló to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 79 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
Typeset by Mark Heslington Ltd, Scarborough, North Yorkshire Printed by CPI Antony Rowe, Melksham
¿Te acordás cuando regresaste enamorado de tu viaje por todo Latinoamérica? … Que te sentías latinoamericano … Me decías que para ellos éramos Nueva York, y que por suerte la Argentina nunca iba a estar en el nivel de pobreza que vivían ellos. ¿Te acordás? … Bueno, ahora nos hemos latinoamericanizado, andá al barrio de Once y vas a ver en qué se transformó, otro que un mercado persa. ¿De qué te quejás?, tenés que estar contento, ahora sos un latinoamericano de verdad …
Enrique Medina – La espera infinita (2001)
Series Editors’ Foreword
Over recent decades the traditional ‘languages and literatures’ model in Spanish departments in universities in the United Kingdom has been superseded by a contextual, interdisciplinary and ‘area studies’ approach to the study of the culture, history, society and politics of the Hispanic and Lusophone worlds – categories that extend far beyond the confines of the Iberian Peninsula, not only in Latin America but also to Spanish-speaking and Lusophone Africa.
In response to these dynamic trends in research priorities and curriculum development, this series is designed to present both disciplinary and interdisciplinary research within the general field of Iberian and Latin American Studies, particularly studies that explore all aspects of Cultural Production (inter alia literature, film, music, dance, sport) in Spanish, Portuguese, Basque, Catalan, Galician and indigenous languages of Latin America. The series also aims to publish research in the History and Politics of the Hispanic and Lusophone worlds, at the level of both the region and the nation-state, as well as on Cultural Studies that explore the shifting terrains of gender, sexual, racial and postcolonial identities in those same regions.
List of Figures
Figure 4.1 Dancers rehearsing in Copacabana (2006). Dir. Martín Rejtman
Figure 5.1 Abipón: Noviembre by Gaby Herbstein (1999). Included in Huellas
Figure 5.2 Yámana: Julio by Gaby Herbstein (1999). Included in Huellas
Figure 5.3 Toba: Enero by Gaby Herbstein (1999). Included in Huellas
Figure 5.4 Ocupación militar del Río Negro bajo el mando del General Julio A. Roca, 1879 by Juan Manuel Blanes (1896)
Figure 5.5 La conquista del desierto by Leonel Luna (2002)
Figure 5.6 Photograph of the monument to Julio A. Roca in downtown Buenos Aires, by Alejandro Aguiló (2017)
Figure 5.7 Roca’s anti-monument, by Grupo de Arte Callejero and Comisión Anti-monumento a Roca (2003)
Figure 6.1 Pablo Lescano by Vera Rosemberg (2010)
Acknowledgements
In writing this book, I have been privileged to benefit from advice from many people. I would like to thank my colleagues at the University of Manchester, particularly Lúcia Sá, James Scorer, Frank Eissa-Barroso, Valentino Gianuzzi and Blanca González Valencia, who kindly gave me feedback on the contents of this book. I owe special gratitude to Karl Posso, who believed in this project from the moment it was just a few poorly written sentences in an email. His precious advice, direction and generosity were crucial for the development of the ideas contained in this volume. Jens Andermann and Peter Wade provided me with invaluable input through their comments and inspiration through their work. I am also immensely indebted to Cara Levey and Matías Dewey for their help during the early stages of my academic career.
I am very grateful to the artists and institutions who granted me permission to reproduce their works: Gaby Herbstein and Dana Kamelman, Leonel Luna, Martín Rejtman and Rosa Martínez Rivero, Vera Rosemberg and staff at the Museo Histórico Nacional. Sarah Lewis from the University of Wales Press has been extremely helpful and supportive throughout the elaboration of this book. I would also like to thank the anonymous reviewer for the very useful suggestions.
During the development of this project, I have enjoyed the friendship of many people who have contributed to making Manchester feel like home: Miquel Pomar Amer, Maurício Sellmann Soares de Oliveira, Gustavo Carvajal, David Jiménez Torres, Suzanne Boerrigter, Nicole Peters, Christian Declercq and Gözde Naibog ˘ lu. My family, and especially my parents, have been an unconditional source of support, love and encouragement. Without them, this book would not have been possible. Finally, I would like to thank Mary, with whom I greet the dawn and stand beside. This book is dedicated to her, in love and solidarity.
Introduction
In January 2016, the Central Bank of Argentina revealed its plans for new peso banknotes designs, which would substitute depictions of national heroes with those of autochthonous animals such as the jaguar, the condor, the hornero bird, the Southern right whale, and the guanaco. The announcement was followed by an article in the country’s leading conservative newspaper, La Nación, entitled ‘Argentina es África’ (Argentina is Africa), which reported some of the public’s initial reactions.1 The replacement of the country’s founding fathers by local fauna ignited outrage in a significant number of La Nación’s readers who pointed out that the South African rand, the Congolese franc and the Zambian kwacha also included native animals in their designs. This likening to Africa was, for them, not only unjustified but also insulting. A reader stated: ‘Los países del Tercer Mundo tienen animales en los billetes. No somos un país del Tercer Mundo’ (Third-World countries have animals in their banknotes. We’re not a Third-World country). Another argued: ‘Argentina es un país con historia. Estos animales nos hacen parecer una jungla incivilizada a la que el hombre blanco acaba de llegar’ (Argentina is a country with history. These animals make us look like an uncivilised jungle where white men have just arrived). The racial overtones were also reflected in other comments, which claimed that the fauna in the notes implied that Argentina was ‘uno esos países de población mestiza’ (one of these countries with mestizo population). References were also made to the Brazilian real, which features endangered native animals. For the readers, old tropes that postulated the opposition between Western civilisation and the Other as a figure of nature persisted as frameworks to conceive African nations and Brazil. The commentators seemed to imply that, if African countries – and Brazil – had
wildlife in their banknotes, this was because they had no choice: their national histories lacked scientific and cultural achievements, architectural landmarks or distinguished personalities. Argentina was, on the contrary, a place that could pride itself on having all of this, according to the readers; featuring animals was simply nonsensical. The statements’ racial overtones also indicate that this rejection of the new banknotes’ designs was as much an attempt to distance Argentina from Africa’s associations with poverty as from its associations with non-whiteness. Both, in fact, were perceived as intrinsically interrelated. This obsession with presenting itself as a white civilised nation is far from recent in Argentina. Such racial anxieties vis-à-vis comparisons with Africa – or other Latin American countries – have been a common feature in public and everyday discourses for decades. Still, if anything, they indicate that this self-perception as white is far from unquestioned; on the contrary, it needs constant reaffirmation and policing. The renowned travel writer Paul Theroux was quick to identify this inclination during his travels in Argentina. He too compared Argentinians with Africans but, interestingly, it was white South Africans whom, for him, they resembled:
But, of all the people I met in South America, the Argentines were the least interested in the outside world or in any subject that did not directly concern Argentina. They shared this quality with white South Africans; they seemed to imply that they were stuck at the bottom of the world and surrounded by savages.2
In 2001 and 2002, Argentina was in the midst of what was arguably its most dramatic economic, political and social crisis since its return to democracy in 1983. In this context, these anxieties and concerns about ‘becoming’ African or Latin American became a frequent presence in the media, expressed with a high sense of urgency and distress by intellectuals, politicians and journalists. For example, cultural critic Beatriz Sarlo stated in 2002: ‘Nosotros nunca pensamos que podíamos llegar a compararnos con algunos países pobres de África’ (We never thought we could end up comparing ourselves to some poor African countries).3 In another article entitled ‘Africanización’ (Africanisation), published in the centre-left newspaper Página/12, Manuel Fernández López affirmed: ‘el país hoy (es) una Euráfrica, donde unos viven como en Europa y los demás como en el continente negro’ (the country
is now a ‘Eurafrica’ where some live like in Europe and the rest like in the Dark Continent).4 In a similar tone, novelist and conservative intellectual Marcos Aguinis warned: ‘Si no luchamos por una utopía, terminaremos como un pobre país africano’ (If we don’t fight for a utopia, we will eventually become a poor African country).5 National Minister for Social Development Juan Pablo Cafiero, in turn, claimed: ‘la Argentina está latinoamericanizada … 39 ó 40 % de la población (vive) en esas condiciones’ (Argentina has been Latin Americanised … 39 or 40 % of the population (lives) in these conditions). Of course, these analogies aimed to stress the extent of the financial meltdown that the country was undergoing, with alarming poverty levels and unemployment rates. ‘Becoming’ African or Latin American expressed panic about becoming poorer. However, long-standing discursive traditions of disavowed racism explain how it also implied a process of symbolic ‘darkening’: these fears of national ‘Latin Americanisation’ or ‘Africanisation’ articulated poverty with race, suggesting a correlation between underdevelopment and non-whiteness. Although not directly stating it, all these voices, from the Left to the Right of the political spectrum, were raised in a shared expression of concern about the possibility that Argentina was in the process of ceasing to be ‘white’. Instead, they implied, it was becoming like the Third World countries from which it had attempted to distance itself.
