News
The McGill Daily, Thursday, January 28, 2010
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IN-DEPTH
Montreal hosts Haiti aid talks Activists decry militarization, profiteering, and political exclusion
Aquil Virani & Michael Lee-Murphy | The McGill Daily
Niko Block & Michael Lee-Murphy The McGill Daily
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n Monday, Montreal hosted the Ministerial Preparatory Conference on the reconstruction of Haiti. The meeting was attended by high ranking delegates who set out to establish a framework for the delivery of aid and the long-term reconstruction effort. Assistance has been slow in reaching the people of Haiti, after a 7.0 magnitude earthquake devastated the country on January 12. The quake has left roughly 200,000 dead, with hundreds of thousands in need of medical assistance. Earlier this week, the World Food Program estimated that two million Haitians face an immediate risk of malnourishment. Prime Minister Jean-Max Bellerive thanked the delegates for their countries’ assistance in the current crisis, but also emphasized the dire situation in his country. “Four hundred thousand families…have to be put in emergency housing and we have to provide [them with] medical care,” said Bellerive in French, adding that the coordination of the relief effort faced serious bottlenecks in the days immediately following the earthquake. “People are being assisted in a more satisfactory fashion, [though] not totally satisfactory,” he said.
Too many guns, not enough aid In addition to the ministerial delegates at the conference, representatives of the Canadian private sector and NGOs were also present. International financial institutions such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the Caribbean Development Bank were included in the day’s discussions, most of which were conducted behind closed doors. The morning’s discussions were devoted to the assessment of humanitarian relief efforts, while later negotiations focused on developing a long-term strategy for Haiti’s reconstruction. In his opening remarks, Canadian foreign minister Lawrence Cannon acknowledged the close relation-
ship between Haiti and his own country. “Canada’s commitment to Haiti was and is a key aspect of its foreign policy. United by language, culture, and a shared history in the Americas, our countries have a unique bond,” he said. United States secretary of state Hillary Clinton encouraged the countries present at the conference to see themselves as “partners, not patrons, of Haiti.” The United States’ relief effort has been roundly criticized, however, for its domination of Port-auPrince’s only airport, and its prioritization of the U.S. military over aid organizations like Médecins sans frontières, whose flights have been repeatedly turned away. In the afternoon, a small demonstration organized by Haiti Action Montreal took place outside the International Civil Aviation Organization Building where the conference was held. For Patrique Volny, who attended the rally, the U.S.’s relief effort has been inappropriate and ineffectual. “What we need above all, it’s medical care, it’s water, it’s food. These are essential needs. We don’t need an army – 20,000 soldiers, 16,000 soldiers – coming again to break the population’s back,” said Volny. “You can’t...give them a little bottle of water and have tear gas in the other hand. There’s something not working there.” Yves Engler, author of “Canada in Haiti: Waging War on the Poor Majority,” agreed, saying that the humanitarian relief effort is not at the top of the U.S.’s agenda. “I think it’s been so heavily militarized because there’s a real fear of poor blacks – there’s a very racist element to it,” said Engler.
Elections deferred, president exiled The earthquake took place in the run-up to an election in Haiti that had been planned for February 28, but several delegates at the conference, as well as Haiti’s minister of culture and communications have stated that the election will likely have to be deferred. The deferral raises the question of whether Haiti’s most popular party, former president Jean-Bertrand Aristide’s Fanmi Lavalas, will
be able to participate in elections when they take place. After his election in 2000, Aristide was overthrown in a February 2004 coup supported by Canada, the U.S., and France. Aristide claims that he was “taken by force by the U.S. military,” that he was kidnapped from the country after his house was surrounded by U.S. and U.S.-backed Haitian security personnel, and that he was “forced to leave to avoid bloodshed.” The Bush administration maintained that Aristide had resigned and left the country willingly. Last November, the Haitian government, led by current president René Préval, announced that Aristide’s party Fanmi Lavalas, would be excluded from the elections. The government alleged the party had failed to properly submit official documents. Thousands of Haitians rallied in Port-au-Prince following the decision, demanding that Aristide be repatriated and allowed to run in the elections. “The rules were not respected; the will of the people was not respected; the Haitian constitution, the laws of the country, [and] electoral law were not respected,” said Volny, who is also a member of Fanmi Lavalas Montreal. “When countries like Canada, for example, [and] the United States say...‘We’re spending money to support democracy in Haiti,’ I think that in the end...that’s pure and simple hypocrisy,” said Volny. “Since Canada, the U.S. and France overthrew Haiti’s elected government nearly six years ago, there’s been a continued exclusion of the most popular party from the political process,” said Engler. “Haiti’s not going to be rebuilt with the political exclusion of the majority poor of the country.”
Rebuilt on debt, or grants? Much of the conference focused on the question of debt relief for Haiti. The IMF recently promised a $100-million interest-free loan to the country, bringing Haiti’s total international debt to roughly $1 billion. The reconstruction of Haiti has been estimated at as much as $10 billion.
Despite these efforts, Carlo Dade, executive director of the Canadian Foundation for the Americas, remained committed to the idea of extending loans to Haiti. “For productive investments, you have to keep the economic discipline in place,” he said. Compton Bourne, the President of the Caribbean Development Bank, did not agree with Dade, saying that fiscal responsibility could be achieved through grants – depending on the conditions under which they are made. “Loans are not necessary for discipline,” said Bourne in a phone interview with The Daily. “Discipline in itself is not a valid reason to increase debt.” Last summer, Canada cancelled Haiti’s $2.3-million debt as part of the Canada Debt Initiative. The Paris Club, a consortium of international creditor states, has further urged Haiti’s creditors to cancel the country’s remaining debt. World Bank vice president of Latin America and the Caribbean Pamela Cox said that the issue is not a large concern for her organization at present. “Haiti right now is in a grace period. Haiti is not paying to the international organizations any amount because they’re either in a grace period, or the service fees are being paid in the [International Development Bank]’s case by a trust fund,” Cox said. “There is debt through the Paris Club and other creditor nations, and we would call on those nations such as Venezuela to forgive that debt,” Cox said. Richard Fox, executive director of Oxfam Canada, argued that complete debt relief is an essential element of any reconstruction effort. “Haiti, as a nation, is bankrupt at this point. We need to eliminate all debt, to make sure that funding is in the form of grants, not loans. We are hoping for a clear announcement today,” he said. Fox added, however, that he was skeptical of international financial institutions’ willingness to relieve Haiti’s debt. “We’ve had some positive signals, but when you’re dealing with bankers, I want to see the signature on the document,” he said.
Fertile land for disaster capitalism The general consensus among conference’s participants was that the private sector would have a massive role to play in Haiti’s redevelopment. Cannon thanked the private sector for contributing to the aid appeal, and stressed that it “will also play an important role in Haiti’s future.” The protesters, however, had far less faith in the beneficence of the private sector. “Haiti’s comparative advantage in the world economy is as a place of cheap labour,” said Engler. “Sweatshop zones, that’s why Canadian capital companies like Gildan activewear – the Montrealbased T-shirt-maker – see Haiti as a great place to produce their products, because they can pay people three dollars a day.” Diego Hausfather of Haiti Action Montreal stated that the West’s presence in Haiti might only serve to undermine the country’s sovereignty. “We’re worried that this will be a reconstruction like after Hurricane Katrina, like after the 2005 tsunami, where corporate investors took advantage of the situation to push their agenda, to profit off of the destruction, off of the reconstruction,” said Hausfather. Inside the conference, Dade stressed the private sector’s importance in Haiti’s future economy. “Cell phone companies are booming in Haiti,” he said. “We’ve seen foreign investment in garment factories, so people are making good in Haiti.” Haiti’s telephone system, run by Teleco, had been undergoing a process of privatization ever since 2007, resulting in layoffs of two-thirds of its employees. The cement and flour industries have also been privatized under Preval’s presidency. Aristide has claimed that his refusal to privatize the country’s phone and energy enterprises was a major reason for his U.S.-orchestrated ouster. Since the earthquake, Aristide has demanded that he be allowed back into the country in order to take part in the process of reconstruction.
