Fascist Italy and the League of Nations, 1922–1935
Elisabetta Tollardo
University of Oxford alumna
London, UK
ISBN 978-1-349-95027-0
DOI 10.1057/978-1-349-95028-7
ISBN 978-1-349-95028-7 (eBook)
Library of Congress Control Number: 2016954028
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made.
Cover illustration: League of Nations Photo Archive, League of Nations Archives, UNOG Library
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Ai miei nonni
A CKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This book is based on research made possible thanks to a studentship from the British Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) and a Peter Storey Scholarship from Balliol College, University of Oxford. Archival trips were supported by grants from ‘Il Circolo’ Italian Cultural Association in London and the Royal Historical Society, and a Clara Florio Cooper Memorial Bursary from the Oxford Italian Association. While funding has been essential to the completion of this work, this book would have never seen the light without the intellectual guidance of Patricia Clavin, my doctoral supervisor, to whom I am deeply grateful. I would also like to express my gratitude to Martin Conway for his witty comments and moral support. I benefited greatly from discussing some of the matters examined in this book with Richard Bosworth, whom I thank for dedicating me his time. I wish to thank Amalia Ribi Forclaz, Emma Edwards and Susan Pedersen for sharing with me important information and offering good advice. Thanks also to Tom Buchanan and Glenda Sluga for their helpful suggestions.
I take this occasion to acknowledge the debt I owe to the two academics who inspired me to train as a historian: Kathleen Frydl and Mario Del Pero.
This book is extensively based on primary sources, and I would like to thank for their help and assistance the personnel of all the archives I visited. I am especially obliged to Jacques Oberson and Lee Robertson (League of Nations Archives, Geneva), Guido Mones (Archivio Storico della Fondazione Luigi Einaudi, Turin) and Stefania Ruggeri (Archivio Storico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Rome). I owe special thanks to
Isabel Holowaty of the Bodleian History Library for her invaluable help and efficiency. I also thank Francesco De Fiore for accepting to talk to me about his father-in-law, Luciano De Feo.
I am really thankful to all the friends who encouraged and sustained me during the time it took to write this manuscript and to those who made sure that my journeys from one archive to the other were a pleasant experience.
My deepest gratitude goes to my family and Wolfgang, for their love and unconditional support. Thank you.
A BBREVIATIONS
ACS Archivio Centrale dello Stato (Italian Central State Archives, Rome)
ADF Archives Diplomatiques de France (French Diplomatic Archives, La Courneuve, Paris)
ASF Archivio di Stato di Forlì (State Archive of Forlì, Italy)
ASMAE Archivio Storico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri (Historical Archive of the Italian Foreign Ministry, Rome)
BIS Bank for International Settlements
BOD Western Manuscripts Collection, Bodleian Library, Oxford
CLNAI Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale Alta Italia (National Liberation Committee for Northern Italy)
Costa Bona Enrica Costa Bona. L'Italia e la Società Delle Nazioni. Padua: CEDAM, 2004.
DDI Documenti Diplomatici Italiani (Italian Diplomatic Documents)
DDS Documents Diplomatiques Suisses (Swiss Diplomatic Documents)
DGS Deputy Secretary-General of the League of Nations
ECSC European Coal and Steel Community
EDC European Defence Community
EPU European Payments Union
FCC Fondazione Camillo Caetani (Camillo Caetani Foundation, Rome)
FO British Foreign Office
HAEU Historical Archives of the European Union, European University Institute, Italy
ICE International Educational Cinematographic Institute
ICIC International Committee on Intellectual Co-operation
ICJ International Court of Justice
IIA International Institute of Agriculture
ILO International Labour Organization
LoN League of Nations
LoN Archives League of Nations Archives, Geneva, Switzerland
LoN OJ League of Nations Official Journal
MAE Ministero degli Affari Esteri (Italian Foreign Ministry)
NSDAP Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (National Socialist German Workers’ Party)
OEEC Organisation for European Economic Cooperation
PAC Permanent Advisory Commission on Military, Naval and Air Questions (LoN)
PCIJ Permanent Court of International Justice
PMC Permanent Mandates Commission of the League
PNF Partito Nazionale Fascista (Fascist National Party)
Ranshofen Egon Ferdinand Ranshofen-Wertheimer. The International Secretariat: A Great Experiment in International Administration. Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1945.
SdN Société des Nations/Società delle Nazioni (League of Nations)
SG Secretary-General of the League of Nations
TFE Archivio Storico della Fondazione Luigi Einaudi (Historical Archive of the Luigi Einaudi Foundation, Turin)
TNA The British National Archives, Kew, London
UNIDROIT International Institute for the Unification of Private Law
UN/UNO United Nations/United Nations Organization
UNOG United Nations Organization, Geneva Office
USG Under Secretary-General of the League of Nations
Walters Francis Paul Walters. A History of the League of Nations. London: OUP, 1952.