A wide variety of studies has examined the financial implications of the Argentinian crisis and its political consequences. There has also been some scholarly attention devoted to the cultural and literary repercussions and representations of the crisis. However, few studies have comprehensively looked at how the financial meltdown was read through race by sectors of Argentinian society. In this book, I look at cultural products created during this period of national emergency to show that the crisis induced a preoccupation with questions of nationness and national belonging in Argentinians, which was partly crystallised through discourses of whiteness. Widespread fears of impoverishment and tangible experiences of social descent during this period were frequently framed as a process of blackening, ‘Africanisation’ and ‘Latin Americanisation’. Different strategies were implemented to deal with this alleged threat to the white national self – illustrated by the rise of middle-class racism against immigrants and the poor. But the racial encoding of social crisis also ignited in others a need not to
preserve but to critically revise these national identity templates articulated around whiteness. Culture, in particular, constituted a platform through which many of these critical discourses were expressed. The analysis of literature, film, art and popular music of the time will demonstrate that, in this state of social decomposition and economic meltdown, cultural products contributed to the exposure and examination of the often subtle ways in which race intervenes in definitions of national belonging and difference. Simultaneously, they also suggested alternative models and discourses of nationality.
Given that the Argentinian crisis was the direct result of neoliberal reforms, this book is also concerned, in a broader sense, with neoliberalism and its relationship with nationness and race. By neoliberalism, I understand here not just an economic ideology of market rule, as in neoclassical and neo-Marxist thought, nor a flowing and diffuse assembly of productive technologies of normalisation, as in more recent approaches derived from Michel Foucault’s pioneer reflections on governmentality and biopolitics. Instead, following Loïc Wacquant, I conceive neoliberalism as an articulation of state, market and citizenship, in which the first is utilised to impose the stamp of the second onto the third.6 The advantage of this definition is that it goes beyond understandings of neoliberalism in purely economic terms but maintains the distinction between state and citizenship, which allows for scrutinising the privileged role of state apparatus in the crafting and production of the social. Neoliberalism does not imply a retreat of the state but its reconfiguration as a regulatory agent, responsible for guaranteeing the free interplay among market agents – an example of this is the fact that certain traditional functions of the state, particularly its punitive role, have experienced an expansion with neoliberalism.7
Latin America is an interesting context in which to analyse neoliberalism. There is ample consensus that neoliberalism was first applied in Chile following the 1973 coup d’état, and rapidly spread to other countries in the region. In this sense, Latin America constituted an early laboratory for neoliberal experimentation. In the subsequent three decades, most Latin American nations would experiment with radical neoliberal reforms that would lead to a profound transformation of the social fabric and, in most cases, to an exponential increase in inequality and poverty. The particularities
of Argentina’s neoliberal experience and its subsequent crisis will be examined in detail in Chapter 1 but, at this point, it is useful to provide a brief account of said transformations. As in Chile, it was also a dictatorial regime that marked the transition towards neoliberalism: the Proceso de Reorganización Nacional (National Reorganisation Process), which ruled the country between 1976 and 1983. During the return to democratic governance under Raúl Alfonsín, from the centrist Radical Party (UCR), some neoliberal policies continued, but there were no significant developments in this direction. Nonetheless, neoliberalisation returned in full force in the two-term presidency of Peronist Carlos Menem, which lasted from 1989 to 1999. Traditionally a working-class party, the Peronist Party reinvented itself as an alleged agent of modernisation, bringing about a draconian programme of state reform, privatisation and deregulation that would, eventually, have catastrophic effects on socio-economic indicators. Historically, Argentinians had enjoyed higher standards of living than most of their Latin American counterparts: in 1974, only 8 per cent of the population was living below the poverty line; during the neoliberal crisis, this figure increased to 57.5 per cent – of which 27.5 per cent were unable to afford essential food items.8
The widespread impoverishment and disenfranchisement produced by neoliberalism did encounter resistance. Initially, it was working-class people who opposed these reforms, as they were the first ones to be affected by unemployment, privatisation and cuts in social welfare. However, at the turn of the twenty-first century sectors of the middle class also joined the opposition to neoliberalism as they started to feel the effects of the country’s socio-economic transformation. In 1999, Fernando de la Rúa won the presidential elections. He did so on a ticket from Alianza para el Trabajo, la Justicia y la Educación (Alliance for Work, Justice and Education), a political coalition of the Radicals, to which he belonged, and FREPASO, a new progressive political movement created by dissident Peronists and other centre-left forces. Despite coming from the opposition, his government continued many of Menem’s policies in a climate marked by economic recession (which had started in 1998), excruciating poverty and unemployment levels, and civil disaffection with the political establishment. The situation eventually erupted on 19 and 20 December 2001, when the people took to the streets and forced the fall of de la Rúa’s government. Throughout 2002,
many direct-democracy initiatives prospered, some of which originated in the late 1990s, such as neighbourhood assemblies and piqueteros (protest groups composed of unemployed people whose primary modality of protest were picket lines). Centre-left Peronist Néstor Kirchner became president in 2003 and was able to stabilise the country through a combination of neo-developmentalist economic policies, institutional reforms that partly addressed citizens’ demands for political change and disarticulation of civil activism.