4 News
The McGill Daily, Thursday, January 28, 2010
Forum on police brutality in Parc-Ex this weekend Activists to speak on racial profiling, police shootings Kayan Hui News Writer
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Building from the ground up McGill professor Catherine LeGrand discusses the problems of post-disaster reconstruction in Latin America and Haiti
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n the days following Haiti’s January 12 earthquake, McGill students and faculty have rallied around the ongoing effort to understand and assuage the tragedy. On Tuesday, January 19, Professor Catherine LeGrand gave a talk about past earthquakes and reconstruction efforts in Latin America. LeGrand is an associate professor in the history department at McGill and takes part in the Latin American and Caribbean Studies program. She sat down with The Daily to talk further about some of the topics brought up at her lecture. LeGrand discussed the earthquakes in Nicaragua in 1972, Guatemala in 1976, and Mexico in 1985. Although these case studies do not present an exact model of what reconstruction in Haiti will look like, LeGrand believes they do prove instructive examples of possible future events. McGill Daily: An earthquake measuring 6.2 on the Richter scale struck Nicaragua’s capital, Managua, two days before Christmas in 1972. What factors led to the destruction that followed? Catherine LeGrand: Well, [Managua] was located directly over three faults, and it had been destroyed twice before, in 1885 and 1931. So this was the third earthquake, and the city had always been rebuilt on the same site. I would imagine the building was not of great quality. The earthquake destroyed the personal residence of the dictator; the National Guard headquarters; the U.S. embassy. There were fires that engulfed the
commercial district within 24 hours. All water lines were severed. [The earthquake] completely destroyed or severely damaged over 80 per cent of the buildings. Ten thousand dead. One hundred and fifty thousand people lost their homes. MD: You mentioned that the Somoza government was corrupt in the rebuilding process in Nicaragua. What were the major indiscretions? CL: The Somoza regime was known as a “kleptocracy.” I mean, he did distribute aid to the wounded and the homeless. But basically in the reconstruction, the Somoza family used the aid to accumulate a new fortune. They channelled aid through his own companies, and purchased parts of the city where he planned to undertake reconstruction. And a lot of middle class people were alienated. Office workers were asked to work overtime for no pay whatsoever in order to help rebuild the country. The idea was, “Everybody must sacrifice to rebuild the country.” But in the meantime the Somoza family themselves were raking it in. This created a great sense that the government was not the government of the people. MD: There has been coverage of the intense religious response to the earthquake throughout Haiti. Can you describe the religious dimension of the response to the Guatemalan earthquake of 1976? CL: With these late-twentieth century earthquakes you don’t see people saying, “Well this is the wrath of God,” except in Guatemala. There was one Protestant church in
Victor Tangermann | The McGill Daily
Guatemala City that had almost predicted the earthquake, saying, “The apocalypse is coming.” They had stockpiled provisions and so forth and they apparently responded very well to the earthquake, in terms of distribution. The foreign missionaries, who were involved in the Liberation Theology movement, and the people they were working with in poor areas, were upset by the government’s priorities in both the rescue and the reconstruction efforts, and were fired up by this sense of injustice. Some people have called it a “class quake.” And the reconstruction endeavours had mostly favoured market interests and private contracting companies and so forth. This led to criticism of the government, and a lot of mobilizing at the local level. MD: What sort of repression did the Nicaraguan government engage in at the time? CL: There was a backlash on the part of the military government against civil society organizing, partly stimulated by the earthquake. They massacred whole villages of Mayan peasants. Some say it’s the closest thing to genocide we’ve ever seen in Latin America. Even in the cities there was selective targeting of social activists, activist university professors, et cetera. The government kept saying, “We’re killing guerillas,” when in point of fact an awful lot of civilians were killed. MD: You said that Mexicans really mobilized on a local level after the earthquake of 1985 in Mexico City. What form did this mobiliza-
tion take? CL: You had one earthquake of 8.1 on one day and one of 7.5 on the next day. And it hit the middle of Mexico City. Again: 5,000 people injured, 1,000 trapped under debris, 250,000 people homeless. Somewhere between 10 and 20,000 dead. It’s interesting: the government at first rejected foreign aid. They were concerned with their international reputation. They actually paid for the earthquake reconstruction by taking out loans. That’s the question in Haiti: is it going to be loans, or is it going to be grants? The Mexican government was concerned with restoring the services that had been put down: electricity, the telephone service. But people who had lost their homes criticized this, saying, “What about our lives, what about our shelter?” And so the citizen movement starts, and it’s poor people but also some middle class people. Government accountability became a priority for these popular movements. The earthquake revealed one street where there were 55 illegal garment factories, when the buildings fell down. And the police were sent in with the owners to rescue some of the equipment. And yet there were still injured and dying people in the buildings. I mean, economic recovery does help people, but there is this question of private and capital interests. —compiled by Eric Andrew-Gee
n Friday, the Forum Against Police Violence and Impunity will begin a weekend-long conference to address police brutality in the Montreal area. The conference will bring together organizations and individuals in Parc-Extension to discuss for workshops and panel discussions. Speakers will address topics such as gender-based violence, political repression, and youth and racial profiling in Montreal, with workshops conducted in French and English to inform participants of their rights. The forum will close on Sunday evening with an event titled “Beats Against the Police,” showcasing MCs, musicians, rappers, and other performers. Nazila Bettache, one of the organizers of the forum, noted that the lack of transparency and accountability in the police force is one of the main recurring issues that will be covered at the conference. “There is no justice when youth are killed and harassed on the streets,” Bettache said. Police violence has come under increasing scrutiny in Montreal following the fatal police shooting of teenager Fredy Villanueva in August 2008. Earlier this month, eyebrows were raised when the City of Montreal blocked the Quebec Human Rights and Youth Rights Commission from investigating alleged racial profiling by police. Gabriella Pedicelli, who will speak at this Friday’s opening panel discussion, said, “All the issues are systemic. The problems are embedded in the structure of policing, one of them being systemic racism, which is often denied by the policing organization.” Trained as a police officer in 1989, Pedicelli eventually decided not to join the police and turned to police activism instead. Her book, When Police Kill, garnered public attention around police violence in Montreal and Toronto following its release in 1999. Pedicelli has remained a strong police critic. “I do think it is important to understand why we became disillusioned,” she said. The conference will run from January 29-31 at Centre communitaire de Parc-Extension, 419 St-Roch. Free admission, schedule available online at www.forumcontrelaviolencepoliciere.net.
News
The McGill Daily, Thursday, January 28, 2010
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7,000 protest “insult to democracy” Cyber-activists organize global demonstration
Both photos Dominic Popowich | The McGill Daily
Left: The Raging Grannies criticized prorogation through the performance of satirical songs. Right: Gilles Duceppe spoke to a crowd of 500 in Montreal. He has called prorogation “a tradition for Harper.” Emily Clare & Juliana Dalley The McGill Daily
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hants of “Harper, don’t be a jerk, get your ass back to work!” and “Harper, au travail!” were heard as demonstrators gathered before the locked doors of Parliament to decry Prime Minister Stephen Harper’s decision to prorogue Parliament. Over 4,000 protesters descended on Parliament Hill last Saturday, joining another 500 in Montreal and 22,500 more in 60 cities across the country and as far as Tiananmen Square in an international day of protest. They called for their Members of Parliament (MPs) to return to work on January 25, waving Canadian flags and placards reading “Stop Torture, Not Parliament,” and “This Is What Democracy Looks Like.” The rallies were the culmination of weeks of organization by local volunteers and coordinated through the Facebook group Canadians Against Proroguing Parliament. The decision, on March 3, to suspend Parliament for the second time in a year killed all government bills currently under review in the House of Commons and halted committee sessions. The prime minister’s office has stated that the government requires more time to finalize the federal budget. But opposition parties and other critics have denounced the move as a ploy to disrupt an inquiry into the government’s involvement in the torture of Afghan detainees.