L IST OF T ABLES
Table 3.1 Italian civil servants in the League’s Secretariat First Division (1920–1937)
Table 3.2 Italians in the League of Nations Secretariat – per section (1920–1937). Overlaps of employment periods in relation to terms in office of the Italian USGs
Table 3.3 Overview of when Italian civil servants were hired in the Secretariat in relation to who was the Italian Under Secretary-General at the League
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100
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CHAPTER 1
Introduction
On 11 December 1937, a roaring crowd gathered in Piazza Venezia in Rome to welcome Benito Mussolini’s long-awaited announcement about Italy withdrawing from the League of Nations (LoN). In Geneva, the Italian employees of the organization were ordered to leave their posts and return to their country. On 20 December 1937, at the Italian Foreign Ministry which was monitoring their resignations, officials started to wonder why they had not yet received news from one of the most senior Italian employees in the League: the Director of the Economic Relations Section, Pietro Stoppani.1 While all his fellow nationals who held a high-ranking position in the institution had given their notices in the days immediately following Mussolini’s announcement, nothing was heard from Stoppani until early 1938. News of Stoppani’s refusal to leave his successful career in the first international bureaucracy was totally unexpected when it reached Rome. In his letter to Mussolini, communicating his intention to disobey the order, Stoppani emphasized that, since he had been ‘shaped or misshaped’ for 20 years by the Geneva environment, despite his unshakeable love for Italy, he could only be of some use in an international environment.2 Hence, he was going to remain at the League. Stoppani’s behaviour introduces us to the complex interaction between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations. The Italian Director was influenced by the international environment in which he worked to the extent of deciding to ignore Mussolini’s orders in order to maintain his post at the League, with the risk of Fascist retaliations and of remaining a state-
© The Author(s) 2016
E. Tollardo, Fascist Italy and the League of Nations, 1922–1935, DOI 10.1057/978-1-349-95028-7_1
less person. While the reasons behind this choice are examined in detail in Chapter 6, Stoppani’s episode offers a glimpse of the practical problems that individuals had to face when attempting to balance between nationalism and internationalism at the League. And it is through the study of individuals, namely, the Italians working in the League, that this book seeks to refine our understanding of the relationship between nationalism and internationalism at the League. My research aims to shed new light upon the role played by Fascist Italy in interwar international cooperation, as well as upon the multifaceted nature of the League and its historical significance.
The League of Nations was established by the 1919 Peace Conference to maintain the newly agreed status quo and guarantee collective security. The League was born as a liberal institution and embodied the principles of enforced peace and mutual defence. It was structured around a Secretariat, dealing with administrative needs; an Assembly, in which every member state could be represented by up to three delegates; and a Council, the main deliberative body of the institution, in which permanent members (initially Great Britain, France, Italy and Japan) and non-permanent ones would discuss the most important problems the League had to face.3 The organization was intended to provide an international forum for a new, open and multilateral diplomacy, in contrast to the secret diplomacy that was considered to have been one of the causes of the Great War. The League ceased to exist only in 1946 and, during its existence, it had up to 63 member states.4 The United States, despite playing a key role in establishing the institution, never joined it, but American experts became actively involved in the technical work of the organization.
Italy was one of the founding countries of the League of Nations and remained a member for 17 years. The liberal government which led the country in 1919 joined the organization less out of sympathy with its liberal internationalist principles and more because it wanted to please President Woodrow Wilson and obtain his support to secure the territories agreed upon with the Triple Entente in the secret Treaty of London in 1915.5 When Italy’s territorial claims in the Adriatic area were not fully accepted at the Paris Peace Conference, for many Italians the League became the symbol of the ‘mutilated victory’ and the bastion of the preservation of an unwanted status quo.6 The revisionist claims, which grew from the disappointment with the outcome of the 1919 Conference, were embraced by Mussolini and became integral to the populist rhetoric which
motivated his supporters and, in 1922, led to his accession to power.7 Despite Mussolini’s populist anti-League rhetoric, however, under his leadership the Italian membership of the League was not subject to a sudden shift of direction, but maintained the same features of the so-called liberal period. Continuity was guaranteed also by the Italian delegation in Geneva, whose members remained the same.
The relationship between Italy and the League during the Fascist period was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography and narrative of the Italian membership of the LoN has not reflected this oscillation in policy. Instead, attention has been focused disproportionally on the problems which Italy caused for the League in the 1920s (the Corfu crisis) and the 1930s (the Italo-Ethiopian conflict). In this way, the Italian membership is presented as a failed one and its importance is limited to the negative impact it had on the organization.8
In particular, the Corfu episode had often been considered as revealing of the ‘true nature’ of the Italian membership.9 The Corfu dispute (August–September 1923) developed following the murder of General Enrico Tellini and three other Italians on 27 August 1923 in an ambush in Greek territory, near the Greek-Albanian border. They were involved in an international expedition organized by the Conference of Ambassadors aiming at the delimitation of Albania’s frontiers.10 Mussolini interpreted the episode as an offence to the national honour and claimed immediate reparations from Greece. The Italian requests to Greece included demands that could not be met by a sovereign state. For this reason, Greece did not fulfil them.11 The Italian retaliation against this Greek rejection came on 31 August 1923 in the form of the military attack and occupation of the island of Corfu.12
The League of Nations was immediately brought into the quarrel. On 1 September 1923, Greece appealed to the League’s Council on the basis of Articles 12 and 15 of the League of Nations’ founding agreement and constitution, the Covenant, which covered disputes between member states likely to become a threat to peace.13 However, the Italian government insisted that the question was under the jurisdiction of the Conference of Ambassadors. It succeeded in this claim thanks to the support of France, which was fearful that if the Corfu issue could come before the League’s Council, so too could the Ruhr occupation, which France conducted in January 1923.14 Eventually, a solution was found to the Corfu crisis through the mediation of the Conference of Ambassadors,
a traditional Great Powers forum which coexisted with the League until 1931, catalysed by the threat of an Anglo-Italian conflict if Italy did not leave the island.15
The fact that the League, despite heavily debating the question at the Council and the Assembly, had been relegated to a marginal role in a matter which was indeed under its jurisdiction, was perceived as a defeat for the institution. Referring to the recent events, LoN Secretary-General Eric Drummond wrote in September 1923 that the Corfu crisis had ‘done much to weaken both the moral authority of the Council and the general confidence that the precise obligations of the Covenant will be universally accepted and carried out’. He added that it was generally believed that Italy successfully refused ‘to carry out its treaty obligations under the Covenant, and has succeeded in doing so with impunity, some might even say, with an increase of prestige’.16 The Corfu episode revealed how Mussolini interpreted the Italian membership of the League as neither legally nor morally binding. It also showed how the organization worked only if its member states were willing to make it work.