In this book, I propose an understanding of the crisis that goes beyond the economic and political events of 2001 and 2002. I conceive the crisis as spanning from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s, years marked by neoliberal governance, the dramatic fall of socioeconomic indicators, institutional fragility and civil discontent and mobilisation. I also look at certain developments that took place in previous years. As Cara Levey et al. argue, the crisis can be seen as a series of responses to ‘both old and new problems – many of which predate 2001. In particular, the origins of these issues can be traced back to the neoliberal decade of the 1990s and to the military dictatorship’.9 The 1990s were in fact enormously transformative, not only economically and socially, but also culturally. They constituted a period of ‘heightened neoliberalism’, in which traditional forms of political identification – particularly those linked historically to the working class and the Peronist Party –suffered dislocation, while dreams of national exceptionality experienced exacerbation. Frederic Jameson argues that one of the main traits of neoliberalism is the collapse of the distinction between economy and culture – a process that he denominates ‘dedifferentiation’.10 In the case of Argentina, explaining why social decline was partly lived through a language of race implies considering neoliberalism also as a cultural project – something that I will discuss in depth in Chapter 1.
In order to understand why whiteness played such a crucial role in the way in which the crisis was experienced and framed it is also necessary to look at the ways in which race has historically shaped Argentina’s discourses of national belonging and difference. In the first decades of the twentieth century, as Latin American countries experienced processes of consolidation, mestizaje became a dominant paradigm of nationhood in the region. Opposing contemporary theories of scientific racism, which signalled racial
mixture as an obstacle for modernisation, mestizaje celebrated the progressive demographic force of mixing and the uniqueness of Latin America. It promoted a homogeneous national character, a superior synthetic product embodying all the ‘natural’ qualities of pre-existing racial groups. In Argentina, however, it was not the mestizo but the European immigrant who was hailed as the symbol of the nation during this crucial moment of national affirmation. Argentina went on to present itself as an anomaly in the region: a white Europeanised society surrounded by mixed-race countries. The causes of this exceptionality were attributed, according to official discourses, to the extinction of indigenous and Afrodescendant populations in the second half of the nineteenth century and the massive arrival of Europeans at the turn of the twentieth century, all processes that had almost entirely whitened the country by the 1920s.11 Although similar narratives were articulated in Uruguay and southern Brazil, and to a lesser degree in Chile, only Costa Rica can be perhaps compared to Argentina in terms of the success of such paradigm of racial uniqueness and white nationhood. However, in the case of Costa Rica, the country’s alleged whiteness has been traditionally traced back to Spanish settlers during the colonial era rather than attributed to turn-ofthe-twentieth-century European migration.
Argentina’s whiteness, like mestizaje, was not merely an ideological construction: undoubtedly, the scale of white migration to Argentina was unparalleled in other Latin American countries, including those that also received large contingents of Europeans. However, as I will explain in Chapter 2, this process did not imply, as it was alleged, Argentina’s complete whitening. Many people of indigenous, African and mixed background were forced to incorporate, in extremely disadvantageous ways, into a social structure predicated on the alleged uniformity of the population.12 Whiteness became common sense and taken for granted: Argentina was hailed as a ‘race-less’ country while, in everyday reality, the inequalities that race produced contributed to the longevity of social hierarchies. This double movement through which subaltern sectors were simultaneously included in and excluded from Argentinian society was not dissimilar to mestizaje, which also aimed to both amalgamate the national population under one single form of racial and cultural identity and obscure racism. However, by founding racial homogeneity on whiteness rather than on racial
miscegenation, Argentina could claim greater success on the road to progress, at least according to contemporary Euro-American scientific racism. Despite their celebration of racial mixture, many mestizaje supporters assumed that non-white elements – which were seen as ‘weaker’ – would be eventually absorbed or diluted in the mix, leading to civilisation and development.13 Argentina presented itself to the rest of Latin America as already white, and thus, ahead in the run to join the ‘civilised world’. Indeed, as early as 1895, a census official claimed: ‘The Asiatic and African races clearly exist only in diminutive proportions such that their influence with respect to the country’s development (transformación) is null. The same can be said with respect to the Indians.’ 14
As can be seen, Argentina’s whitening implied a rather vague notion of whiteness, one that could, at times, symbolically include non-white people into the national community but would also reinforce racial disparities in everyday interaction. Because of its flexibility and vagueness, the scheme, like mestizaje, also allowed the emergence of interstitial spaces through which subaltern sectors were able to explore forms of resistance. In fact, Argentina’s combination of discourses of homogeneity with an asymmetric social structure based on race and class were contested throughout the twentieth century – particularly with the rise of Peronism as a political articulator of the rural multitudes of indigenous and mixed backgrounds that migrated to the capital city in the 1930s and 1940s. The combined process of rural–city migration, the transition towards an industrial economy, and the empowerment of the masses implied that the distance between whiteness as a discourse of nationhood and the country’s reality could be exposed. And yet, although Peronism brought about a significant disruption of the nation’s racial imaginary, it did not imply its replacement with an alternative discourse of race. Many middle-class Porteños (as the inhabitants of Buenos Aires are known) reacted to the increasing visibility of the lower class coming from the provinces partly by means of racial language. However, like many other popular Latin American political movements/parties of the time, the Peronists did not see themselves necessarily in distinctive racial terms. Likewise, middle-class Porteño racism was perceived mainly as a comment on workers’ alleged vulgarity, unsophistication and lack of civility, illustrating how race continued to be referred to in elliptical and circuitous ways despite the racial and social anxieties
produced by the emergence of Peronism. The expression cabecita negra is the most well-known example of the oblique manner in which class and race were articulated in anti-Peronist sentiment: the term, which is the name of a South American bird (Carduelis magellanica, known in English as ‘hooded siskin’), was used to refer pejoratively to the dark-skinned workers. In subsequent years, a new word would emerge to refer to the masses: negro, which in Argentina does not imply an African background but, like cabecita negra, unacceptable social behaviour linked to a provincial background and, implicitly, racial miscegenation.
In subsequent years, other actors – like the radical Left in the 1970s or indigenous activists from the 1980s onwards – also engaged critically with the idea of Argentina as a homogeneously white country but, for different reasons, experienced limited success. Whiteness continued as a non-renounceable project of nationhood, at least for the middle- and upper-class sectors that have traditionally enjoyed a more dominant position in the definition of the national self. In this book, I will demonstrate that the crisis produced by neoliberalism contributed to a profound questioning of Argentina’s whiteness, which was partly expressed through cultural production. To do so, I have identified four analytical dimensions that will guide the discussion. I will look at: first, the impact of the crisis on the myth of Argentina’s exceptionalism and its relationship with middle-class imaginaries; secondly, the construction of certain Latin American migrants as a racial alterity; thirdly, the identification of the shantytowns as the locus of a new racialised marginality; and, finally, the rise of neoliberal multiculturalism. During the course of this book, I will examine how various art forms engaged critically with these diverse elements, at times focusing specifically on one of these four factors, at others, looking at how two or more interact in specific manifestations of racial domination. Through this, I aim to show how culture not only reflected but also re-signified the debate on race in this period, and the particular link between the crisis and Argentina’s narratives of whiteness, Europeanness and racial homogeneity. I will proceed to provide an outline of each of these dimensions.