Speaking at the Ottawa rally, Errol Mendes, a human rights lawyer and professor at the University of Ottawa, called the unprecedented action “an insult to democracy.” He also accused the prime minister of using prorogation power to deflect “one of the most serious allegations that this government, or any government has ever faced: the possibility of complicity in war crimes for the transfer of detainees to torture.” Among the several important bills that died was a landmark piece of legislation dealing with women’s property rights on First Nations reserves. It was introduced in Parliament last year after decades of legal uncertainty on the issue of matrimonial real property. Aboriginal rights activist and former Canadian Human Rights Commission employee Pamela Tabobondung told The Daily that for her, the rally was not just about the prorogation but about more fundamental issues with the Harper government’s failure to listen to Canadians. “What [Stephen Harper] is doing [by] shutting down Parliament is undermining the will of the people and First Nations rights,” she said. “It’s been a hundred years that we’ve tried to advance Aboriginal rights in Canada but it’s not happening.” Representatives from the main opposition parties were in attendance at the rallies, and praised Canadians for showing pride in their democratic institutions. NDP leader Jack Layton had harsh words for the prime minister, drawing a parallel between
Harper and King Charles I, the seventeenth-century English monarch whose attempted prorogation of Parliament cost him his head. “I want to be crystal clear on the following point: I am not advocating, nor will I advocate the decapitation of anyone. We have elections to prosecute such indiscretions,” he added, drawing cheers from the crowd. Speaking in Ottawa, Liberal leader Michael Ignatieff alluded to skepticism that support from the strong online movement would not materialize on the day of the protest. “This was a demonstration that the pundits said would not happen. This is a demonstration that, frankly, many politicians didn’t think would happen,” he said. “This is a demonstration that shows that Canadians understand their democracy, care for their democracy, and if necessary, will fight for it.” Elisabeth May, the leader of the Green Party, also spoke at the rally and MP Mario Laframboise spoke on behalf of the Bloc Québecois. Gilles Duceppe, the leader of the Bloc, attended the Montreal rally. Conservative Party representatives declined to respond to invitations to participate, according to protest organizers. The prime minister’s office has not yet given an official response to the protests. Christopher White, a graduate student from Edmonton, started the Facebook group after Harper’s December 30 announcement, to encourage others to write to their MPs to demand that they return to work on January 25. The group,
which now has close to 220,000 members, attracted as many as 10,000 new members per day in the weeks leading up to the rallies. White said the movement would never have been successful without an outpouring of grassroots support from communities across Canada. “What’s really great about [about the movement] is that it is decentralized; I am only the Facebook administrator. There’s a lot of infrastructure at the local levels,” White said. “I think if this issue is to be sustained, we have to keep it going at the local level.” Montreal rally coordinator Matthew Angelus said he was astonished that 60 volunteers attended the first meeting. It was decided that the Montreal chapter would remain non-partisan and not accept funds from any group or individual. The open nature of the group was apparent on the day of the rally. “[The rally] transcended linguistic lines. There were many different ethnic groups and different ages,” said Angelus. The Liberals were the first opposition party to acknowledge the demands of the massive online movement, and declared they would be at work in Ottawa on January 25. The NDP announced more recently that they will put forward legislation to limit the prorogation power of the prime minister. White believes that his Facebook group is a forum for debate and unifying force for all Canadians, regardless of their political views. “I like the fact that that this issue has really transcended par-
tisan lines. I think that people do recognize that this is not an issue of left or right,” White told The Daily. “I’ve been getting a lot of positive feedback from people who voted Conservative, or have never voted or been involved before.” White and other organizers are optimistic that this experience with cyber-activism will have a positive impact on other forms of political action in Canada. “I think this issue is going to change things in the future. The next time there is a political manifestation it will be compared to this and the ‘real world effects’ we’ve had as well,” said White. He explained that as Canada’s political norms evolve, the debate around prorogation is forcing people, like himself, to consider new ideas. “One of the things I have noticed is that a lot of people are talking about the coalition again,” said White. “Honestly, I was one of the few [people] who weren’t supportive of the coalition but now I’m starting to reimagine and rethink how democracy works in Canada.” Tabobondung also told The Daily that she hopes cyber-activism will usher in a new era of grassroots political action and engagement, especially for politically isolated youth. “I think one of the challenges is that Canada is so wide and so vast. [But] Facebook has allowed us to network, to be in one place, to stand in solidarity. The key thing is reaching out to kids on Facebook, and getting the youth involved,” she said.
Commentary
The McGill Daily, Thursday, January 28, 2010
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HYDE PARK
Women deserve more Andrea Paolucci & Natalie Fohl
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oday marks the 22nd anniversary of the decision in the R. v. Morgentaler case. In its ruling, the Supreme Court of Canada struck down the law criminalizing abortion, creating a legislative vacuum at the federal level. That is, there is no federal law criminalizing or protecting abortion procedures, so theoretically a woman can terminate a pregnancy during all nine months for any reason. In some provinces, there are legal and/or practical restrictions on abortion. In Quebec, for example, there are currently no doctors who will perform an abortion procedure after 22 weeks of gestation. Women who want the procedure are sent to the United States to obtain it, which is funded by Medicare. In Canada, nearly all abortion procedures are covered by taxpayers, a point to ponder as the current debate rages in the United States over health care. One of the biggest obstacles to American president Barack Obama’s heath-care plan is the fact that a majority of Americans refuse to recognize abortion as health care and refuse to fund it with taxpayer dollars. Abortion is not a rare procedure in Canada. Since Morgentaler, about twomillion abortions have been performed in this country at an annual rate of about 100,000. Statistics Canada stopped collecting numbers on induced abortions in 2005, but according to the most recent figures, this works out to about three abortions per 10 live births in Canada as a whole. The rate is nearly four per 10 live births in Quebec. According to the Abortion Rights Coalition of Canada, many women get abortions because of relationship issues, for financial and practical reasons, because they feel unready, because their birth control fails, or because of genetic defects. The Women’s Care Clinic in Toronto adds that some women get abortions because a pregnancy will interfere with their career or education. Like all medical procedures, abortion carries some medical risk. Some of the most common shortterm complications associated with induced abortion include infection and hemorrhaging. Commonly
reported statistics for complication rates are generally around one to two per cent for first-trimester abortions, and are closer to 12 per cent with second- and third-trimester procedures. Abortions have been associated with some long-term risks as well. The most widely recognized of these is the elevated incidence of preterm births in future pregnancies. In a 2009 study – the “Swingle study” – that appeared in the Journal of Reproductive Medicine, for example, meta-analysis indicates that there is an increased risk of preterm birth after either spontaneous or induced abortion. In another Journal of Reproductive Medicine study by Byron Calhoun and other researchers reported on by Barbara Kay of the National Post, it was found that 1,096 “excess cases” of cerebral palsy in newborns under 3.5 lbs in the United States can be directly traced to previous induced abortions. The most common reasons cited by women for choosing abortion reflect a society that is not meeting the needs of women. Women should not feel that they bear all the responsibility of caring for a child. Most children have two parents who should be held equally responsible, both legally and socially, for the child. Educational institutions could do more to support pregnant and parenting students – for example, through maternity leaves, better daycare services, and housing for parenting students. In the 22 years since the last laws restricting abortion were struck down, we have maintained legal reproductive choice for women, but have done little to provide real, practical choice. If women are having abortions because they feel they don’t have the necessary support structure to carry their pregnancies to term, then something needs to change. Let’s work together to create a society that addresses the real needs of women. Women deserve better than abortion. Andrea Paolucci received her B.A. in psychology in 2009, and is currently a special student. She’s also a Choose Life member. Write her at andrea.paolucci@mail.mcgill.ca. Natalie Fohl is a U3 Biology & Political Science student and the president and founder of Choose Life.