Alan Cassels described the Corfu crisis as a ‘veritable dress rehearsal’ of the Ethiopian crisis in the 1930s.17 Italian membership of the League has been commonly associated with the powerful impact that the Ethiopian crisis (1934–1936) had in weakening this international organization and its reputation.18 Italian colonial ambitions, left dissatisfied by the Peace Conference in 1919, were partially fulfilled with the invasion of Ethiopia in 1935. Italy’s interest in this country was not new: at the end of the nineteenth century, Italy had attempted to obtain a protectorate in the area and occupied Ethiopia, only to be defeated by the Ethiopian army in the Battle of Adwa in 1896.19 The Italians never forgot this episode, and the fact that in the 1920s Ethiopia was still independent and the neighbouring country of the Italian colonies of Somaliland and Eritrea made it a natural target of Fascist colonial aspirations. In December 1934, taking as an excuse a frontier quarrel at the oasis of Wal-Wal, Italy started a dispute with Ethiopia which led to the military invasion of the country on 3 October 1935 and its annexation to the Italian Empire on 9 May 1936.
The action taken by Italy, an influential European member of the League, not only to attack another member but further to deploy poison gases, outraged public opinion and prompted the League to find a quick solution in order to maintain its credibility. The institution, however, immediately encountered difficulties in organizing a coherent collective response to the Italian threats. The embargo and the sanctions, which
the League enforced on Italy, were unsuccessful. Instead they fuelled the Fascist anti-League rhetoric, which was very successful in convincing the Italian population of a British-Geneva conspiracy at the expense of Italy.20 The League’s inability to deal with the matter not only prompted widespread indignation in public opinion, which started seeing the League as a failed institution, but also showed the limit of the League as an agent of collective security, accelerating its collapse.21 The unilateral action of the Fascist regime uncovered in an irreparable way the institutional weaknesses of this organization, which being already in its decline did not manage to recover.
The Italian attitude to the League was not limited, however, to these two instances of conflict. Throughout the later 1920s and the early 1930s, there were contradictory features in Italy’s behaviour. Seen from Mussolini’s point of view, this institution seemed to be of little use, but, as he argued in 1924, in the League:
We need to stay, if nothing else, because the others are there. The others, who, if we were to leave, would be very happy; they would make their business, safeguarding their interests without us, and maybe even against us.22
While, Dino Grandi, Foreign Minister from 1929 to 1932, participated in person in the meetings of the League, presenting an enthusiastic and cooperative attitude that was often in contrast to Mussolini’s aggressive home rhetoric.23 Scholars of Fascist foreign policy see this period as abnormal and believe that Grandi’s behaviour can be explained only as an alternative means to implement Mussolini’s expansionistic policy.24 When Grandi’s attitude, considered by many members of the Fascist Party as ‘too sympathetic’ towards the League, brought no concrete results to Italy, Mussolini did not hesitate to fire him on 19 July 1932.25
According to the existing literature on Italian foreign policy, the contrasting attitudes of Mussolini and Grandi do not change the reasons behind the Italian membership, which are to be found in the desire to undermine it.26 However, this is too cursory a judgement. Fascist Italy remained at the League for more than 15 years. Italy, which ranked as the third-largest power within the League, was an active member of the organization, with many Italians holding key positions, and was fully involved in the League’s work. Yet, this relationship with the League has not been systematically studied. In particular, a deeper analysis of the motivations behind the membership of this Fascist state is greatly desirable.
The originality of my research becomes clear by surveying the existing literature on the relationship between Italy and the League of Nations. Scholars have seldom considered the relationship between Italy and the League of Nations as a main subject of research. Historians writing on the League have traditionally focused on Italy only when analysing its moments of crisis with the organization.27 For more than 50 years after the institution ceased to exist, the League attracted the attention of historians and political scientists who, inexorably influenced by the dichotomized Cold War world in which they lived, analysed this organization from a ‘realist’ perspective, emphasizing its failures and the basic faults of its creators.28 Despite some isolated attempts to acknowledge the League’s importance as a ‘evolutionary enterprise’, the ‘realist’ approach, spotlighting the failure of the League as a security system, remained the main feature of the literature on the League until recently.29 In this context, the relationship between Italy and this international organization received consideration only in so far as Italy contributed to the League’s failure, but no real effort has been made to understand this complex relationship.
