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Beyond Yugoslavia :
Politics, Economics, And Culture In A Shattered Community 1st Edition Sabrina Petra Ramet And Ljubiša S. Adamovich
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Since the collapse of communism throughout Eastern Europe, 1989–1990, the societies of the region have begun searing for new social and political formulae, seing new tasks, and facing new allenges. New social forces have arisen, su as nationalism and auvinism, and preexisting social institutions and groupings, su as the ures and feminist groups, have intensified their activity. Above all, Eastern Europe is dominated, in the years following the collapse, by the twin tasks of democratization and privatization, tasks that are complex and multifaceted, with consequences that rea far beyond the formal goals associated with these processes.
is new series is designed to provide a set of windows on the anging realities of Eastern Europe and to art these societies’ courses as they aempt to deal with the legacy of communism and the problems of transition. is volume looks at the processes leading up to the breakup of Yugoslavia and the consequences thereof. Future volumes will examine the security context and offer perspectives on other countries in the region.
Books in is Series
The New Eastern Europe and the World Economy, edited by Jozef M. van Brabant
FORTHCOMING
Albania, edited by Elez Biberaj
Romania, edited by Trond Gilberg
Security, edited by Robin Remington
Eastern Germany, edited by Patricia Smith
Hungary, edited by Ivan Volgyes
Czech Republic, edited by Sharon Wolik
Slovakia, edited by Sharon Wolik
Beyond Yugoslavia
Politics, Economics, and Culture in a Shaered Community
EDITED BY Sabrina Petra Ramet and Ljubiša S. Adamovi
First published 1995 by Westview Press
Published 2018 by Routledge
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All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, meanical, or other means, now known or hereaer invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Beyond Yugoslavia : politics, economics, and culture in a shaered community / Sabrina Petra Ramet and Ljubiša S. Adamovi, ed. p cm
Politics and govemment 1980–1992. 3. Yugoslavia Social conditions I Ramet, Sabrina P , 1949– II Adamović, Ljubiša S.
HC407.B39 1995
338 9497 dc20 94-35987
ISBN 13: 978-0-367-01481-0 (hbk)
For our spouses, Christine and Ann
Preface
Introduction: e Roots of Discord and the Language of War, Sabrina Petra Ramet
PART ONE
Adumbrations of the Breakup
1 e Avoidable Catastrophe, Dennison Rusinow
2 e Dissolution of Yugoslav Historiography, Ivo Banac
3 e Armed Forces of Yugoslavia: Sliding into War, Marko Milivojević
4 Media: e Extension of Politics by Other Means, Jasmina Kuzmanović
PART TWO
e Republics
5 e Serbian Chur and the Serbian Nation, Sabrina Petra Ramet
6 Democracy and Nationalism in Croatia: e First ree Years, Dijana Pleština
7 e Bosnian Crisis in 1992, Paul Shoup
8 Slovenia’ s Road to Democracy, Sabrina Petra Ramet
9 e Macedonian Enigma, Sabrina Petra Ramet
10 Politics in Montenegro, Milan Andrejevich
PART THREE Economics
11 Economic Transformation in Former Yugoslavia, with Special Regard to Privatization, Ljubiša S. Adamovich
12 Foreign Economic Relations, Oskar Kovač
13 Environmental Issues and Policies, with Special Aention to Montenegro, Svetlana Adamović and Vukašin Pavloviċ
PART FOUR Foreign Relations
14 Relations with the Superpowers, Branko Pribičević
15 Yugoslavia’ s Relations with European States, Zachary T. Irwin
PART FIVE Culture and Society
16 e New Democracy With Women or Without em? Rada Iveković
17 “Only Crooks Can Get Ahead” : Post-Yugoslav Cinema/TV/Video in the 1990s, Andrew Horton
18 e Catholic Chur in a Time of Crisis, Jure Kristo
PART SIX
Conclusion
e Yugoslav Crisis and the West, Sabrina Petra Ramet
About the Editors
About the Contributors
About the Book
Index
Preface
Planning for this book was begun in early 1988. e initial invitations were issued in August-September 1989, and organizational work related to an eventual conference was begun in 1990. By early 1991, it was apparent that the long-feared breakup of Yugoslavia had become irreversible and was now imminent, and at that point, we reassessed the project and redesigned it, adding the section entitled “e Republics” in order to give individual aention to ea of the six constituent republics of what once was socialist Yugoslavia.