Want to write a Hyde Park? Opinion, analysis, sometimes personal narrative Pitch it to the Commentary editor Make it around 500 words Be sure to include your year and program Articles should be pitched at least a week before you want to see them published commentary@mcgilldaily.com
Bridget Sprouls for The McGill Daily
Unionized workers generally get paid more, enjoy greater benefits than their non-union comrades. HYDE PARK
To unionize or not to unionize? Workers thinking about syndicalism should consider benefits Ted Sprague
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ust a few days before Christmas last year, the Labour Commission announced that 85 per cent of voting nonacademic casual workers voted in favour of forming a union, namely the Association of McGill Undergraduate Employees (AMUSE). This marked a historic turning point for the labour movement at McGill. Since 1993, when TA union the Association of Graduate Students Employed at McGill (AGSEM) was formed, no new unions have been organized. According to Véronique Allard, an organizer from the Public Service Alliance of Canada, the union behind AMUSE, 75 per cent of McGill’s casual workers participated in the vote. With such a high turnout, this might well be the most democratic poll in McGill’s history – SSMU and PGSS would be lucky to get 30 per cent of their students to vote in their elections and referenda. Yet the Tribune (“AMUSE vote leaves some students in the dark,” Editorial, January 12) finds it necessary to downplay this achievement by blaming AMUSE for not being able to motivate the other 25 per cent to vote. Though the Tribune indicates that some of the blame for some students being unaware of the vote might be the Labour Board’s, their focus on AMUSE is wrongheaded. They need to get their facts straight: it was not AMUSE that organized the poll; it was the Labour Board. The mail-in ballot depends on infor-
mation given by the administration – which actually has every reason to make sure fewer people vote, since each non-vote is taken as a vote against. Yet we should not be surprised by the Tribune’s reporting. It was just another manifestation of the mainstream media’s rampant prejudice against unions. Now, getting back to the question at hand: to unionize or not to unionize? Common sense tells us that unions are bad for society. However, common sense is often a reflection of the mood of the class that rules the society, i.e., those who wield economic and political power: the bosses. The existence of a union is bad news for the owners. To answer a question with such political importance, we cannot rely on so-called common sense. Let’s look at some facts. Unionized workers earn more than non-unionized workers in general. According to the Alberta Federation of Labour, full-time unionized labourers earn $20.29 per hour compared to $17.22 for their nonunionized counterparts; part-time union workers earn $17.31 per hour, versus $10.60 for non-unionized ones; 83 per cent of unionized workers are covered by a pension plan, versus 33 per cent of non-unionized workers; and so on. In essence, a union provides the workers with an organization so that they can bargain and fight for better working conditions. You might say: But this is because the workers always go on strike and take the bosses hostage – and sometimes even the public!
Again, let’s look at the facts. According to a study that appeared in the Industrial & Labor Relations Review in 2005, almost 95 per cent of instances of collective bargaining in Ontario in the period of 1984-1992 ended up without a strike. The rate is probably similar today across Canada. Strikes are very special bargaining tools that most workers don’t want to resort to, a tool they are often forced to use by bosses who refuse to negotiate. Members of the media like to exaggerate strike incidents and often speak out against strikes, instead of doing balanced reporting. They thereby create a sense in the public that all unions do is go on strike. The story of successful bargaining without a strike, which is the case more often than not, is never reported. This semester, invigilators might be forming a union as well. These exam supervisors have been making $10 an hour for the past nine years without any ability to bargain for increased wages that reflect inflation. It is high time they form a union: the administration has proven incapable and unwilling to give the invigilators commensurate compensation for their service. To unionize or not to unionize? The answer’s so obvious, why ask? We cannot defend our rights unless we organize. Ted Sprague is the pseudonym of a Master’s student at McGill. You can reach him at ted_sprague@ yahoo.com.
10 Features
Courtesy of William W. Ting
The McGill Daily, Thursday, January 28, 2010
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Discrimination of Olympic proportions Whitney Mallett investigates the Games’ effects on Vancouver’s sex workers
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anada’s laws on sex work put women in danger. While sex work is legal, communicating in public to solicit sex, running a bawdy house, and living off an income procured by sex work are all criminal offenses. This constitutional catch-22 forces sex workers onto the street, increasing their vulnerability to violence. Putting their activities outside the law promotes the idea that sex workers are criminals, thereby perpetuating that they deserve abuse rather than respect. “People most harmed by this legislation are women,” says Hedy Fry, Vancouver MP and chair of the Standing Committee on the Status of Women. “We want to be allowed to come back inside,” states Susan Davis, a Vancouver sex worker and the coordinator of the British Columbia Coalition of Experimental Communities (BCCEC). Across the country, sex workers are demanding the same thing. Last week, ex-sex worker Sheryl Kiselbach took the stand in the B.C. Court of Appeals in an attempt to overturn a ruling that dismissed her constitutional challenge to prostitution laws on the basis that they intensify the dangers of sex work. A similar legal battle is being fought by dominatrix Terri-Jean Bedford and others in Ontario. Davis has taken a different route to get sex workers safely inside. The BCCEC proposed opening a cooperative brothel owned by sex workers in time for the 2010 Olympic Games. Its approval depended on an exemption from the clause criminalizing bawdy houses. The BCCEC was twice denied federal funding for such a project. Instead of supporting this groundbreaking initiative and the improved working conditions it entails, the Games are turning out to be “a disaster for sex workers in the East End and the West End,” says Davis. “The Downtown Eastside of Vancouver is really sandwiched between multiple Olympic venues, and the entire community is concerned about the influx of tourists, media, and security forces into this small community,” says Kerry Porth, executive director of Prostitution Alternatives, Counseling, and Education Society (P.A.C.E.). Porth anticipates that security, traffic restrictions, and congestion will make sex work more difficult, and speculates that this could lead to workers putting themselves in riskier situations than they otherwise would. In addition to increased dangers, the Games will not be the payday many were hoping for. “Increased security means we will be cut off from clientele,” says Davis. The period before the Olympics is turning out to be especially sparse. “People have been migrating here expecting big money for the Olympics. Right now, there’s just what money there usually is, being divided between more people,” she explains. “We’re starving.” Fry also notes concerns that an increase in the demand for sex caused by the Olympics will aggravate trafficking and exploitation. She explains that in preparation for the games, the Standing Committee on the Status
of Women met with the RCMP and Canadian Border Services, whose plans involve a public awareness campaign. BCCEC, P.A.C.E., and other organizations are providing support for sex workers during the Olympics. The Mobile Access Project van, operated by WISH Wellness Centre and P.A.C.E., will continue its services seven nights a week. The van provides nighttime services and supplies like juice, water, condoms, and clean needles for working women. And P.A.C.E. will have some food outreach for the duration of the Games, says Porth. Davis and Porth note that these organizations will be distributing media packets to prepare sex workers for the increased number of reporters in the area. These are the same packets they distributed during the Pickton trials, and they outline sex workers’ rights to refuse interviews. The packets also provide a list of questions they might be asked if they do choose to speak with reporters. Many media outlets incorrectly reported that P.A.C.E. would be holding media training for sex workers in November. “I found it very interesting that this erroneous story was picked up internationally and treated, in some cases, as some kind of a joke,” notes Porth. Even more troubling is that this inaccurate story is some of the only attention given to how the Olympics will affect sex workers.