Exceptionalism
The cultural products examined in this book suggest critical engagements with the belief held by the middle class that its social decline was an indicator of the country’s fall from grace, the end of Argentina’s exceptionalism. Exceptionalism is a central component of the nationalist imagination, in the sense that it was constitutive of romantic conceptions of folk and nationhood. In the case of Argentina, the narrative of exceptionalism was founded, as Tulio Halperin Donghi explains, on the unparalleled realisation of the civilising project of European modernity in the last decades of the nineteenth century.15 In the 1950s and 1960s, different theories of modernisation reformulated and refined the correlation between development and whiteness/Europeanness. Their aim was to demonstrate that the country’s high standards of living and education in comparison to most of its regional counterparts were partly the consequence of Argentina’s vast middle class resulting from the immigration experience of the early twentieth century.16 This interpretation was embraced and appropriated by these sectors. Argentina’s dramatic impoverishment at the turn of the twenty-first century was, therefore, also perceived as a crisis of a model of nationhood constructed around whiteness and middle-classness. The presence of flags and other national symbols in civil mobilisations during 2001 and 2002 showed that protestors were motivated by a shared concern for nationness.17 And in fact, there was a boom in the publishing of essays on this theme, such as Aguinis’s 2002 book El atroz encanto de ser argentinos (The Atrocious Charm of Being Argentinians), which sold around 200,000 copies despite the recession.18 In the face of the extent of the catastrophe affecting the country, demands to revise and clarify national identity multiplied. The fundamental question that required an urgent answer was: ‘Why, if we were so exceptional, did we end up like this?’
Through the analysis of the cultural products included in this book, I will explain that the use of tropes such as ‘Latin Americanisation’ and ‘Africanisation’ demonstrate how social malaise was expressed by Argentinians through racial language and anxieties rooted in enduring historical patterns and discourses. The fact that poverty led to a self-perception as non-white revealed the extent to which social differences are intertwined with racial
categories. As Emanuela Guano and Galen Joseph show, historical ideas of Europeanness, education and civilisation that constituted the founding myths of the nation were reinvigorated during the late 1990s by some sectors of the middle class. They did so primarily to deal with their disenfranchisement but, furthermore, as a strategy of resistance to the increasing awareness that their historical whiteness was under threat.19 I will show how these particular concerns of nationness and whiteness are interrogated in cultural products that expose the constructedness of narratives of exceptionalism, therefore suggesting a critique of the social regime that positions whiteness as normative and as neutral.
Migration
Some of the cultural productions featured in this study address discrimination against immigrants from specific countries (mainly Bolivia, but also Paraguay, Peru and the Dominican Republic) during neoliberalism and the crisis. This discrimination was usually condemned in public and academic discourses of the period, yet the immigrants’ racialisation was rarely criticised.20 David Theo Goldberg states that the problem with such a posture is that it portrays racial violence as a deviance but does not question the existence of racial categorisations, ignoring or side-lining the conceptual and political connections between race and racial domination.21 I will explain how the cultural products in this work reveal this racialisation to be the imposition of a specific normative that constructs nationality as a signifier of non-whiteness.
Along with ‘Africanisation’, the trope of ‘Latin Americanisation’ was common in public discourses during the crisis, specifically to refer to the threat posed by the alleged ‘invasion’ of Bolivians, Peruvians and Paraguayans. However, these anxieties during this period cannot be explained solely by a factual increase in immigration. The 2001 Census reveals that South American immigrants constituted a mere 2.8 per cent of the population (a figure similar to those of previous censuses).22 This number does not include undocumented immigration but, even if this was similar in size to authorised immigration, the proportion would still be relatively small (5.6 per cent). For Alejandro Grimson, two interrelated causes explain the increasing visibility of immigrant
groups: first, the fact that they had relocated in recent years from border provinces to Buenos Aires, as a result of the crisis of local economies; secondly, the progressive impoverishment of the population due to neoliberalism, which fuelled xenophobic anxieties reinforced from above.23
The use of racism by neoliberalism is related to the latter’s impact on the social fabric. Neoliberal reforms involve a double movement: on the one hand, the axing of state welfare, the precarisation of jobs and the growth of poverty and unemployment; on the other hand, the extension over civil society of the logic of the market –expressed in homo oeconomicus as a model of behaviour – along with the weakening and disarticulation of local bonds and solidarities. The racialisation of immigrants – that is, the identification of an internal threat that is also external – plays a crucial role in this process since it is instrumental in counterbalancing the negative effects of neoliberalism on citizenship while maintaining social cohesion. This explains why, in Argentina, prejudice against South American immigrants was promoted in state discourses. The government postulated that, rather than resisting labour market flexibility, workers should beware of immigrants who were stealing their jobs. However, immigrants were not competing for jobs with the Argentinians, but the other way around, since occupations traditionally rejected by locals now came to be appreciated in a context of pervasive unemployment.24
Anticipating xenophobic and nativist sentiments that would become widespread in the United States and Europe in subsequent years, in turn-of-the-twenty-first-century Argentina, certain immigrants from other Latin American countries were portrayed as responsible for the rise in unemployment and the collapse of public services. In 1999, for example, Governor of Buenos Aires – and future president – Eduardo Duhalde affirmed that ‘cada día hay menos trabajo y es necesario repartirlo entre los argentinos’ (every day there are fewer jobs and it’s necessary to distribute them among Argentinians). Immigrants were also presented as a menace to the cultural cohesiveness of the national self. For example, an article in La Nación entitled ‘Más americanos que nunca’ (More (Latin) American than ever) stated that the new migrants questioned the idea of ‘Argentina como prolongación de Europa’ (Argentina as an extension of Europe).25 But perhaps the most compelling example of this is a 2000 cover of La Primera de la Semana, a magazine directed
by Daniel Hadad, a media entrepreneur and journalist closely linked to Menem. It features a man against a background of the Obelisco, the iconic monument of Buenos Aires, and an Argentinian flag, the headline being ‘La invasión silenciosa’ (The silent invasion). The use of racial stereotyping to emphasise the stigma is evident: the man chosen for the cover has strong Andean features, is shown naked from the waist up, and the image has been clumsily manipulated to make him look as if he is missing one of his front teeth. Inside, the report states that immigrants – described as having ‘caras aindiadas y oscuras’ (dark and Indian-like faces) –steal jobs and abuse the national health system, therefore suggesting that the causes of the crisis of public services were not neoliberal policies but these racialised undocumented immigrants.
To be effective, racist discourses from above usually need an affective base. Indeed, if they manage to interpellate sectors of the population, this is because they build on established antipathies and anxieties. Gastón Gordillo, in this sense, suggests understanding Argentinian whiteness not as myth or ideology, but as an articulation of space and affect:
I conceive of White Argentina, first and foremost, as a geographical project and an affective disposition defined by the not always conscious desire to create, define, and feel through the bodily navigation of space that the national geography is largely European. But this is a haunted and ever-incomplete project, a whiteness that feels under siege.26
Gordillo’s proposal is useful in the sense that it highlights the visceral and emotive dimension of racism, and the fact that the propensity to long for a white nation in certain Argentinians cannot be seen as a purely logical and rational process. Nonetheless, completely disregarding the problem of hegemony implies sidelining the ways in which historical prejudices developed dialectical relations with state and institutional discourses, as shown before. Without contemplating this dimension, it would be difficult to explain why, although highly ‘visible’ in phenotypic terms, Korean, Chinese, Taiwanese and Japanese immigrants were not seen as a threat to the cohesion of the national self during the crisis. Unlike Peruvians, Bolivians and Paraguayans, Asian immigrants were never the focus of the state’s stigmatising practices and rhetoric.27 As Teresa Ko shows, they have actually been
systematically sidelined from public debates, even from those articulated around the logic of neoliberal multiculturalism.28 Class also mediated this differential process of racialisation, since Asian immigrants tend to be middle- class and engage in ethnic economies – retail supermarkets (Chinese), dry cleaners (Japanese), photodeveloping shops (Taiwanese) and textile and clothing manufacturing businesses (Koreans). Thus, contrary to South American immigrants, they were not seen as direct competitors for jobs during the crisis. The different attitudes towards Asian immigrants and Asian- Argentinians exemplify once again the articulation of class and race in Argentina, since those who are the poorest are also placed at the bottom of the racial hierarchy. It also illustrates how the reproduction of racism is sustained both on state discourses and processes that identify certain groups as a potential menace to the integrity of the social body and the affective disposition of sectors of society towards these issues.