is book was designed as a joint Yugoslav-American cooperative enterprise, and care was taken to invite some of the most accomplished solars and experts working in the field. Chapters were contracted from solars working in the US, Britain, Germany, Serbia, Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia. Regreably, neither of the two solars from Slovenia and neither of the two solars from Macedonia came through, and only one of the two solars from Germany finally offered a apter for the book. In addition, although great effort was expended in aempting to obtain a apter on the Serbian political scene from a distinguished Serbian solar, eventually our efforts in that connection proved unavailing, as first one and then another Serbian solar le us empty-handed. e result was that we were constrained, for the sake of structural balance, to move the Serbian Orthodox Chur apter from the social issues section of the book to the “Republics” section, even though it only partially covers the terrain covered by other apters in this section. Nor was it our original intention that the Slovenia and Macedonia apters be contributed by one of us; this solution was forced on us by the withdrawal of the solars contracted for these
apters. Yet, for all the travails that this book has gone through travails that are by no means unique, but are, on the contrary, thoroughly familiar to any who have participated in collaborative projects we believe that this book makes a unique contribution to the existing literature, both in terms of the breadth of its coverage and in terms of the range of opinion offered herein.
Our original intention was to hold the conference in Dubrovnik, with November 1991 as the prospective date. But by July 1991, it seemed increasingly likely that Dubrovnik would shortly come under siege and we decided to convene our meeting somewhere outside the country. Later that year, when Dubrovnik was in fact besieged by Serbian forces, the international center in whi we would have met was completely destroyed by bombardment. Meanwhile, our conference was reseduled for 9–11 June 1992, in Budapest, Hungary. e final versions of all apters except the conclusion were completed in early 1993 and reflect the situation at that time.
We are deeply indebted to IREX for generously funding our conference and related expenses as well as for providing a publication subsidy to Westview Press, to Obrad Kesić of IREX, who provided valuable assistance at every stage in the process, to the East European Institute in Budapest for providing fine facilities for our conference, and to Susan McEaem of Westview Press for her consistently efficient work and wise counsel in connection with this project. We also wish to thank Karen Walton, who coded the computer discs used to generate this book.
Ivo Banac’ s apter, although presented at the conference in Budapest, was first published in American Historical Review (October 1992), and we are grateful to the editors of that journal for permission to reprint the article here. Sabrina Rameťs apter on Slovenia was first published in Europe-Asia Studies (1993), and we are likewise grateful to the editors of that journal for permission to reprint the article in question.
Finally, we should like to note what a pleasure it has been working with ea other on this book. Collaboration on a book can oen strain a relationship, but in this case, the entire collaboration proceeded so very
smoothly and with su pleasure on both sides that it seems only appropriate to celebrate our successful collaboration publicly here.
Sabrina Petra Ramet Ljubiša S. Adamovich
Introduction
e Roots of Discord and the Language of War
Sabrina Petra Ramet
No more serve your brutal war-lords, join our dance!
No more slavery, join our dance!
Oh dance to our sun! Oh dance to our sun!
Cruel war priest of proud walled city
Feared this dancing madness,
Led his brutal army out to bale,
Slew all dancers, burned alive the Mad Dancing Girl, She danced in flames until she was ashes.
Alan Hovhaness, American composer, in the text to his “Lady of Light” (1968)
Such nonsense—wanting to put Serbs, Croats, and Albanians into one state each The Balkans are the most mixed region in Europe, all people should learn to live together instead of making this absurd attempt to create ethnically cleansed states.
Kiro Gligorov, President of Macedonia1
I used to believe that nationalism had both beneficial and harmful incarnations. Aer more than three years of inter-ethnic savagery in former Yugoslavia, I am no longer certain of the supposed beneficial incarnations, and am more inclined to believe that it is beer to suppress nationalism altogether rather than to water a plant that may bear su poisonous fruit. For a “good nationalist” it is nothing to kill a member of the “ enemy nation” ; on the contrary, it is a point of duty, the fulfillment of whi is expected to be rewarded both in this life and in a supposed hereaer in whi the Supreme Deity himself is seen as favoring one ’ s own nation.