Reactions to the brothel “Olympics or not, these women need stability and safety now,” says Davis, explaining that the proposed co-op brothel aimed to provide a clean and secure place to work, including a panic button in each room and facilities for workers to wash after entertaining clients. But BCCEC’s proposed brothel was met with diverse emotional responses. Frontline workers in the Downtown Eastside, former Vancouver mayor Sam Sullivan, MP Libby Davies, and the Vancouver Organizing Commitee for the 2010 Olympic and Paralympic Winter Games were among the project’s supporters. Opposition came from escort agencies that were threatened by organized competition, and women’s groups opposed to any sort of legitimization of sex work. In the end, Justice Minister Rob Nicholson refused the initiative. Media coverage of the debate pitted Davis against Daisy Kler of the Vancouver Rape Relief and Women’s Shelter, the brothel’s most vocal opponent. Kler told press outlets that the brothel “entrenches prostitution as legitimate, and therefore legitimatizes pimps and traffickers.” Kler ignored The Daily’s repeated requests for an interview. “The anti-brothel campaign lied about the intention of our enterprise,” says Davis. “They have misinterpreted us in so many ways, saying we are trying to profit off vulnerable women. It’s a co-op; sex workers own it; they have developed and designed it.... No one profits. We don’t want to round people up. We don’t support red light districts.” Kler’s opposition seems based in a conviction that an industry that includes exploita-
tion and human trafficking should never be legitimated or legalized. But Davis sees regulation as the only way to rid the sex industry of these deplorable aspects: “We need balance, acceptance, and transparency in the industry. We need to be able to weed out the people are exploiting [sex workers].” Davis had ambitions that the brothel could be a safe place, but also a space for celebration. Her plans included a museum and gallery showcasing the history of prostitution and showgirls, and artwork by sex workers. “We wanted sex workers to put on a play during the Games so they could connect with the cultural aspect of the Olympics,” she adds. The Olympic Games was a missed opportunity for Canada to spotlight innovative initiatives that would give sex workers security and respect. “They might have seen it as a chance to prove we are at the forefront of something.... They could have shown the world that we are doing something meaningful,” says Davis. “It’s so hard to watch us being destroyed on the international stage.” “Solicitation laws currently in the criminal code leave exploited women more vulnerable. This must be dealt with before Canada can play a leadership role,” notes Fry. It’s unfortunate Canada hasn’t yet made these necessary changes in legislation. However, the Copenhagen climate conference – which levelled a harsh blow at Denmark’s legalized sex industry – demonstrated that laws need to be coupled with an attitude of respect and acceptance. Copenhagen’s city council sent postcards to each delegate’s hotel room reading “Be Sustainable – Don’t Buy Sex.” The Sex Workers’ Interest Group fought back with a system that turned these warnings into coupons for free sex.
On the plus side Davis illustrates the innovative partnership between sex workers and the Vancouver police: “Nowhere else is there a sex worker liaison officer.” She also notes the positive steps that have been made through the two parties working together over the past few years as a result of the Sex Industry Workers Safety Action Group. Despite the disappointments that the approaching Games have brought her cause, Davis applauds the police’s interaction with sex workers in the lead-up to the Games. Due to the location of the Olympic headquarters, sex workers have been displaced from Seymour stroll, a street with some of the highest earning potential in the city, where one can make $200 to $600 per client, says Davis. “They didn’t arrest anyone; they just told them to move down the street. It’s harmful to be displaced from where they can earn a high wage, but it’s still a leap forward,” she explains. “It shows a shift from punishment to protection.” That the Women’s Memorial March is maintaining its date and route is another source of consolation. Because of the Olympics, the city initially attempted to change its itinerary. A petition was launched, which Davis notes was successful. As a result, the 14th-annual
march commemorating missing or murdered women will keep its usual schedule.
History of violence There is a correlation between high rates of violence against women and the criminalization of the peripheral activities of sex work. “The year they kicked us out of supper clubs and bars was the year the first murder took place of a sex worker,” says Davis. The communication law came into effect in 1985 and aimed to reduce the visibility of sex work in response to residents’ complaints of it being a nuisance. In “Violence and the Outlaw Status of (Street) Prostitution,” John Lowman finds a dramatic increase in the murders of sex workers after 1985. This law makes sex workers vulnerable because they cannot properly judge their potential clients. They legally cannot take time to talk in a public place and ensure that they feel secure in the situation. “There must be a change in the laws that deal with communicating for the purposes of soliciting, with living off the avails of prostitution, and with running a bawdy house,” Fry explains, citing that this was the conclusion reached by both the recent Subcommittee on Solicitation Laws, of which she was a member, and the 1985 Fraser Commission. She adds that Liberal and NDP members of the committee recommended decriminalization. Fry urges more than a constitutional amendment: “Just changing legislation is not enough; there must be a program of public awareness.” She notes that this program must work to prevent exploitation and provide assistance and tools for women who want to exit the profession.
Olympic aftermath Development in the area escalated by the Olympics creates an uncertain fate for the residents of the Downtown Eastside, where many of the city’s sex workers live and work. Plans to sell the property as condos and rental suites have quelled rumours that the community may be transplanted to the athletes’ village. However, as the high end developments of Gastown creep closer and closer to the Downtown Eastside, the survival of the community is in jeopardy. Rent will inevitably rise with property value nearby. Davis also notes that the Downtown Eastside itself is some of Vancouver’s most valuable property. “Ultimately, the area will be developed,” she says. The city has already renovated many of the old hotels in the neighbourhood. Davis says that while this improves living conditions for residents, development has been coupled with stricter rules. “They were some of the last places where [residents] could freely live, doing drugs and turning tricks,” she says. On the whole, development is positive, according to Davis. While the benefits of the Olympics are not yet palpable, she is sure they will reveal themselves in time: “I think that all the infrastructure that came with the building for the Olympics will make this into an international city. A good economy is good for sex workers.”
Opposite: Sex worker and activist Susan Davis illustrates how the Olympics have failed to bring improved working conditions or a big payday.
Letters
The McGill Daily, Thursday, January 28, 2010
12
Re: “Trapped in the sprawl” | Features | January 25
While eating and reading in the Redpath cafeteria, I was ambushed by the phrases “fetid ooze” and “congested anus,” followed closely by “cracked asphalt.” Allison MacKinnon U3 Psychology and Humanistic Studies
North Koreans’ imprisonment more than physical
The irresistible scream of mutual respect
Re: “The horrors of North Korean prisons” | Features | January 21
Re: “Multiculturalism is a sham” | Commentary | November 23
Beth Hong and Matthias Heilke’s superb article on atrocities in the North Korean prison system highlights the dangers of complacency about one of the world’s most repressive regimes. Jack Kim from HanVoice contends that humanitarian change for North Korea will not necessarily develop out of diplomacy. Instead, the authors agree with Kim’s assertion that Christian organizations and small businesses operating from within North Korea might strengthen internal reform efforts. While Christian organizations have commendably smuggled North Koreans to South Korea through circuitous Chinese and Southeast Asian routes, such efforts can assist only a small number of North Koreans. Smuggling liberates a few from the omnipresent Kim Jong-il personality cult. Still, many more remain trapped in North Korea’s all-encompassing propaganda system that contributes to the wanton destruction of human dignity and life. The toppling of North Korea must also liberate the North Korean people from their mental imprisonment. I hope that we who enjoy the liberties of a democratic society will no longer accept the inevitability of totalitarianism in North Korea. Rather, I hope that we might work toward the liberation of a long-suffering people.