Also, historians of Italian foreign policy in the Fascist period have only superficially investigated the contradictory attitude of Italy towards the League.30 The main aim of their research was not to evaluate the relationship between Italy and the League as an independent subject but to relate the League to Mussolini’s foreign policy. They concluded that the organization, based on principles incompatible with Fascism, was not particularly significant, supporting the notion that Mussolini hated this institution and that the League played no relevant role in determining Italian foreign policy in the interwar period.31 Even the most recent publications examining Italy and the League, such as Enrica Costa Bona’s pioneering work, are limited to the Italian Foreign Ministry’s perspective or investigate only peripheral aspects of their relationship.32
Recently, there has been a renewed interest in the study of the League, with a specific focus on its historical contribution to international organizations in the post-1945 period and to transnational and global matters which developed at the League, including personal networks.33 Influenced by a new wave of globalization, these studies present the League in a global and transnational framework, recovering its imperial dimension as well as the personal networks at the sub-national level.34 Scholars concentrate on the origins of international cooperation within the League and on researching the importance of this organization in its historical context. They resurrected the importance of individuals as political actors,
the complexity of the organization, the long-lasting contributions of its technical work and the continuity of the League’s expertise in post-1945 international cooperation.35 The new scholarship also reconsidered the relationship between nationalism and internationalism in the context of the League.36 The work of these historians presents a new understanding of the organization’s significance and has the merit of having rescued an important institution of twentieth-century history from oblivion, lent it historiographical dignity and highlighted its achievements as well as its shortcomings.
In this new literature too, however, the place of Italy at the League has been little studied. While the League’s membership of other revisionist states, such as Germany and Japan, has been investigated, Italy so far remained excluded.37 In particular, while recently some attention has been paid to the role of certain Italian delegates to the League, there is currently no comprehensive research on the Italians in the League’s Secretariat.38 My book proposes to cover this gap in the literature and to make a substantial contribution to the historiography of League of Nations and that of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period.
This book aims to achieve a deeper understanding of the dynamics that developed between Italy and the League of Nations, through a systematic study of the Italians involved, civil servants as well as experts and delegates. On the one hand, this book seeks to reassess the role of the League in Italian foreign policy, reconsidering the importance of the organization in the interwar period, not just in terms of its contribution to transnational matters but also as a political actor in relation to its member states. On the other hand, it seeks to reassess the role of Italy in the history of the League, both in terms of institutional destabilization and in terms of unexpected contributions. In this way, my book argues that Italy was much more interested and involved in the League than currently believed. The book uses the relationship between Italy and the League to increase our understanding of the dynamics between nationalism and internationalism in the interwar years. Through the careful study of the Italians interacting with and working for the League, my research answers the following questions: How did nationalism and internationalism relate to and influence one another in Geneva? What was the nature of Italian agency in the League? How did a Fascist dictatorship fit into an organization that espoused principles of liberal internationalism? Why did Italy remain a member of the League for 17 years? What was the impact of Fascism and internationalism on the work and lives of the Italian civil servants at the
League? Answering these questions will not only shed new light upon the complex relationship between the League of Nations and Fascist Italy but will also significantly contribute to our knowledge of what Susan Pedersen has defined as a ‘much-misunderstood international organization’.39
In investigating these issues, my research concentrates primarily on the period between 1922 and 1935. These specific time boundaries have been chosen because it was in 1922 that Mussolini came to power in Italy, while in 1935 Italy embarked on the occupation of Ethiopia, in violation of the League’s Covenant. However, the discussion does not ignore relevant processes and dynamics which developed beyond these dates. The years under examination are when the seeds of the Ethiopian crisis were planted, allowing us to understand why the relationship between Italy and the League evolved into a conflict. This book, in fact, rather than focusing on the Ethiopian war itself, which has been extensively examined by the literature, is interested in what led to it. Thus, the Italo-Ethiopian conflict remains beyond the scope of this study. At the same time, this book does not seek to provide an in-depth investigation of Italy’s bilateral diplomatic relations in the interwar period, but instead it concentrates on those aspects of them which are relevant in relation to Italy’s membership of the League. Finally, while recognizing the need to know more about the relationship between Italy and the International Labour Organization (ILO), which was associated with the League, this institution is excluded from the analysis.
The novelty of my research is not only the unexplored topic it investigates but also its approach. The direction of my investigation is from the League outwards, rather than from Italy outwards. This allows us to understand internationalism in its own context, as well as to deconstruct the relationship between the League and Italy. Following the constructivist theory, my book assumes that states are not the only actors in international relations.40 This is the reason why my book focuses on the people involved in the relationship between Italy and the League, as the means through which to overcome the limitations of nation-state-centred history. By privileging the personal over the institutional dimension, we can touch on the different levels of the interaction between this organization and Italy, from international to transnational, and from national to local. Through an analysis of the individuals rather than the states, we can read the League—its existence, its aims, its work—and its relationship with Italy in a different way and contribute to a broader literature on internationalism and transnationalism in the interwar period.41 Moreover,
the study of individuals at different levels of interaction with the League, rather than just diplomatic representatives, introduces us to the variety of behaviours and identities which characterized the complexity of this relationship. This study also recovers some of the complexity of how Fascist Italy related to the League.