e founding of the Yugoslav state at the end of 1918 was accompanied by mu fanfare, both among South Slavs and in the West, about the triumph of the principle of national self-determination. is fanfare notwithstanding, the Yugoslav state quily revealed internal fragility as a result of fundamental differences over its structure and appropriate orientation toward national differences. e interwar kingdom lasted exactly 23 years before it slid, under the impact of the Nazi-fascist occupation, into an internal civil war between Croatian Ustaše, Serbian Chetniks, and communist Partisans. Tito rebuilt a new Yugoslavia on the ashes of the old, and the second Yugoslavia lasted 46 years exactly twice as long as the first Yugoslavia before once again sliding into interethnic war. Both the interwar kingdom and the Tito regime began by aempting to impose a centralized regime, and gradually came to realize that, in the context of multinational Yugoslavia, only a decentralized model had any hope of success. But decentralization also had its foes, who argued alternatively that the approa was inefficient, unnecessary, and even “unmodern.”2
e consequent perennial tensions between advocates of centralism and advocates of decentralism (or even confederation), whether in the interwar era, the Tito era, or the post-Tito period, produced an atmosphere of perpetual crisis, in whi monumental energies were riveed on every issue and in whi economic, developmental, structural, personnel, and policy questions were inevitably translated into ethnic/national questions. e instability of both the interwar and postwar political formulas lent Yugoslav politics a perennial sense of urgency, but simultaneously prevented the
regimes from seing priorities on the basis of anything other than ethnic and national grounds. In the early 1980s, for example, Sergej Krajgher of Slovenia headed a commission whi prepared a report whi made various recommendations for economic stabilization. Among other things, his recommendations would have entailed some compromise with the practice of near-confederal decentralization, itself a concession to the “national question.” As a result, the Krajgher report was stillborn.
Alongside this perpetual crisis, there have been recurrent pressures from Yugoslavia’ s discontents. us, as Ljubo Boban has noted, “ … the Ustaša [wartime Croatian fascist] movement itself was a direct product of the Yugoslav state and its Great Serbian hegemonist policies.”3 e communists wanted to avoid the mistakes of the interwar kingdom, but ironically, made the same mistake of provoking nationalist resentment. Aer 1971, important sectors of the Croatian public were alienated, and aer the Albanian riots in Kosovo in 1981, the Serbian public became both more disenanted with the federalized state and more vulnerable to manipulation.
One of the debates whi the Serbs’ expansionist war against Croatia and Bosnia has reinforced, but whi actually began at least eight years prior to the outbreak of the war, has to do with the question as to whether the war was inevitable or not. e mere fact that various solars, including myself,4 warned in the months between October 1990 and February 1991, that the outbreak of ethnic war was imminent makes it clear that the country’ s dri toward strife was increasingly evident, and not some sort of unpredictable thunderbolt. ere were, of course, optimists and these solars took a very different approa, and stressed, on the contrary, the possibility for containment of the crisis and for negotiated selements.5
And yet, there was some point at whi war became inevitable. For the most bright-eyed optimists, that day was 26 June 1991, the day that JNA tanks actually rolled into Slovenia. A more pessimistic interpretation might argue that civil war became inevitable when Slobodan Milosevic, a commied Serbian nationalist, took the helm of power in Serbia toward the end of 1987. Milosevic’ s ascent to power was, of course, a turning point, but despite the escalation of tensions whi accompanied his rise, it was
probably not until the arming of the Serbian civilian population in the summer of 1990 that internal ethnic war became, strictly speaking, “inevitable.” e danger of civil war had, however, been growing for years, and ordinary citizens had openly talked of their fears of civil war for at least three years prior to that summer.
e perpetual Yugoslav crisis was oen seen largely in national terms and indeed, the national question affected every sphere of social life.6 But the crisis was also reflected quite autonomously in these sundry spheres, so that, for example, as the Yugoslav economy soured over the course of the 1980s, policy-makers and economic managers instinctively shied the brunt of the suffering onto women. As of the end of 1990, thus, some 70 percent of unemployed persons in Yugoslavia were women.7 Similarly, the increase in nationalist auvinism in the country between 1989 and 1992 also contributed directly to a new male auvinism and to increased difficulties for women. Or, to take another example, the gathering political and social crisis confronted the leading Chures (iefly the Catholic Chur and the Serbian Orthodox Chur) with new allenges, new opportunities, and new “rules of the game. ” e result is that both the Catholic and the Orthodox Chur have adopted a more strident tone in public discourse and public debate since the withering away of communism.