Sana Saeed writes: “I’d rather live [in Canada] than anywhere else.” Exactly. So far, I have experienced no other society in which there are so many diverse cultures living with such a high degree of intercultural understanding and open-mindedness. Cultures here stay alive in very significant ways, not just by displays of dress or cuisine. For example, the Indian Students Association at McGill organizes trips to a Hindu temple for Diwali. This is certainly not a superficial show of multiculturalism, but rather indicates a deeper sense of shared belief. The many cultural organizations operating at McGill University are a microcosm of the greater Canadian mosaic. Also, the idea of “immigrant culture” is a bit misleading. The article implies that immigrants from other cultures must remain true to all aspects of their (apparent) national identities in order to indicate cultural liberality. But how immigrants perceive and maintain their original culture varies immensely. And to say that “people shed any real, sub-
Jordan Zarembo PhD III Religious Studies
As you know, in 2007, Norman Cornett was dismissed without explanation from his position at McGill University after 15 years of loyal service. I have come to know Cornett since this event. I am a teacher and an artist in Montreal. Cornett was a valuable member of my 2008 MFA thesis committee at Concordia University, and provided essential input. Since this initial encounter, he has remained a loyal and enthusiastic supporter not only to me, but to many students and artists in Montreal. He is a force for enlightened intellectual and creative development in our community like none other
Just to be clear... miscarriages of justice are legit? Re: “Justice unserved” | Commentary | January 21 So just to be clear…people who commit first-degree murder shouldn’t be sent to prison? Mookie Kideckel U2 History
McGill, explain your behaviour! Re: “Paging Doctor Cornett” | Commentary | October 8
stantial ties and practices to their cultures as generations progress” overlooks the effect of new immigrants who reinforce cultural values. The point is that immigrants in Canada are given ample freedom to practice their cultural values if they so choose; this is cultural liberality. And if the goal of education in Canada is or should be to create “a perfect citizenry,” then the teaching of multicultural values is very important. Children do not need a profound sense of understanding to see that racism is wrong, and a respectful learning environment helps. A final point. The hijab was banned in a Quebec soccer tournament. However, it is important to note the reaction to the prohibition. After Asi Asmahan was not allowed to compete, five teams including her own left the tournament. Later that year, the chairman of the federal Conservative caucus criticized the ban on hijabs in sports, along with the Liberals and the NDP. Is it really about integration versus assimilation? – indeed overlapping policies. To me, the voice for mutual respect is becoming louder, and this needs to continue. Bogdan Smarandache U3 Honours History
that I have met in Montreal. The incredible outpouring of support both from his former students and innumerable members of Montreal’s creative, political, and intellectual communities combined with the deafening silence on the part of the McGill authorities indicate that much further work must be done to ensure that there is justice for Cornett. We must insist that McGill explain their behaviour and that this story be brought out into the light of day. What type of precedent does this action set for the future treatment of professors in Canada? What’s more, what do their actions say about respect for professional and academic freedom in this country?
STOP! No more research! This guy says it’s a bad idea Re: “Grow your own building” | Sci+Tech | January 25
Oh, Doctor Cornett! ~swoon~ Re: “Paging Doctor Cornett” | Commentary | October 8
I have serious concerns about the feasibility of these “grown buildings.” First of all, there is no indication of the rate at which these buildings could be constructed, but considering this is a carbonation process that is similar to coral reef formation, it would seem that the timescale for construction would be on the order of years, as opposed to months, requiring constant nurturing and attention all along the way. Secondly and more importantly, there are no safety standards governing these organic, mono-material buildings. Limestone has no yielding properties (when compared with steel, for example) so in an earthquake situation, the buildings would probably have a propensity to fail catastrophically. Finally, our current design practices already allow the construction of buildings that are carbon neutral, and even carbon negative, utilizing recycled local materials throughout and benefiting the local economy. Your shot at the “industrial building paradigm,” especially when contrasted with these unproven technologies, is puzzling at best, and ignorant at worst.
Norman Cornett as an academic is exemplary in his sympathy to any given inter-relationship. Education to Cornett means knowing your students, knowing the world, knowing the topic at hand, and knowing the adversaries in any situation or topic, if any; and then questioning the basic nature of human experience and how it applies. He takes a stand for everyone. This openness seemingly got him in trouble at McGill, but not with the students, as his classes fired real hope for them in a troubled world. As well, Cornett’s guests from the various factions in the real world were motivated to speak the truth during dialogues, stemming from their various life styles and disciplines. They fired a new hope for all participating. As a former university professor myself, I know that Cornett has a rare gift in his particular vision, which provides stewardship to all who need it. Personally, I think McGill would profit in the long-run by renewing his position and contract. It would suggest and prove its own goodness and vision. The opposite is damaging in all directions.
Andrew Komar U3 Civil Engineering
David Sorensen Professor emeritus, Bishop’s University
I’ma wash your mouth out with soap, mister
Chartwells soup is usually absolutely exquisite, but at this time I imagined I was consuming the “fetid ooze” so coarsely discussed. Justin, I know you were writing a piece about the suburbs, but surely I can’t be the only one whose hobby is to eat whilst reading The Daily. Nauseating imagery, though effective in some contexts, must be censored and suppressed to protect the delicate tummies of the McGill student population forevermore.
Re: “Trapped in the sprawl” | Features | January 25 I write to complain about the repugnant language in Justin Scherer’s piece “Trapped in the sprawl.” While eating and reading in the Redpath cafeteria, I was ambushed by the phrases “fetid ooze” and “congested anus,” followed closely by “cracked asphalt.” Then there was the use of “perfunctory,” which also sounds like it might be a toilet word.
Allison MacKinnon U3 Psychology and Humanistic Studies
Darren Ell
Errata In the Letters section of our January 21 issue, the letter “The consistency argument ALWAYS works” was accidentally attributed to Mary Ellen Davis. The letter was actually written by Harlan Johnson, a parttime instructor at Concordia University. In the article “SSMU invested in tar sands” (News, January 25), it was incorrectly stated that Joël Pedneault
is a Daily columnist. He is in fact a Daily staff writer. In the article “Haven Books: a cheap alternative” (Commentary, January 11), it was incorrectly stated that the McGill Bookstore is “run by the same people who run Chapters and Indigo.” In fact, the Bookstore is owned and operated by McGill University and is self-financed. The Daily regrets the errors.
The Daily received more letters than it could print this issue. The rest will appear in the next issue, if you send enough. Send your letters to letters@ mcgilldaily.com from your McGill email address, and keep them to 300 words or less. The Daily does not print letters that are ableist, racist, or otherwise hateful.
14Mind&Body
ill Daily Aquil Virani | The McG
The McGill Daily, Thursday, January 28, 2010
If mealtimes are a struggle, don’t face it alone McGill’s Eating Disorder Program marks its first Awareness Week Braden Goyette The McGill Daily
M
cGill’s Eating Disorder Program (EDP) has gotten off the ground over the past year and a half, and will host its first series of Eating Disorder Awareness Week events from February 1-7. While the causes of eating disorders are complex and varied, societal pressures are usually involved. University is a place where these can come to a head; a Princeton study found that 53 per cent of patients with lifelong eating disorders say they first developed unhealthy attitudes toward food during university. “The nature of an eating disorder is that it’s very secretive and not talked about,” said Randi Fogelbaum, coordinator of McGill’s EDP. That’s partially why program staff are excited about this year’s Awareness Week – the more word gets out, the more they’ll be able to reach prospective patients who might not have realized they have a disorder or that help is available. Many students come to university with an eating disorder, said Vanessa Matic, the program nurse. According to the Canadian Pediatric Society, eating disorders are the third most common chronic illness among adolescent girls, occurring most commonly in girls
between 14 and 25 years of age. “Very often that’s when students leave their home and family…. That’s when their eating disorder gets worse because they’re not in a structured family environment with structured meals,” said Valerie Fedorowicz, the program psychiatrist. Samah Fares, the program nutritionist, said they see many students turn to food for comfort when faced with the stresses of university, and that peer pressure and body issues can be particularly acute in a university environment. “It’s a disorder that has a big cultural component. It’s not just students or this environment, it’s a pressure from all society to be thin, [the message that] that’s what’s valued for women,” said Fedorowicz. “Students at this age come to university wanting to recreate this whole circle of relationships and friends,” she added. For students with eating disorders, she said, making that happen is viewed through the lens of being thin. Being more well-liked and successful can become tied to that goal. Fighting narrow attitudes of beauty and what women’s bodies should look like is one way to combat the development of eating disorders. Though university students are vulnerable to eating disorders, EDP staff said that there are very few eating disorder programs at Canadian universities. McGill’s program takes a multidisciplinary team approach that
Possible signs and symptoms of eating disorders:
provides treatment from a number of angles, with a dietician, nurse, psychiatrist, nutritionist, and therapists on staff. The team meets to discuss and assess each new case and speaks with the student afterward to share their findings. They do four new assessments every week, and are currently seeing 50 ongoing patients. They have seen about 100 over the past year. The program offers a variety of entry points for new patients, including psychoeducation groups and meal support groups. Psychoeducation groups combine information sessions about eating disorders with aspects of a support group. In meal groups, students have a group dinner with a nutritionist followed by a discussion session, where they debrief the experience and discuss things like food groups and healthy portions. “It’s to help them have a healthy relationship with food,” said Fares. “Usually people with eating disorders have lots of anxiety around mealtime. It’s to help them feel more comfortable.” The team is planning a friends and family education session for March 11, on how to best provide support. Events planned for Awareness Week include film screenings in residences. All McGill students are welcome. Contact the EDP at 514-398-1050 or check mcgill.ca/mentalhealth/edp for more information.