This book takes as its central focus an investigation of nationalism and internationalism in the case of Fascist Italy and the League of Nations. It is therefore necessary to define these two concepts. The League originated from liberal internationalism, and it is in this sense that the term is used here. This type of internationalism had its roots in eighteenth-century political thought, with Jeremy Bentham’s ‘international law’ and Immanuel Kant’s idea of a permanent peace among nations.42 Liberal internationalism was bourgeois and anti-communist and, unlike proletarian internationalism, with which it coexisted, it did not oppose nationalism but embraced the concept of nation. In fact, at the Paris Peace Conference, the idea of international cooperation embodied in the League coexisted with the principle of nationality.43 Both reinforced the sovereignty of the state, which was safeguarded in the Covenant.44 In this context, the League was an experiment in institutionalized internationalism, which aimed to settle disputes between states through arbitration and prevent war. It represented not just the values of liberal democracy but also those of liberal imperialism.45 As well as promoting international cooperation and erecting a new international system, the Covenant provided for control of some aspects of state sovereignty, namely, the administration of former colonies through the mandates, the protection of minorities and the administration of international territories.46 The institution itself aspired to nurture internationality and foster international mindedness.47 Moreover, the League coexisted and interacted also with other types of internationalism, found in transnational movements, such as women’s internationalism or religious internationalism.48 Internationalism as implemented at the League can be recognized in the promotion of certain policies, from free trade to open governance, but in general it was associated with the commitment to international cooperation. It is in this sense that in this book ‘internationalism’ and the League of Nations are equated.
Defining nationalism has proven a challenging intellectual activity for scholars. There is no ultimate definition. Nations have been interpreted as ‘imagined’ and ‘invented’ communities, based on common criteria such as territory, language or history.49 This book does not aim to contribute to this debate. Assuming that nationalism can be described as the sense
of belonging to a particular community, my book concentrates on how people negotiated between their perceived ‘national’ identity and internationalism, the latter term denoting an openness to international cooperation. Thus, rather than offering a predetermined definition of nationalism, this book uses the experience of Italians at the League, individually and collectively, to explore how they interpreted their national identity in the context of their relations with this institution.
Nevertheless, it is necessary to distinguish nationalism in this wider concept and the specific meaning that the term acquired in early twentiethcentury Italy. In 1910, the Italian Nationalist Association (ANI) was created, born as a reaction to the disappointment with the work of the so-called liberal government, considered weak and corrupt.50 The members of this movement were anti-socialist and advocated authoritarianism and imperialism. In 1923, the ANI merged with the Fascist Party, in which the nationalists saw potential for a fulfilment of their imperial aims, in particular the establishment of Italy as a fully recognized Great Power. The foreign-policy goals of the nationalists became those of the Fascist regime. The merger also shows that Fascism was made of different factions, with the nationalists being only one. The Fascist movement, which as such was dynamic and not coherent, was made of squadristi (Blackshirts) as well as former liberals, monarchists, Futurists, conservative Catholics and many others. In this book ‘Fascism’ refers to Mussolini’s Italian movement. While acknowledging the specific meaning that the term nationalism acquires in the context of Italian Fascism, and recognizing the fact that the ANI’s nationalism might fit with many of the existing definitions of the concept, when studied in relation to the liberal internationalism of the League in this book, ‘nationalism’ refers more widely to the idea of belonging to a nation-state rather than to an international community.
This book draws upon a diverse body of primary sources from several European archives: from the League of Nations Archives in Geneva to the Italian diplomatic and central archives (Archivio Storico Diplomatico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri and Archivio Centrale dello Stato), passing through the French Diplomatic Archives housed at La Courneuve, Paris, and the British National Archives in Kew, London. Due to the key role that individuals play in this book, my research also makes extensive use of personal papers, many of which have never been used in association with the history of the League of Nations. By taking advantage of multi-archival research, this book seeks to overcome the limits of nationstate-centred history as well as the practical problems of a research on this
topic. In fact, while archival research has proven successful in many ways, it is also necessary to point out that it has often been frustrating work. Inaccessible, un-catalogued or fragmented collections, together with the disappearance of personal papers, missing files and limited opening hours, await any scholar embarking on a research project on Italy and the League of Nations. This is especially the case for archives located on Italian soil. The practical implication of this situation is that once further material from the Italian archives becomes available, it will be possible to examine further aspects of the relationship between Italy and the League and through the lenses of additional Italians involved in this international organization.
The book is structured around five main chapters. Following this introduction, Chapter 2 provides a new reading of the interaction between the Italian state and the League and sets the context in which the relationship between the Italians in Geneva and this organization developed. After presenting in Chapter 3 who the Italians in the League were, the book analyses the relations between Italy and this institution through the experience of Italian individuals at different hierarchical levels: from the civil servants in Chapter 4, to the experts in Chapter 5. Before the book’s conclusion, Chapter 6 examines the reactions of the Italians working for the Secretariat when Italy left Geneva, assessing the impact that the League’s experience had on them. It also provides an analysis of the long-term effects of the Italian presence in Geneva on Italy’s post-1945 international cooperation. Analysing the relationship between Italians and the League at various degrees allows the different levels of interaction between nationalism and internationalism to emerge throughout the book.