IIAccompanying the war against the “ enemy ” is a war against “ enemy ideas,” and consequently an effort to alter not merely boundaries but language as well. Bullets can terminate resistance on the balefield, but resistance even if, as in history’ s most one-sided clashes, only a spiritual resistance continues all the same, as long as any of the vanquished nation are alive and remember. Only a successful imposition of one ’ s own preferred “national script” holds out the promise of a still more complete victory, in
whi even the survivors know only the history wrien by the victors. e war about language is at the same time a war for the minds of one ’ s own nation, a war to consolidate ranks around the “national idea,” as defined and rendered in the national script being propounded. Nation as victim or as hero, as justified by God or fate or history, as old or new, as united or divided by unjust forces nation is the value at the heart of many su struggles over language.
Newsreports inevitably focus their aention in the first place on the purely military level on whi wars are waged, and to a somewhat lesser extent, on the diplomatic-political and economic levels (whi include su maers as embargoes, illicit trade, price manipulations, and so forth). But there are other levels of warfare whi are also concomitants of the process. While one might enumerate a number of additional levels, including cultural, sexual (re. this, see Rada Iveković’ s apter), and religious, I shall focus here only on the linguistic level.
In this process of the dissolution of Socialist Yugoslavia, the linguistic struggle has been waged at various levels. First, there is the renaming of towns and villages. Titograd, thus, has reverted to its historical name, Podgorica, and sundry Hungarian villages in Vojvodina have been given Serbian names, even though no Serbs have lived there. e Edvard Kardelj University of Ljubljana is no longer called su. And the Serbs and Croats alike have concocted their own names for lands they have seized: e.g., the Serbian designation of part of Croatia as the “Krajina,” and the Croatian designation of Croat-occupied Herzegovina as “Herzeg-Bosna.” is argument about the names of places has extended to the province of Kosovo, whi Serbs lately call Kosmet, as they did from 1945 to 1968 (reviving, thus, a name repugnant to the Albanians), and to Macedonia (whi the Greeks are willing to concede, at most, is “former Macedonia”), and even to the name “Yugoslavia,” with Croatian resentment that the Serbs and Montenegrins have osen to call their truncated state by this name.
Second, there is a conscious effort to find “appropriate” names for the enemy. e Serbs, for example, started calling the Croats “Ustaša ” already in 1989, two years before the outbreak of war, suggesting that Tudjman’ s
program is pure fascism. e Croats, offended by this usage, have themselves replied by calling the Serbs “Chetniks,” but in this case, the name carries no sting, because many of the Serbs are in fact proudly calling themselves Chetniks. On other fronts, the Serbs have taken to calling the Albanians “Shiptars” (even though in Serbo-Croatian, Albanians have wanted to be called “Albanci”), and the Muslims “Islamic fundamentalists.” Tito is a special case here, in that Milosevic has insisted on calling him “Broz” (Tito’ s actual family name), at the same time forcing the Serbian media to follow his lead.
ird, at least some citizens have considered it necessary, in times of war, to ange their names, in order to assert their patriotism or just to preserve their lives and property. Nedeljna Dalmacija, a Split-based weekly, presented evidence in January 1993 of a wave of Croatian citizens, mostly Serbs, who had anged their names since 1991. As the newspaper explained, these people “for reasons well known to themselves want to nullify the awkward national sound of their own names through this action.”8
And fourth, there has been a drive to purify the language itself, manifested, in Croatia, iefly in a pseudo-Croatization of Croatian, involving the coining of new words with indigenous derivation and the revival of araic Croatian-only words, and, in Serbia, in the suppression of the Latin alphabet (whi had been widely promoted in Tito’ s day) in favor of an exclusive use of the Cyrillic alphabet, whi both Serbs and Croats have associated with Serbian culture.
In addition to these four broad areas, there are also a number of specific areas of controversy, su as those surrounding the words “minority” and (as already mentioned briefly) “Yugoslavia,” and the nature of the war itself.