–noticeable fluctuations in weight –negatively distorted body-image and intense self-criticism –severe dieting; dieting when not overweight –evasive or anxious behaviour around foods, “withdrawn or ritualized behaviour at mealtime, or secretive bingeing” (NEDA) –thinning hair or hair loss –intense preoccupation with food, weight, dieting, or exercise –eating when not physically hungry, or depriving self of food when physically hungry –notably rapid or compulsive eating –regularly going to the bathroom after meals –periods of fasting –use of laxatives, diet pills, or diuretics to lose weight –responding to stress by overeating –expressing shame and embarrassment about eating –signs of depression or irritability —compiled with information taken from the Renfrew Centre Foundation and The National Eating Disorder Association (NEDA).
If you think a friend might have an eating disorder: –Be supportive, not accusatory. The National Eating Disorder Information Centre councels to “focus on feelings and relationships, not on weight and food,” as well as to “convey concern for her/his health while still respecting their privacy.” At the same time, “don’t be afraid to upset them; talk with them,” advises the Renfrew Centre. “Don’t reject or ignore them; they need you.” Remind them you’re concerned about them, and remind them of their good qualities. –Read up on eating disorders. Knowing the facts about them can help counter myths about weight and nutrition that fuel unhealthy eating habits. –Don’t oversimplify their problems. Avoid getting into a battle of wills or a power struggle over their eating habits. “Avoid placing shame, blame, or guilt,” writes NEDA. “Do not use accusatory ‘you’ statements like, ‘You just need to eat.’” Eating disorders often develop in response to stress and unstable situations – don’t add to it. –Know the difference between being supportive and enabling self-destructive behaviour. “Be caring, but be firm,” urges NEDA. “Avoid making rules, promises, or expectations that you cannot or will not uphold. For example, ‘I promise not to tell anyone.’ Or, ‘If you do this one more time I’ll never talk to you again.’” –Practice body-positivity yourself. “Be a good role model in regard to sensible eating, exercise, and self-acceptance,” NEDA says. –Make sure your friend knows professional help is available. Though you can’t force anyone to get help or change their behaviours unless they’re willing and ready, this isn’t a problem to face alone. For more information, see NationalEatingDisorders.org, renfrew.org, nedic.on.ca, or mcgill.ca/mentalhealth/edp/helping/whattodo.
Sports
The McGill Daily, Thursday, January 28, 2010
15
Hash bash Running, drinking, and funny names Zoë Robertson The McGill Daily
A
s the daughter of a past hasher and ardently patriotic third-generation Scotsman, I felt it my filial duty to seize the opportunity to embark on my own hashing experience on the famous Scottish cultural holiday. Hashing, of course, is the outdoor run and accompanying ceremonies of the Hash House Harriers (HHH), an international running-cum-drinking group with over 1,500 local chapters and enough drinking songs to rival any university frosh crowd. This past weekend, the hash was themed in honour of Robbie Burns, the Scottish bard memorialized the world over every last Sunday of January. The community of Hash House Harriers traces its origins to Kuala Lumpur where, in 1938, a group of expatriates formed a running group to fend off their weekend hangovers. Since then, the group has grown and members can be found in virtually any metropolitan area of the globe, and even as far away as Antarctica. Membership in the community consists of a weekly run and lots of drinking. Once they’ve earned it, each member is christened with their own hash name – usually the most vulgar creation fellow hashers can come up with. Captain Canada, a prominent mem-
ber of the Montreal Hashing community, having run over 320 trails, explained the tradition. “The hash names were invented as a way for people to remain anonymous and thus to keep [their] personal lives separate and protected. In many places, members of the group may never know each other’s real names. As a general rule, ‘what goes on [on] the hash, stays on the hash.’” Foxy Lady, another Montreal hasher, described the sense of community that comes from hashing. “Almost everywhere you travel in the world you will find a Hash House Harriers group. Wherever we go on vacation, we try to join up with the local group, as they are a great source of information for the best restaurants [and] places to see. I have run with groups in Barbados, Australia, Malaysia, Singapore, Bali, Europe, Mexico, [and] the U.S.A.” Since the first International Hash – the Interhash – was held in 1978 in Hong Kong, hashers the world over have been meeting biennially in various exotic locations. The next international assembly will take place this summer in Borneo. As one of the Montreal hashers put it, it will be “one fucking great big party. Just gotta watch the snakes.” The group that greeted me at the hash was extremely amiable, infectiously enthusiastic, and expectedly vulgar. After introducing myself, I was promptly asked what my favourite position was. This information
seemed to hold as much merit (or more) as would my name or any of the usual pleasantries. The run, which migrates around the city, was in Outremont this weekend. The winding route lasted about an hour and a half. The trail, set by the “Hare” beforehand, isn’t clearly marked, and hashers cooperate to find the route using a hashing language, most notably the “On, On!” hail that has become synonymous with the HHH. The trail is marked with chalk or, when the terrain is more rugged, by shredded carrots sprinkled on the snow. The run accommodates the more athletically inclined as well as those walking, with devices such as checkpoints to allow time for stragglers to catch up while false trail leads offer their fit colleagues an added opportunity to stretch their legs. The costume for winter running typically follows a strict convention. However, in keeping with the holiday, a tartan dress-code was uniformly enforced. Having forgotten my own Robertson tartan at home, I was hospitably received with a plaid tablecloth-turned-cape to repair my foul. Though the Montreal hashing group isn’t short on vulgarity, it claims to be of a tamer ilk than others. Said Little Big Man, “Montreal is like family. I’m having sex with one of the Montreal harriets so I always enjoy hashing there.… I don’t mean it like I enjoy having sex with family, but I consider everyone in the Montreal
hash my dysfunctional siblings.” That being said, Captain Canada explained that other chapters “such as Hogtown in Toronto, are a bit more raunchy in the ceremonial aspects of the run,” noting high levels of nudity and general bawdiness. Foxy Lady agrees that “the Montral hash is a family-based group, where, depending on the location, kids and dogs are welcomed,” as are walkers, joggers, runners and even those who choose to stay at the meeting (drinking) place. “The aim of the group is to have fun and be sociable. Getting some exercise is a bonus.” Little Big Man recounted some of his more memorable hashing experiences. “Once in Hogtown, a lady who was at the hash topless actually spoke to me. I enjoyed that.... In Puerto Vallarta, a harriet named Tits Ahoy let me and Panty Ho from Montreal each touch one of her boobs for a photo. That was fun.” Captain Canada also highlighted the group’s social benefits. “It’s a great way to meet people and a lot of pretty good pairings have been made over the years. ... The hash is a fun and noncommittal way for people, regardless of profession or affiliation, to have fun and let off steam.” The run itself was only an indication of what would follow. After reaching the “ON-INN!” sign marking the end of the hash, the group
Aquil Virani | The McGill Daily
is traditionally invited to catch their breath. More importantly, the hashers quench their thirst at the final destination, in this case the home of the hare. The proceeding “circle” ceremony requires particular hashers to perform a “down-down” surrounded by the group, during which said hasher must empty their cup or pour whatever remains onto their head, to the vocal accompaniment of, to put it mildly, animated drinking songs. Newbies should expect to take at least one “down-down” as a form of initiation, though probably several more for other reasons or accusations such as tackiest costume, tripping on the course, or virtually any other conclusion the hashers come up with. To finish, the circle ceremony was headed up by a steaming haggis in honour of Sir Robbie Burns, as well as a poetry recital. The hashers are a warm group eager to welcome new members. Although my initiation into the HHH was relatively tame, my experience with the hashers of Montreal is a great memory, and one I hope to repeat soon. As Captain Canada explained, however, “when done right, there is no memory of the experience at all.” The Montreal Hash House Harriers meet every Sunday at 1 p.m. at various locations (check mhhh.ca for details); all are welcome. An approximate $7 “Hash-cash” is requested to cover beer and snacks.