Chapter 2 examines the Italian government’s interest in the organization and aims to make sense of the 17-year Italian presence in the League. It exemplifies the reasons behind Italy’s membership of the League through the analysis of the use the Fascist government made of the Rome-based international institutes, and its commitment to the disarmament question, with a focus on the World Disarmament Conference (1932–1934). This chapter analyses how the regime sought to utilize the League and the reactions of the Italian leadership to what was perceived as the increasing inconclusiveness of the organization.
Chapter 3 aims to identify the Italians who worked for the first international bureaucracy and, as such, were expected to be loyal to this institution and share its values. After introducing the organization of the League’s bureaucracy, this chapter presents a prosopographical study of the Italian officials working for it, with a focus on the civil servants of the First Division, which included the higher-ranking positions. The chapter
investigates their geographical and social origins, their education and previous employment and their war experience, when they joined the League and for which tasks, and why they left. This is the first study of the Italian officials in the League and it seeks to detect existing connections within the Italian community at the Secretariat, which are essential to clarify the inner dynamics of this institution.
Chapter 4 is dedicated to the analysis of those particular moments in time when the repercussions of the pressure of Italian Fascism on the Italians working for the League were more pronounced. It examines the conflicts that arose through the presence of Fascist Italians within the League. This chapter explores the ways in which Fascism was present in the League’s Secretariat and how it influenced the Italian civil servants working there through a process of ‘Fascistization’. It analyses the institutional and diplomatic problems this process caused for the League and its international, national and local consequences. In fact, this chapter recovers the local dimension of the Fascist presence in the League, presenting the tensions between Geneva’s Italian anti-Fascists and Italian Fascists, many of whom were League officials.
Chapter 5 seeks to exemplify the presence of the Italians in the League also in unexpected fields. It focuses on the cases of Manfredi Gravina, High Commissioner for Danzig (1929–1932), and Alberto Theodoli, President of the Permanent Mandates Commission (1921–1937). The chapter answers questions related to the degree of involvement of these Italians in the League’s projects on which they worked. It considers whether they limited themselves to their tasks or took initiatives beyond them, and explores how their work was evaluated in Geneva. The two Italians examined in this chapter were appointed to their League’s posts with the support of Rome. For this reason, while working as experts for projects promoted by the League, they had a tight connection to the Italian government. The chapter considers the level of independence from Rome of their work for the League, searching for initiatives in favour or against the institution, as well as for some unexpected commitment to this international organization.
Chapter 6 investigates the impact of the League on the lives and career of the Italians who worked there, after they left the organization. It considers how internationalism influenced them and in which direction. The chapter explores the extent to which they felt members of this international bureaucracy and embraced a new international identity. It considers whether after leaving Geneva, they remained involved in international activities or returned to Italy as if nothing had happened. In particular,
this chapter focuses on the experience of three Italian civil servants who worked for the Secretariat when Italy withdrew from the organization in December 1937.
NOTES
1. Leonardo Vitetti to Renato Bova Scoppa, 20 Dec. 1937, in Società delle Nazioni (hereafter SdN) b.16, Archivio Storico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri, Rome, Italy (hereafter ASMAE).
2. Pietro Stoppani to Benito Mussolini, 4 Jan. 1938, SdN b.16, ASMAE.
3. The permanent members of the LoN Council were the UK, France, Italy (until 1937), Japan (from 1920 to 1933, when the country withdrew from the institution), Germany (during its membership, 1926–1933), and the Soviet Union (1934-1939).
4. For a list of the member states, see: Francis Paul Walters, A History of the League of Nations (London: OUP, 1952), 64–65. Walters’s remains the most comprehensive account of the League of Nations’ history to this date.
5. Italo Garzia, L’Italia e le origini della Società delle Nazioni (Rome: Bonacci, 1995).
6. Garzia, op. cit.; Ennio Di Nolfo, Mussolini e La Politica Estera Italiana (1919–1933) (Padua: CEDAM, 1960); Enrica Costa Bona, L’Italia e la Società delle Nazioni (Padua: CEDAM, 2004).
7. Di Nolfo, Mussolini e La Politica Estera Italiana (1919–1933), 2–3.
8. James Barros, The Corfu Incident of 1923: Mussolini and the League of Nations (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965) and Britain, Greece, and the Politics of Sanctions: Ethiopia, 1935–1936 (London: Atlantic Highland, NJ: Royal Historical Society, 1982); George W. Baer, The Coming of the Italian-Ethiopian War (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967) and Test Case. Italy, Ethiopia, and the League of Nations (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1976). As well as more general works: Walters; George Scott, The Rise and Fall of the League of Nations (London: Hutchinson, 1973); Ruth B. Henig, The League of Nations (Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd, 1973); Elmer Bendiner, A Time for Angels. The Tragicomic history of the League of Nations (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1975); James Avery Joyce, Broken Star. The Story of the League of Nations (1919–1939) (Swansea: Davies, 1978); F. S. Northedge, The League of Nations: Its Life and Times, 1920–1946 (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1986).