The differential racialisation of immigrants also proves the overwhelming pre-eminence of Buenos Aires in the definition of national discourses of whiteness and racial difference. For example, unlike Peruvian, Paraguayan and Bolivian immigrants, who relocated en masse to the capital city from border provinces in recent years, Chilean immigrants continued to work mostly in Patagonia (53 per cent), which partly explains their less blatant racialisation in institutional and media discourses.29 The distinction between regional immigrants shows the extent to which fears of ‘Latin Americanisation’ were mainly linked with indigeneity and poverty. Accordingly, a continuum was established in which Paraguay, Bolivia and Peru, countries where indigenous cultures enjoy a robust presence, were identified as the other end of the racial spectrum in relation to Argentina. Furthermore, the exoticisation of the minority of Afro-Brazilians who live in Buenos Aires illustrates the different ways in which racial domination operates through differential classification and variable degrees of segregation and discrimination. For example, Alejandro Frigerio shows that, rather than as a Brazilian religion, Umbanda was presented in Argentina as an expression of an ancestral African culture.30 By linking Umbanda to a mythical Africanness rather than to real-life Afro-Brazilians, it could be marketed more efficiently as an ethnic practice.
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reaction of Paramecium and many other Protista is always the same. It swims backward a short distance, turns towards the aboral surface, and then having thus reversed swims on again in the new direction, front foremost as before. Apparent "positive taxies" are often really negative ones; for if the Paramecium be placed in water containing CO2 it shows the reaction not on entering the part charged with this acid, but on passing away from it into purer water, so that it continually tends to turn back into the acid part, while within it or in the water at a distance not yet charged it swims about irregularly. It appears due to this that the individuals become aggregated together, as they excrete this gas into the water. If a repellent substance diffuse towards the hinder end of a Paramecium, the response, instead of carrying it away, brings it into the region of greater concentration, and may thus kill it.
[32] "Galvanotaxis and Chemotaxis," Journ. of Physiol. vol. xxvi. 19001901, p. 291.
[33]
Let us take the case of a 1-centimetre cube, growing to the size of a 2-centimetre cube. The superficial area of the 1 cm. cube measures 6 square centimetres, and its bulk is 1 cubic centimetre. The superficial area of the 2-centimetre cube measures 24 square centimetres, while its volume measures 8 cubic centimetres. Thus the larger cube has only 3 cm. sq. of surface to every cubic cm. of volume, instead of 6; in other words, the ratio of surface to volume has been halved by growth. Three successive bipartitions of the larger cube will divide it into eight separate 1-centimetre cubes, each now possessing the original ratio of surface to volume.
[34]
The nucleus is regarded by some as equivalent to a central nervous organ for the cell; by others, such as G. Mann and Verworn, as the chief chemical centre of the cell, and notably the
seat of the secretion of the zymases or ferments that play so important a part in its life-work; for it is found that a Protist deprived of its nucleus can execute its wonted movements, but can neither digest nor grow. This conclusion may appear to be rather sweeping and premature, but we have seen that the changes of surface tension are the direct antecedents of the motions of the cytoplasm, we know that such changes are induced by chemical changes; and thus the nucleus—if it be the central laboratory to which such changes are ultimately due—would really in a certain sense be a directive centre.
[35]
The term "resting" is very ill-chosen, for even superficial observation shows that the relative position and characters of the internal structures of such a nucleus are constantly changing with the vital activities and functions of the cell.
[36]
For a detailed study of the nucleus in Protista, see Calkins in Arch. Protistenk. vol. ii. 1903.
[37]
The "centriole" is a minute granule sometimes recognisable in the centre of the centrosphere, and undergoing fission in advance. But centrosomes are often found without a distinction into centrosphere and centriole, and there is much confusion in the use of the terms.
[38]
The origin of the centrosomes is a problem not yet certainly solved, if indeed it be susceptible of any universal solution. They are certainly absent in many plants; and, on the other hand, structures which correspond to them often appear in mitotic divisions of Protista. In some cases the centrosomes are undoubtedly of nuclear origin, and pass out through the nuclear wall into the cytoplasm.
[39]
Though the forces at work in the dividing cell are similar in their effects to such physical forces as magnetism, static electricity, and even capillarity, and models utilising such physical forces have been devised to represent the strain-figures of the cell, the cell forces are distinct from any known physical force. For discussions of the nature of the forces at work, with bibliographies, see Angel Gallardo, Interpretatión Dinámica de la División Celular, 1902; Rhumbler, in Arch. Entw. xvi. 1903, p. 476; Hartog, C.R. cxxxviii. 1904, p. 1525, and "On the Dual Force of the Dividing-cell," pt. i. Proc. Roy. Soc. 1905 B, lxxvi. p. 548.
[40]
See Th. Boveri, Ergebnisse ueb. d. Konstitution d. chromatischen Substanz des Zellkerns (1903), for the most recent defence of this view. He lays, however (p. 2), far more stress on the individuality of the segments themselves than on the actual chromatin material they contain.
[41]
The fact that it is by mitotic division that the undifferentiated germcells produce the "differentiated" tissue-cells of the body of the highest animals, is again irreconcilable with such theories, whose chief advocates have been A. Weismann and his disciples.
[42]
Temporary plastogamy is a process found in some Foraminifera, where two organisms unite by their cytoplasms so that there can be complete blending of these, while the nuclei remain distinct: they ultimately separate again. In the conjugation of the Infusoria, the union of the cytoplasms is a temporary plastogamy (see p. 148 f.).
[43]
See Figs. 9, 29, 31, 34, etc., pp. 54, 89, 95, 101.
[44]
One obvious effect of brood-formation is to augment rapidly the ratio of superficial area to bulk: after only three divisions (p. 23, note) the ratio is doubled; if the divisions be nine in succession so as to produce a brood of 512, the ratio is increased eightfold, on the supposition that the figure is preserved. However, the broodmother-cell is usually spherical, while zoospores are mostly elongated, thus giving an additional increase to the surface, which we may correlate with that increased activity; so that they disseminate the species, spreading far and wide, and justifying the name of "spore" in its primitive sense (from the Greek σπείρω—I scatter [seed]).
[45]
This condition may be protracted in the segmentation of the egg of certain Higher Animals, such as Peripatus (Vol. V. p. 20). It is clearly only a secondary and derived condition.