Let us take our first case, the word “minority.” Webster’s New World Dictionary of the American Language defines “minority” as “less than half of a total; a group, party, or faction with a smaller number of votes or adherents than the majority.”9 e word has, thus, a purely mathematical reference, and accordingly, 49 percent of a population constitutes a minority, while 51 percent of a population constitutes a majority. For reasons having to do with the nature of Titoism’ s claims vis-a-vis the nationalities
question,10 the Yugoslavs never allowed, in the years following World War Two, that there were any “minorities” in the country, although under a strict definition of the word, there were only minorities, since even the largest group (the Serbs) constituted less than 40 percent of the total. As long as the state was at peace, however, this question as to whether the Macedonians, let us say, were a “minority” within Yugoslavia, or a “nation” within Yugoslavia (why not both?) seemed a quibble, and most observers seemed content to let the Yugoslavs reject mathematical concepts and oose more subjective ideological concepts. With the dissolution of the state, however, has come the strange spectacle of Serbs within Croatia insisting that, with 11.6 percent of the population of that republic, they were “not a minority,” while their co-ethnics in Bosnia insisted that with 32 percent of the population of Bosnia-Herzegovina, they were also “not a minority” of the population of Bosnia. e consequence drawn from this language, as Paul Shoup explains in his apter, was a rejection of the concept of majority rule, or of any concept of self-determination by a majority vote. is, in turn, opened up the prospect of an infinite spiral: when areas of Serbian concentration in Croatia declared their secession from Croatia, areas of Croatian concentration within those Serbian areas declared their secession from the Serbian secessionist area. Had war not intervened to resolve the issue, Serbian families living in the areas of Croatian density within the largely Serbian regions of Croatia could have declared their secession from the Croatian secessions from the Serbian secessions from the Croatian republic, whi was seceding from Yugoslavia. What we have is something along the lines of a “this is the house that Ja built” formula, and is, in fact, the logical consequence of the rejection of the principle of majority rule whi lay at the heart of the Titoist enterprise and whi has been taken over by the ruling nationalists in both Serbia and Croatia.11
Another word whi has been disputed in this war is the word “Yugoslavia.” Until June 1991 everyone knew what “Yugoslavia” meant. But when Slovenia and Croatia declared their independence, the question immediately opened as to whether Yugoslavia was spliing up, or whether, rather, Slovenia and Croatia were seceding from a Yugoslavia whi still
existed. e controversy continued even aer the declarations of independence by Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia. At the heart of the issue was Belgrade’ s claim that Serbia and Montenegro constituted “Yugoslavia,” and should enjoy the privileges of being the successor state to Yugoslavia (for example, retaining membership in international bodies). Belgrade later reinforced this claim by declaring the formation of the “Federal Republic of Yugoslavia”—not a “ new ” state, the world was told, but a reorgnization of the old “Socialist Federated Republic of Yugoslavia.”
And finally, there is the maer of the war itself. Were Serbia and Croatia to agree on the terminology to describe the war, there would be considerable cause for surprise. But, on the contrary, they have construed the war rather differently.12 In Serbia’ s eyes, there is a profound difference between the war with Croatia and the war with Bosnia. e former has been consistently portrayed in the Serbian media as a war to liberate unjustly persecuted Serbs from the claws of a fascist regime. at war is thus seen as political in nature. FRY President Dobrica Ćosić told Greek state television in January 1993 that the Croats were waging a “genocidal war ” against the Serbs, adding that “entire villages have been burnt down.”13 By contrast, the Serbian press has repeatedly argued that the war against Bosnia is a “religious war, ” occasioned by the need to defend Serbian Christians against Islamic “fundamentalism.” us, Tanjug, the official Serbian press agency, cited Dobrica Ćosić to the effect that “ … a religious war is taking place in the Balkans and … is acquiring international dimensions, especially because of the presence of the Mujaheddin warriors in Bosnia-Herzegovina.”14 In a typical effort to drive this point home, the politically rabid Belgrade daily Politika ekspres reported (falsely) in Mar 1992 that Ismet Kusumagic, described as a minister in the Bosnian government of Alija Izetbegovic, was demanding that Islamic Shariat law be made the basis of civil law in BosniaHerzegovina.15 By contrast, in Croatian eyes and media portrayals, there is ultimately no difference between Serbia’ s war against Croatia itself and Serbia’ s war against Bosnia. Both are seen as wars of territorial expansion, stoked by inflaming nationalist auvinism and inter-ethnic hatreds.