9. For instance Alan Cassels, Mussolini’s Early Diplomacy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1970); Di Nolfo, Mussolini e La Politica Estera Italiana (1919-1933), 97.
10. Barros, The Corfu Incident of 1923, 15. The Conference of Ambassadors was an international organ made of the winning powers of the Great War, aiming at solving the technical questions which arose out of the peace treaties of the Paris Peace Conference and other unresolved international issues.
11. Barros, The Corfu Incident of 1923, 34, 40, 56–60; Cassels, Mussolini’s Early Diplomacy, 104.
12. Barros, The Corfu Incident of 1923, 71.
13. Cassels, Mussolini’s Early Diplomacy, 107. Please note that any reference to the Covenant present in this book refers to the copy available at: http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/leagcov.asp (last accessed 21 April 2016).
14. Cassels, Mussolini’s Early Diplomacy, 110; Barros, The Corfu Incident of 1923, 88; Walters, 247.
15. Cassels, Mussolini’s Early Diplomacy, 114–123; Barros, The Corfu Incident of 1923, 157–169; 241–242; 254–258.
16. Eric Drummond, 14 Sept. 1923, cit. in Barros, The Corfu Incident of 1923, 254; 317–320.
17. Cassels, Mussolini’s Early Diplomacy, 126.
18. See Scott, The Rise and Fall of the League of Nations; Henig, The League of Nations (1973); Bendiner, A Time for Angels: The Tragicomic History of the League of Nations; Joyce, Broken Star. The Story of the League of Nations (1919–1939); Northedge, The League of Nations: Its Life and Times, 1920–1946.
19. Baer, The Coming of the Italian-Ethiopian War, 2–4.
20. Enzo Collotti, Fascismo e Politica di Potenza. Politica Estera 1922–1939 (Milan: La Nuova Italia, 2000), 266.
21. Cassels, Mussolini’s Early Diplomacy, 126; Baer, The Coming of the Italian-Ethiopian War, vii.
22. Trans. Mussolini cit. in Costa Bona, 32. The translation of quotes in languages other than English is mine, unless otherwise specified.
23. See Mussolini’s speeches: Discorso di Firenze (17 May 1930); Il bastone del Comando (Milan, 22 May 1930) in Edoardo and Duilio Susmel, eds. Opera Omnia di Benito Mussolini (Florence: La Fenice, 1958), vol. XXIV, 235–236; 244.
24. Di Nolfo, Mussolini e La Politica Estera Italiana (1919–1933), 284.
25. Costa Bona, 103–104.
26. Di Nolfo, Mussolini e La Politica Estera Italiana (1919–1933).
27. Barros, The Corfu Incident of 1923 and Britain, Greece, and the Politics of Sanctions; Baer, The Coming of the Italian-Ethiopian War and Test Case. Italy, Ethiopia, and the League of Nations; Walters; Scott, The Rise and Fall of the League of Nations; Henig, The League of Nations (1973); Bendiner, A Time for Angels; Joyce, Broken Star; Northedge, The League of Nations: Its Life and Times, 1920–1946.
28. Émile Giraud, La nullitè de la politique internationale des grandes démocraties (1919–39) (Paris: Sirey, 1948); James T. Shotwell and Marina Salvin, Lessons on Security and Disarmament from the history of the League of Nations (New York: King’s Crown Press, 1949); Scott, The Rise and Fall of the League of Nations; Henig, The League of Nations (1973); Bendiner, A Time for Angels; Northedge, The League of Nations: Its Life and Times, 1920–1946; Sally Marks, The Illusion of Peace: International Relations in Europe, 1918–1933. 2nd ed. (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003).
29. Cit. from Joyce, Broken Star, 16, which presents a more positive assessment of the League, together with: UN Library & Geneva Institute of, I.S, eds. The League of Nations in Retrospect: Proceedings of the Symposium (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1983); Martin David Dubin,“Transgovernmental Processes in the League of Nations,” International Organization, 37, no. 3 (1983): 469–493.
30. Luigi Villari, Italian Foreign Policy under Mussolini (New York: Devin-Adair Co., 1956); Di Nolfo, Mussolini e La Politica Estera Italiana (1919-1933); Augusto Torre et al., La Politica Estera Italiana dal 1914 al 1943 (Turin: Edizioni RAI, 1963); Fulvio D’Amoja, Declino e prima crisi dell’Europa di Versailles. Studio sulla diplomazia italiana ed europea (1931–33) (Milan: Giuffrè, 1967); Pietro Quaroni, “L’Italia dal 1914 al 1945,” Nuove Questioni di Storia Contemporanea, vol. 2: 1191–1256; Giampiero Carocci, La Politica Estera Dell’Italia Fascista (1925-1928) (Bari: Laterza, 1969); Cassels, Mussolini’s early diplomacy; Maxwell H.H. Macartney and Paul Cremona, Italy’s foreign and colonial policy, 1914–1937 (New York: Fertig, 1972); Cedric J. Lowe and F. Marzari, Italian foreign policy, 1870–1940 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1975); H. James Burgwyn, Italian foreign policy in the interwar period 1918–1940 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1997); Collotti, Fascismo e Politica di Potenza. Politica Estera 1922–1939.