[46]
The usual antecedent of change in the condition of the egg is "fertilisation"—its conjugation with the sperm; but this is not invariable; and a transitory sojourn of certain marine eggs in a liquid containing other substances than sea-water may induce the egg on its return to its native habitat to segment and develop. This has been mistermed "Chemical fertilisation," discovered within the last six years by Jacques Loeb, and already the subject of an enormous literature.
[47]
See Hartog in Rep. Brit. Ass. 1896, p. 933, 1900, p. 786.
[48]
Commonly called "fertilisation," or "sexual union," inadequate and misleading terms.
[49]
For details see Hartog, "Some Problems of Reproduction," Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci. xxxiii. p. 1, xlvii. p. 583; and Ann. Biol. vol. iv. (1895) 1897; E. B. Wilson, Yves Delage, and Henneguy (references on p. 3, note); and for a singularly clear and full treatment of the processes in Protozoa, Arnold Lang, Lehrb. d. Vergl. Anat. 2nd ed. Lief. 2, "Protozoa," 1900.
[50]
This phenomenon, which we have termed "exogamy," is common in Protophyta; it has been clearly demonstrated by Schaudinn in Foraminifera and the Lobose Rhizopod Trichosphaerium (p. 53 f. Fig. 9), and by Pringsheim in the Volvocine Pandorina (p. 128 f. Fig. 45). It is quite independent of the differentiation of binary sex.
[51]
Other modes of syngamy, such as karyogamy and plastogamy, we shall discuss below, pp. 69, 148; see also p. 30.
[52]
See Gruber in Biol. Centralb. iv. p. 710, v. p. 137 (1884-6), in Ber. Ges. Freiburg, i. ii. 1886-7; Verworn (reference on p. 16); F. R. Lillie in Journ. Morph. xii. 1896, p. 239; Nussbaum in Arch. mikr. Anat. xxvi. 1886, p. 485; Balbiani in Recueil Zool. Suisse, v. 1888, in Zool. Anz. 1891, pp. 312, 323, in Arch. Microgr. iv. v. 1892-3. For Higher Organisms especially see T. H. Morgan, Regeneration, 1901.
[53]
Whence the antiseptic powers of such aromatic alcohols as phenol and thymol, and acids as salicylic acid, etc., and their salts and esters.
[54]
The portion of the spectrum that is operative in "holophytic" nutrition is the red or less refrangible half, and notably those rays in the true red, which are absorbed by the green pigment chlorophyll, and so give a dark band in the red of its absorption spectrum. The more refrangible half of the spectrum, so active on silver salts, that it is usually said to consist of "chemical rays," is not only inoperative, but has a destructive action on the pigments themselves, and even on the protoplasm. Chlorophyll is present in all cases even when more or less modified or masked by the accompaniment of other pigments.
[55]
Similarly, threads unite the cells of the colonial plant—Flagellate Volvox, passing through the thick gelatinous cell-wall (pp. 126-127, Fig. 44).
[56]
Pigments soluble in the ordinary solvents of fats, such as ether, benzol, chloroform, etc.
[57]
We have ourselves had hard work to persuade intelligent men of fair general education, even belonging to a learned profession, that this is not the case.
[58]
Dr. H. Charlton Bastian has recently maintained a contrary thesis (The Nature and Origin of Living Matter, 1905), but has adduced no evidence likely to convince any one familiar with the continuous life-study of the lower organisms.
[59]
The terms "organoid," "organella," have been introduced to designate a definite portion of a Protist specialised for a definite function; the term "organ" being reserved for a similarly specialised
group of cells or tissues in a Metazoon or Metaphyte. We do not consider that this distinction warrants the introduction of new words into the terminology of general Zoology, however convenient these may be in an essay on the particular question involved.
[60]
This has been especially the case with the Flagellata, the Proteomyxa, and the Mycetozoa.
[61]
Lang distinguishes "lobopodia," "filopodia," and "pseudopodia" according to their form,—blunt, thread-like, or anastomosing. In some cases the protoplasm shows a gliding motion as a whole without any distinct pseudopodium, as in Amoeba limax (Fig. 1, p. 5), and a pseudopodium may pass into a thin, active flagellum, which is, however, glutinous and serves for the capture of prey: such often occurs in the Lobosa Podostoma and Arcuothrix, which are possibly two names for one species or at least one genus; and in many cases a slender pseudopodium may be waved freely.
[62]
See Schewiakoff, "Ueb. d. Geograph. Verbreitung d. Süsswasserprotozoen," in Mém. Acad. St. Pétersb. ser. 7, xli. 1893, No. 8. His views apply to most minute aquatic organisms— Animal, Vegetable, or Protistic.
[63]
See E. R. Lankester, art. "Protozoa" in Encycl. Brit. 9th ed. (1885), reprinted with additions in "Zoological Articles." We cannot accept his primary division into Corticata and Gymnomyxa, which would split up the Flagellata and mark off the Gregarines from the other Sporozoa.
[64]
On this ground I have referred Paramoeba, Greeff, to the Cryptomonadineae.
[65]
Differences (1) from Foraminifera; (2) from Heliozoa; (3) from Proteomyxa and Sporozoa; (4) from Myxomycetes; (5) from many Foraminifera.
[66]
I have not followed the usual classification into Gymnamoebae and Thecamoebae, according to the absence or presence of a test (perforated by one or more openings) in the active state, as such a test occurs in isolated genera of Flagellata and Infusoria, and does not appear to have any great systematic importance.
[67]
The significance of chromidia in Sarcodina (first noted by Schaudinn in Foraminifera) was fully recognised and generalised by R. Hertwig in Arch. Protist. i. 1902, p. 1.
[68]
Stolč in Z. wiss. Zool. lxviii. 1900, p. 625. Lilian Veley, however, gives reasons for regarding them as of proteid composition, J. Linn. Soc. (Zool.) xxix. 1905, p. 374 f. They disappear when the Pelomyxa is starved or supplied with only proteid food.
[69]
This genus contains two sausage-shaped, blueish-green plastids, possibly symbiotic Cyanophyceous Algae.
[70]
See Lauterborn in Z. wiss. Zool. lix. 1895, pp. 167, 537.
[71]
C. Scheel has seen Amoeba proteus produce a brood of 500-600 young amoebulae, which he reared to full size (in Festschr. f. Kupffer, 1899).
[72]
Arb. Kais. Gesundheitsamte Berlin, xix. 1903.
[73]
Faune Rhizopodique du Bassin du Léman, 1902. See also Cash, The British Freshwater Rhizopoda and Heliozoa, vol. i., Ray Society, 1905.
[74]
Chapman, The Foraminifera, London, 1902; Lister, "Foraminifera" in Lankester's Treatise on Zoology, pt. i. fasc. 2, 1903.
[75] Challenger Reports (Zool.), vol. ix. 1884.
[76]
In Lankester's Treat. Zool. pt. i. fasc. 1. For other classifications see Eimer and Fickert in Z. wiss. Zool. lxv. 1899; Rhumbler in Lang's Protozoa, 1901; and for a full synopsis of genera and species, "Systematische Zusammenstellung der recenten Reticulosae" (pt. i. only), in Arch. Prot. iii. 1903-4, p. 181.