Ironically, it was Slobodan Milosevic himself who warned, in January 1990, about the danger of “national and religious hatreds” whi could “spring from out of the darkness concealing them into the light of day, the hatreds that led us into a fratricidal war in the past, a war whi we well know was su that its consequences will burden the consciousness even of the generations that are yet to be bom.”16
III
It will be years before the full consequences of the war are known. Most Western news reports are based either on balefield observation or on visits to the respective capital city. Ignored are the various towns and villages whi are not under siege, but whi, typically, bear the brunt of the burden of war: the capital city is, as a rule, the last to feel shortages. is is why Western journalists’ and other travelers’ reports that shops in Belgrade and Zagreb are full of goods (qualified, at high prices) miss the point, whi is that the war is indeed destroying the economies of these republics, guing entire communities and driving huge numbers of people below the poverty line. Kragujevac, once a thriving industrial town, has been economically ravaged by the war, and many local Serbs are without work and roam the streets idly: random crime in Kragujevac has soared since early 1992, as a result.17 Again, the Serbian economy has slid steadily downwards, enduring an inflation rate of 19,810 percent in 1992.18 According to renowned Yugoslav economist Oskar Kovač, up to 90 percent of enterprises in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) may go bankrupt before the end of 1993, with many markets permanently lost to Serbian firms.19 Health services and medical protection have likewise deteriorated in the FRY since the outbreak of the war, and Belgrade authorities feared widespread food shortages by the end of 1993, in the event that the international embargo was not lied (or more effectively circumvented).20
ere are, of course, always those who profit during times of hardship and scarcity, and consistent with this paern some Belgrade firms have alked up sizeable profits recently.21 But by November 1992, there were already nearly 3 million unemployed in Serbia and the number was rising.22
e situation is, of course, worse in Croatia, whose labor force of 1.2 million persons must sustain the burden of financing the 270,000 unemployed (as of December 1992), 550,000 refugees, and 667,000 pensioners. Recently, the Croatian economy has been marking up an annual budget de
ficit of $2.5 billion, and Croatian authorities announced steep tax increases to take effect in January 1993.23 Industrial production has fallen in Croatia by 28.5 percent in 1991 alone and by another 28.1 percent in the first six months of 199224 while inflation, whi roared at 609.9 percent in 1990, slowed to 122.6 percent in 1991, and has crept upwards again to 384.3 percent in the first six months of 1992. Exports declined 24.7 percent in 1991, and another 19.3 percent in the first seven months of 1992.25 In the Serbian Krajina, whi was always the poorest region in Croatia, there have been reports of the exhaustion of food supplies, and the emigration of locals to Slovenia and inner Serbia.
Bosnia’ s economy is completed gued, with entire industrial sectors physically destroyed or damaged beyond simple repair. Moreover, mu of the transport infrastructure linking Bosnia with Croatia and linking parts of Bosnia has been destroyed, iefly by Serbian militias, according to news reports. And even those republics not involved in the fighting, viz., Slovenia and Macedonia, have been affected by the war: the disruption of trade connections, the restrictions of the UN imposed trade embargo on Serbia and Montenegro, and, in Macedonia’ s case, the derivative Greek bloade have all hit these economies hard.
e result is a region seriously impacted by the war whether in terms of lives lost, or in terms of the destruction of the economic infrastructure necessary for those who survive to make their way. e old Yugoslavia, whi died a stormy death as rising nationalism tore it limb from limb, has not only been politically dismantled, thus. It has also been psyologically
scarred and economically retrogressed, while all the while, the new muses of war have elaborated national scripts to celebrate this new purgatory (with its moments of sheer hell) as if it were heaven.
Notes
1. In interview with Profil (Vienna), 30 November 1992, p. 57, trans. in FBIS, Daily Report (Eastern Europe), 1 December 1992, p. 60.
2. Radoslav Stojanović, Jugoslavija, nacije i politika (Belgrade: Nova knjiga, 1988).
3. Ljubo Boban, “Still More Balance on Jasenovac and the Manipulation of History,” in East European Politics and Societies, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Spring 1992), p. 215.
4. See my article, “e Breakup of Yugoslavia” , in Global Affairs, Vol. 6, No. 2 (Spring 1991), p 97
5. Bogdan Denit, Limits and Possibilities: The Crisis of Yugoslav Socialism and State Socialist Systems (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1990); and V P Gagnon, Jr , “Yugoslavia Prospects for Stability” in Foreign Affairs Vol. 70, No. 3 (Summer 1991). Also Dennison Rusinow, “To Be or Not to Be? Yugoslavia as Hamlet,” in UFSI Field Staff Reports, 1990–91 series, No. 18 (June 1991).