31. See Di Nolfo, Mussolini e La Politica Estera Italiana (1919–1933); Cassels, Mussolini’s Early Diplomacy; Burgwyn, Italian foreign policy in the interwar period 1918–1940. Moreover, the following works on Italian foreign policy ignore the existence of the League: Richard J.B. Bosworth, and Sergio Romano, eds., La politica estera italiana (1860–1985) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1991); Giorgio Rumi, Alle origini della politica estera fascista (1918–1923) (Bari: Laterza, 1968).
32. Costa Bona, L’Italia e la Società delle Nazioni is the only work so far entirely focused on the relationship between Italy and the League. Studies of some aspects of this relationship are: Luciano Tosi, Alle Origini della FAO. Le Relazioni tra l’ Istituto Internazionale di Agricoltura e la Società delle Nazioni (Milan: FrancoAngeli, 1989); Garzia, L’Italia e le origini della Società delle Nazioni; Luciano Tosi, ed., L’Italia e le organizzazioni internazionali. Diplomazia multilaterale nel Novecento (Padua: CEDAM, 1999); Silvia Santagata, Gli opinionmakers liberali inglesi, il fascismo e la Società delle Nazioni (Milan: FrancoAngeli, 2007).
33. For an account on this emerging literature, see Susan Pedersen, “Back to the League of Nations,” American Historical Review, October 2007: 1091–1117.
34. On the transnational approach and the importance of networks: Patricia Clavin, “Defining Transnationalism”, Contemporary European History, 14, 4 (2005): 421–439; Patricia Clavin, ‘Europe and the League of Nations’, in Twisted Paths. Europe 1914–1945, ed. Robert Gerwarth (Oxford: OUP, 2007), 325–354; Patricia Clavin, ‘Defining Human Security: Roads to War and Peace, 1918–45’, in Rethinking History, Dictatorship and War, ed. by Claus-Christian W. Szejnmann (London: Continuum, 2009), 70–83; Sebastian Conrad and Dominic Sachsenmaier, eds. Competing Visions of the World Order. Global Moments and Movements, 1880s–1930s (New York/Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).
35. Among others: Paul Weindling, ed., International Health Organisations and Movements, 1918–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Jean-Jacques Renoliet, L’UNESCO oubliée: La Société des Nations et la cooperation intellectuelle (1919–1946) (Paris: Publ. de la Sorbonne, 1999); Barbara Metzger, “The League of Nations and Human Rights: From Practice to Theory” (DPhil diss., University of Cambridge, 2001) and ‘Towards an International Human Rights Regime during the Inter-War Years: The League of
Nations’ Combat of Traffic in Women and Children’, in Beyond Sovereignty: Britain, Empire and Transnationalism, c.1880–1950, eds. Kevin Grant et al. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 54–79; Patricia Clavin and Jens-Wilhelm Wessels, “Transnationalism and League of Nations: Understanding the Work of Its Economic and Financial Organisation.” Contemporary European History, 14, 4 (2005): 465–492; Clavin, ‘Europe and the League of Nations’, 325–354; Patricia Clavin, Securing the World Economy: the reinvention of the League of Nations, 1920–1946 (Oxford: OUP, 2013); Andrew Webster, “The Transnational Dream: Politicians, Diplomats and Soldiers in the League of Nations’ Pursuit of International Disarmament, 1920–1938,” Contemporary European History, 14, 4 (2005): 493–518; Susan Pedersen, ‘Settler Colonialism at the Bar of the League of Nations’ in Settler Colonialism in the Twentieth Century, ed. Caroline Elkins and Susan Pedersen (New York/London: Routledge, 2005), 113–134; Susan Pedersen, “Samoa on the World Stage: Petitions and Peoples before the Mandates Commission of the League of Nations,” The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 2012, 40/2: 231–261; Susan Pedersen, The Guardians. The League of Nations and the Crisis of Empire (Oxford: OUP, 2015); Thomas Richard Davies, The possibilities of Transnational Activism. The Campaign for Disarmament between the Two World Wars (Leiden/ Boston, MA: Martinus Nijhoff, 2007); Madeleine Herren-Oesch, Internationale Organisationen seit 1865: eine Globalgeschichte der internationalen Ordnung (Darmstadt: Wiss. Buchges., 2009); Cornelia Knab and Amalia Ribi Forclaz. “Transnational Co-Operation in Food, Agriculture, Environment and Health in Historical Perspective: Introduction.” Contemporary European History, 20, 3 (2011): 247–255; Daniel Laqua,“Transnational intellectual cooperation, the League of Nations, and the problem of order,” Journal of Global History (2011) 6: 223–247; Michael Fakhri, “The 1937 International Sugar Agreement: Neo-Colonial Cuba and Economic Aspects of the League of Nations,” Leiden Journal of International Law, 89, Vol. 24, No. 4, (2011): 899–922; Anne-Isabelle Richard, “Competition and complementarity: civil society networks and the question of decentralizing the League of Nations,” Journal of Global History (2012) 7: 233–256; Vincent Lagendijk,“‘To Consolidate Peace?’ The International Electro-technical Community and the Grid for the United States of Europe,” Journal of Contemporary History
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