16Sports
The McGill Daily, Thursday, January 28, 2010
SUCKS AND I LOVE HIM Rebeccah Hartz | The McGill Daily
Ben Foldy The McGill Daily
I
n a country often maligned for its cultural passivity, one man stands out from the crowd in the unlikely arena of sports commentary: Donald Stewart “Grapes” Cherry. Don Cherry is the host of Coach’s Corner, which airs during the first intermission of CBC’s Hockey Night in Canada. But enough with the background. It seems to be a Canadian’s patriotic duty is to have an opinion on Cherry from birth. For those of you who come from abroad – or the Canadians who might as well – I’d recommend viewing him without prejudice and forming your own opinions. This piece is intended as a defence, and you should witness Coach’s Corner on its own merits. If hockey’s not your thing and you don’t want to sit through a period of decent east coast hockey on a Saturday evening to get to the goods, feel free to YouTube him. Or – you know – just grow a pair. I kid, friends. This language of emasculation and derision is one of the trademarks of Cherry’s persona that needles so many. The man can most definitely be a jerk. He has
identified women as the only people who look away during hockey games, resulting in them being the only fans getting hit in the head by pucks. He has chastised Europeans and Quebeckers for their perceived tendency to wear visors at games, and antagonize other teams only to “turtle” (or to cower in hockey lingo) when someone fights back. He has been labeled militaristic for prioritizing time on the program to celebrate and commemorate Canadian troops in Afghanistan. He promotes some of the least socially acceptable aspects of the game – namely fighting – and stubbornly refuses to even attempt to pronounce non-English names. For these reasons and more, he has earned himself a long list of detractors. Certain hockey intellectuals hate him for his boisterous blow-hardery on topics that they waste time contemplating before speaking on. A fair share of Quebec hates him; Propagandhi hates him; women may or may not hate him; and Europeans would either sue him, elect him, or both. But with the initial deposition from the prosecution noted, I rise to defend Don Cherry. I will not, however, bother defending his misogynist streak. As we all know, Charline
Labonté – the esteemed gardien of our McGill Martlets – could deflect an errant puck into the press booth with a popcorn box, if she wanted to. And though a study proved that Europeans and Quebeckers do indeed wear visors more often, that same study also found they were less likely to commit the offenses that Cherry accused them of. There is no defence for these kinds of comments, except maybe a selective memory. But with regard to his supposed militarism – bearing in mind that I cannot attest to his activities early in the war – I find it more than defensible now. Since I’ve lived in Canada, I’ve mainly seen Cherry air pictures of recently killed Canadian soldiers at the end of his broadcasts. And his decision to devote the entire Coach’s Corner before Remembrance Day to pictures of the year’s deceased – set to bagpipes playing “Rule Britannia,” no less – was truly poignant, haunting stuff to get in the middle of a hockey game. Cherry’s teary reminders of the real costs of war on the national stage every Saturday night – with or without political commentary – is nothing to scoff at. I’d give anything for a similar memorial for American soldiers on NFL Sundays, but I come
from a country where a man was kicked out of Yankee Stadium for having the audacity to take a leak during the singing of “God Bless America.” To put things in perspective, the 1965 Life magazine that featured the portraits and names of all people killed in Vietnam in a particular week was considered a turning point in the media’s presentation of that war. Grapes does the same thing every week. Short of stopping the wars, we should at least be reminded of them when we’re most comfortable and fortunate: putting our feet up, drinking beer, and yelling at a television for one coloured shirt to put a piece of rubber in a net on a Saturday night. But mitigating that indefensible occasional misogyny or bigotry – or the debatable accusations of militarism – is the fact that he manages to be both remarkably entertaining and knowledgeable about hockey. His intermission spot is genuinely insightful, the fruitful exchange of two powerful hockey minds in Cherry and co-host Ron McLean. The talk is catered to the working classes of the hockey world. He provides advice for young players, volunteer coaches, and devoted parents seeking to improve their skills
and increase safety in hockey. And all this advice is given in the hopes of increasing access to the social mobility afforded by junior leagues, college scholarships, and professional contracts. Not to mention that Don also just wants the kids to have a good time. Don Cherry is for the kids – even those overgrown ones who get paid to play the game, as his ceaseless assaults on the league for putting its players at risk attest to. Don, like all of us, simply wants hockey to be as good as it can be – and that, let no one put asunder. Sure he’s an anachronism. When he goes, his type will haunt the game in the whispers of “oldtimers,” like the spectre of Eddie Shore. In the meantime, ignore the occasional stupidity, admire his candor, and challenge it with your own feelings on the matter. After repeated viewings, one feels as though half of his controversial comments come with a smirk that dares you (or Ron McLean) to engage, just like your uncle would at the dinner table during a political discussion. And while seemingly dismissive of criticism, we know that he secretly loves every one of us – even the pinko, warhating scum like me who just happen to love hockey.
Compendium!
The McGill Daily, Thursday, January 28, 2010
20
Lies, half-truths, and feminine hygiene
P.M. distracts with tricks, jokes Télésphore Sansouci The McGill Daily
S
tephen Harper attempted to distract voters from prorogation at an international conference this Monday by performing magic tricks and telling vulgar jokes. “Um, check this out,” said the prime minister before pretending to pull a cigarette out of his anus. Harper later returned to the stage wearing black and white facepaint to perform a KISS-style cover of “With a Little Help From My Friends.” He concluded the number by screeching “Fuck the Man!” into the microphone.
Harper’s long routine, which involved at least 30 changes of costume and over 100 yards of sequins, seemed not to spark the audience’s interest. “How come you’re here and not in Ottawa?” shouted one spectator. “Don’t you have business to do – THE BUSINESS OF DEMOCRACY, SIR?” Harper was quick on his feet, however. Undaunted: “I need to suspend democracy at home in order to expand democracy abroad. It’s as simple as that. “Do you think it’s a fucking coincidence that Parliament was supposed to reconvene on the same day I scheduled this conference?” —With notes from Egon Alvina
“Middle-class college students pose as urban gang members to promote on-campus democracy.” compendium@mcgilldaily.com
Camilla Grudova / The McGill Daily
MAXiPad: the computer that lives FOR YOU
The new Apple iPad has so many capabilities, once you buy it, you’ll live vicariously through it. Counterclockwise: iPad showering; iPad eating steak (cooked on iPad); iPad listening to iPod; iPads making out; iPad reading Marcel Proust. With your new iPad, you’ll never need to live again!
Concept: Winston Jeffries and Nadezhda Poplavskaya / Illustrations: N. Poplavskaya / The McGill Daily