[77]
The type of Dujardin's genus Gromia is G. oviformis = Hyalopus dujardinii, M. Sch., which is one of the Filosa.
[78]
This convenient name is due to my friend Dr. A. Kemna of Antwerp.
[79]
The name Foraminifera was used to express the fact that the chambers communicated by pores, not by a tubular siphon as in Nautiloidea and Ammonoidea (Vol. III. pp. 393, 396).
[80]
Which probably accounts for the earlier failure of Lister and of Schaudinn himself to note their conjugation.
[81]
Rhumbler, "Die Doppelschalen v. Orbitolites u. and. Foraminiferen," in Arch. Protist. i. 1902, p. 193.
[82]
The alleged Archaean genus Eozoon, founded by Carpenter and Dawson on structures found in the Lower Laurentian serpentines (ophicalcites), and referred to the close proximity of Nummulites, has been claimed as of purely mineral structure by the petrologists; and recent biologists have admitted this claim.
[83]
Possibly composed of the same proteid, "acanthin," that forms spicules of greater permanence in the Acantharia among the Radiolaria (p. 75 f. Figs. 24, 25, A).
[84]
Such divisions into functional and abortive sister nuclei are termed "reducing divisions," and are not infrequent in the formation of pairing-cells, especially oospheres of Metazoa, where the process is termed the maturation of the ovum.
[85]
Besides these genera enumerated by Schaudinn, we include Dimorpha Gruber (Fig. 37 5, p. 112), Mastigophrys Frenzel, Ciliophrys Cienk., and Actinomonas usually referred to Flagellates.
[86]
K. Brandt, in Arch. Prot. i. 1902, p. 59, regards the presence of spicules as not even of generic moment, and subdivides the Collodaria into two families—Collida (solitary), and Sphaerozoea, colonial, i.e. with numerous central capsules.
[87]
Dreyer adds an additional order—Sphaeropylida, distinguished by a basal (or a basal and an apical) pylome.
[88]
Verworn has shown that Thalassicolla nucleata can, when the exoplasm is removed from the central capsule, regenerate it completely. First a delicate exoplasm gives off numerous fine radiating pseudopodia, and the jelly is re-formed at their bases, and carries them farther out from the central capsule. See General Physiology (Engl. ed. 1899), p. 379.
[89]
The pigment is singularly resistant and insoluble, and shows no proteid reaction. Borgert states that it appears to be formed in the oral part of the endoplasm, and to pass through the astropyle into the ectoplasm, where it accumulates. It is probably a product of excretion, and may serve, by its retention, indirectly to augment the surface. See Borgert, "Ueb. die Fortpflanzung der tripyleen Radiolarien" in Zool. Jahrb. Anat. xiv. 1900, p. 203.
[90]
Dreyer has shown that in many cases it may be explained by geometrical considerations. V. Häcker has written a most valuable account of the Biological relations of the skeleton of Radiolaria in Jen. Zeitschr. xxxix. 1904, p. 297.
[91] Zool. Jahrb. Anat. xiv. 1900, p. 203.
[92]
Porta has described reproduction by spores and by budding in Acantharia, Rend. R. Ist. Lomb. xxxiv. 1901 (ex Journ. R. Micr. Soc. 1903, p. 45). In Thalassophysa and its allies zoospore reproduction appears to be replaced by a process in which the central capsule loses its membrane, elongates, becomes multinuclear, and ultimately breaks up into the nucleate portions, each annexing an envelope of ectoplasm to become a new individual (see Arch. Prot. vol. i. 1902).
[93]
Brandt, "Die Koloniebildenden Radiolarien," in Fauna u. Flora des Golfes v. Neapel, xiii. 1885, gives a full account of the Zooxanthellae and Diatoms, and notes the parasitism of Hyperia.
[94]
See Köppen in Zool. Anz. xvii. 1894, p. 417. For Sticholonche, see R. Hertwig in Jena. Zeitsch. xi. 1877, p. 324; and Korotneff in Zeitsch. wiss. Zool. li. 1891, p. 613. Borgert's paper on Dictyochidae is in the same volume, p. 629.
[95]
Most of Haeckel's Monera, described as non-nucleate, belong here. Several have been proved to be nucleate, and to be rightly placed here; and all require renewed study.
[96]
Even the Acystosporidiae have sickle-germs (blasts) in the insect host.
[97]
See Zopf, Beitr Nied. Org. ii. 1892, p. 36, iv 1894, p. 60, for the doubtful genus Chlamydomyxa; Hieronymus, abstracted by Jenkinson, in Quart. J. Micr. Sci. xiii. 1899; Penard, Arch. Protist. iv. 1904, p. 296.
[98]
The name "aethalium" is now always used in this sense.
[99]
The group was monographed by Schröter in Engler and Prantl's Pflanzenfamilien, I. Teil, Abt. 1, 1897. See also A. Lister's Monograph of the Mycetozoa, 1894; Massee, Monog. of the Myxogastres, 1893; Sir Edward and Agnes Fry, The Mycetozoa, 1899; and Massee MacBride, The North American Slime Moulds, 1899.
[100]
Several monographs of the group have been published recently dealing with the group from a systematic point of view, including their relation to their hosts. Wasielewski, "Sporozoenkunde" (1896); Labbé, "Sporozoa" (in Tierreich, 1899). Doflein's "Protozoen als Parasiten und Krankheitserreger" (1901) contains most valuable information of the diseases produced by these and other Protozoic hosts. Minchin's Monograph in Lankester's Treatise on Zoology, pt. i. fasc. 2 (1903), is a full account of the class, and admirable in every way.
[101]
For its reactions see Bütschli, Arch. Protist. vii. 1906, p. 197.
[102]
The cuticle in the allied genus Lankesteria, which is the form we figure on p. 95, is perforated by a terminal pore, through which the clear plasma of the sarcocyte may protrude as a pseudopodium.
[103]
This account is taken from Cuénot (in Arch. de Biol. 1900, p. 49), which confirms Siedlecki's account of the process in the allied genus Lankesteria in Bull. Acad. Cracow, 1899. Wolters's previous description, assimilating the processes to those of Actinophrys, is
by these authors explained as the result of imperfect preservation of his material.
[104]
See p. 120.
[105]
See Caullery and Mesnil, "Rech. sur les Actinomyxidies," Arch. Bot. vi. 1905, p. 272 f.
[106]
Léger, Arch. Zool. Exp. sér. 3, x. and sér. 4, v. (1902-3); for a full discussion of the relations of association and conjugation in Gregarines, see Woodcock in Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci. l. 1906, p. 61 f.
[107]
A Lithobius is figured in Vol. V. p. 45.
[108]
The schizont forms of some species, before the invariable alternation of schizogony and sporogony had been made out clearly, were regarded as "monogenic" genera, under the names of Eimeria, A. Schn., and Pfeifferella, Labbé; while those in which the formation of spores containing sickles had been clearly seen were termed "digenic." Labbé's monograph, "Die Sporozoen," in the Tierreich, is unfortunately written from this point of view, which had already become doubtful, and is now demonstrated to be erroneous, chiefly by the labours of Schaudinn and Siedlecki.
[109]
A species has been described, however, in the blood of the Indian Gerbille (Gerbillus indicus), completing the sexual process in the Louse of its host. A figure of G. aegyptius will be found in Vol. X. (1902) p. 475.