6 Including even the ro scene: for discussion of this lesser known dimension, see Sabrina Petra Ramet, Balkan Babel: Politics, Culture, and Religion in Yugoslavia (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1992), apter 5 (“Ro Music”).
7. Cynthia Cobum, “A Women’ s Political Party for Yugoslavia: Introduction to the Serbian Feminist Manifesto,” in Feminist Review, No 39 (Winter 1991), p 156
8. Nedeljna Dalmacija, as quoted in Borba (Belgrade), 20 January 1993, p. 12, trans. in FBIS, Daily Report (Eastern Europe), 2 February 1993, p. 48.
9 Webster’s New World Dictionary of the American Language, 2nd College Ed (Cleveland, Ohio: William Collins and World Publishing Co., 1976), p. 906.
10. For discussion, see Sabrina Petra Ramet, Nationalism and Federalism in Yugoslavia, 1962–1991,2nd ed (Bloomington, Ind : Indiana University Press, 1992)
11 Zoran Djindjic offers a somewhat different approa, arguing that insofar as old Yugoslavia has ceased to exist, so too have old Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia- Herzegovina, and Macedonia, leaving only peoples with legitimate rights, but not preexisting legitimate states, as is usually supposed is argument would, of course, appeal to the Greeks See Djindjić’ s “Jugoslawien ein unerwünster Staat,” in Die Neue Gesellschaft, Frankfurter Hefte, Vol. 38, No. 9 (September 1991), p. 775.
12. e remainder of this paragraph draws freely from my essay, “Delegitimation and Relegitimation in Yugoslavia and Aer, ” in George Andreopoulos (ed ), International Security in Eastern Europe, forthcoming from Green-wood Press.
13. Tanjug (26 January 1993), in FBIS, Daily Report (Eastern Europe), 27 January 1993, p. 44.
14. Tanjug (17 October 1992), in FBIS, Daily Report (Eastern Europe), 20 October 1992, p. 37.
15. Politika ekspres (Belgrade), 31 Mar 1992, summarized in Tanjug (31 Mar 1992), in FBIS, Daily Report (Eastern Europe), 1 April 1992, p 42
16. Politika (Belgrade), 22 January 1990, p. 2.
17. Borba (6 November 1992), p. 11.
18. Tanjug (1 February 1993), in FBIS, Daily Report (Eastern Europe), 2 February 1993, p. 53
19. Ibid.
20. Re. medical services, see Tanjug (3 February 1993), in FBIS, Daily Report (Eastern Europe), 4 February 1993, p 52; re food shortage, see Tanjug (25 January 1993), in FBIS, Daily Report (Eastern Europe), 26 January 1993, p. 62.
21 Politika (5 November 1992), p 11
22 Tanjug (13 November 1992), in FBIS, Daily Report (Eastern Europe), 16 November 1992, p. 40.
23 Financial Times (12 December 1991), p 8
24. Vjesnik (28 Mar 1992), p. 2, trans. in FBIS, Daily Report (Eastern Europe), 20 April 1992, p 32; and Neue Zürcher Zeitung (30 September 1992), p 16
25 Neue Zürcher Zeitung (30 September 1992), p 16
Part One
Adumbrations of the Breakup
e Avoidable Catastrophe
Dennison Rusinow1
Historians and social scientists are adept at retrospectively discovering why whatever happens was always inevitable, as if the various efforts to produce some alternative result had never had any prospect of success whatsoever. So it is with the violent disintegration of Yugoslavia in 1991. Solars are already busy following the media in describing Yugoslavia as an “artificial” state (whatever that means) and an ill-fated experiment that was doomed to shaer once Tito’ s dictatorship was no longer there to hold it together. e deep cultural, religious, historical, and socio-economic differences among its peoples and their allegedly ancient or even primordial hatreds of one another are why its creation was unnatural and its disintegration inevitable.
is is a doubly flawed argument. e hidden premise of the purportedly particular and fatal “artificiality” of the Yugoslav state is that only homogeneous single-nation nation-states are “natural” and therefore sustainable or even legitimate. Leaving aside as a quibble the counterargument that all states are human (and contingent) artifacts and thus “artificial,” this historically and theoretically debatable and mu debated premise is far from self-evident and at best a potentially misleading oversimplification of a complex set of modern cultural and political phenomena.2 Secondly, the contention that some or all of the South Slav peoples have always hated one another so mu that only Royal and then Communist
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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:
Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been standardized.
Archaic or variant spelling has been retained.
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