[110]
There is no difference between a mosquito (little fly) and a gnat, both names are applied indiscriminately to thin-bodied Diptera of the group Nemocera which attack man; only the females bite (see Vol. VI. pp. 466-468).
[111]
Regarded by Schaudinn as a state of the Flagellate Trypanosoma (p. 119 f.).
[112]
In Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci. xliv. 1901, p. 429.
[113]
It would seem that resting-cells, i.e. the crescents and corresponding spheres, of Laverania and Haemamoeba may linger during months of apparent health in the spleen and red marrow of the bones; and that these by parthenogenesis produce sporozoites and determine relapses when, owing to a lowering of the general health, conditions favourable to new sporulation occur.
[114]
Léger and Duboscq have found that Sarcocystis tenella, a parasite common in the muscles of the sheep (and rarely found in man), has a conjugation and sexual process recalling that of Stylorhynchus, save that the sperms are much smaller than the ova (C.R. 1902, i. p. 1148).
[115]
The alleged micronucleus of certain forms appears to be merely a "blepharoplast" (see p. 19); even when of nuclear origin, as in Trypanosoma, it has no function in reproduction like the micronucleus of Infusoria (see pp. 115, 120 f.).
[116]
Dimorpha is now referred to Heliozoa (p. 70).
[117]
I.e. resembling the thread-like water Algae.
[118]
Trichocysts (see p. 142) occur in some Chloromonadaceae; and the Dinoflagellate Polykrikos possesses true nematocysts (see p. 131).
[119]
For a full monograph of this family see H. Lohmann, in Arch. f. Protistenkunde, vol. i. 1902, p. 89.
[120]
Delage has well explained the action of the single anterior flagellum which waves in a continuous spiral like a loaded string whirled round one's head; it thus induces a movement of the water, beyond its actual range, backwards and outwards, maintained by a constant influx from behind, which carries the cell onward at the same time that it necessarily rotates round its axis. If there is a pair of symmetrically placed flagella they co-operate like the arms of a swimmer; when the second flagellum is unilateral the motion is most erratic, as seen in the Bodonidae (and the zoospores of many Chytridieae, which have most of the characters of the Flagellates, though habitually removed to the Fungi).
[121]
The colouring matter is chlorophyll or some allied colouring matter. In the yellow and brown forms the additional pigment is termed loosely "diatomin," but its identity with that of Diatoms is in no case proved.
[122]
Notably in the Craspedomonadidae, where transverse division also occurs. See Raoul Francé, Die Craspedomonadineen (BudaPesth, 1897).
[123]
And also in the "Monads," described by Dallinger and Drysdale, see above.
[124]
In Cercomonas dujardinii, Polytoma uvella, and Tetramitus rostratus the gametes resemble the ordinary forms and are isogamous. In Monas dallingeri and Bodo caudatus conjugation takes place between one of the ordinary form and size and another similar but smaller. In Dallingeria drysdali the one has the ordinary size and form, the other is equal in size, but has only one flagellum, not three; in Bodo saltans they are unequal, the larger gamete arising in the ordinary way by longitudinal fission, the smaller by transverse division. Doubt has been thrown on the validity of our authors' results by subsequent observers abroad; but I can find no evidence that these have even attempted to repeat the English observations under the same severely critical conditions, and therefore consider the attacks so far unjustified. Schaudinn has observed conjugation between Trichomonas individuals which have lost their flagella and become amoeboid; also in Lamblia intestinalis and in Trypanosoma (Halteridium?) noctuae (Fig. 39) "Reduction-divisions" (see p. 75, note 1) of the nuclei take place before fusion, and the nuclear phenomena are described as "complicated" (Arb. Kais. Gesundheitsamte, xx. 1904, p 387). Paramoeba eilhardii in its adult state is colourless, amoeboid, multiciliate. It forms a brood cyst, from which are liberated flagellate zoospores, with a chromatophore, which reproduce by longitudinal fission in this state. They may also conjugate.
[125]
In P.R.S. xxvii. 1878, p. 332.
[126]
In Z. wiss. Zool. lv. 1893, p. 353.
[127]
1. Teil, Abt. 1. a, 1900.
[128]
In the Chlorophyceae, 1. Teil, Abt. 2, 1897.
[129]
1. Teil, Abt. 1. b, 1896.
[130]
Besides the above, Dangeard, in various papers in his periodical Le Botaniste, has treated of most of the groups, and Raoul Francé has monographed the Polytomeae in the Jahrb. wiss. Bot. xxvi. 1894, p. 295, and Dill the genus Chlamydomonas, etc., its closest allies, in op. cit. xxviii. 1895, p. 323.
[131]
For a detailed abstract of our knowledge of Trypanosoma and its allies up to Feb. 1, 1906, see Woodcock, "The Haemoflagellates," in Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci. 1. 1906, p. 151.
[132]
Doubts still subsist as to the interpretation of Schaudinn's observations.
[133]
Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci. xlvi. 1902.
[134]
A Zambezian Tick infects man with a Treponema, producing relapsing-fever; another species is found in the tropical disease
"framboesia" ("yaws" or "parangi").
[135]
Stated by Geza Entz and Raoul Francé to be due to the spiral twisting of a plasmic membrane, and to be like a cone formed by twisting paper, with the free edges overlapping.
[136]
Discovered by Leidy. For the most recent description of this group see Grassi and Sandias in Quart. Journ. Micr. Sci. xxxix. (figures) and xl. p. 1 (text), 1897.
[137]
Bezzenberger has given an analytical table of the eleven known species of the genus Opalina in Arch. Protist. iii. 1903, p. 138.
[138]
Such movements, permissible by the perfectly flexible but firm pellicle, are termed "metabolic" or "euglenoid" in contradistinction to "amoeboid." They also occur in many Sporozoa.
[139]
Within which is often harboured the Rotifer, Proales parasita, Vol. II. p. 227.
[140]
In the Adinidae there is no groove; the two lashes arise close together, and the one is coiled round the base of the other.
[141]
In Unt. Inst. Tübingen, i. 1883, p. 233.
[142]
Conjugation of adults has been observed by Zederbauer (Ber Deutsch. Ges. xxii. 1904). A short connecting tube is formed by the meeting of outgrowths from either mate; their protoplasmic contents meet and fuse herein to form a spherical resting-spore, as in the Conjugate Algae.
[143]
According to Bergh, Polykrikos has as many nuclei as grooves, each accompanied by one or more "micronuclei." Possibly these latter bodies are merely blepharoplasts, in connexion with the transverse flagella.
[144]
Engler and Prantl's Pflanzenfamilien, 1. Teil, Abt. 1, 1896.
[145]
The luminous genus, Pyrocystis (Fig. 47), regarded as a Cystoflagellate by Wyville Thomson, has a cellulose wall, no mouth, and in the zoospore state has the two flagella in longitudinal and transverse grooves of the Dinoflagellata.
[146]
This process has the character of telolecithal segmentation in a Metazoan egg.
[147]
See Doflein, in Zool. Jahrb. Anat. xiv. 1900, p. 1.
[148]
London, 1753, 402-403.
[149]
On this account Hickson has termed the group "Heterokaryota" in Lankester's Treat. Zool. i. fasc. 1, 1903.