AN EXHIBITION OF SONG CERAMICS 2026

AN EXHIBITION OF SONG CERAMICS 2026

宋 磁

16TH OCTOBER TO 1ST NOVEMBER 2026

MAYUYAMA & CO., LTD.

凡例: - 宋磁の「磁」は中国に於いては「瓷」を当るのが一般的だが、日本の慣例に沿って「磁」を使用することとした。尚、青磁、白磁なども 同様である。また、出川哲朗氏論文に於いては、氏の意向に沿い青磁、白磁の「磁」を「瓷」とすることとする。 - 来歴に於いて、繭山龍泉堂及び各美術商の取扱いを明記する場合、1990年以前の取扱いと確実に分かる場合のみとした。 Notes - The English terms for Song dynasty porcelain, celadon and white porcelain are referred to by different kanji characters in China: songci/qingci/baici (宋瓷/青瓷/白瓷) and in Japan: sōji/seiji/hakuji (宋磁/青磁/白磁). In this catalogue we follow the Japanese usage, except for Mr. Degawa's essay, which follows his preference for the Chinese usage qingci/baici (青瓷/白瓷). - In the case of Mayuyama & Co., Ltd. or other art dealer provenance, the art dealer is listed only in the case of pre-1990 art dealer acquisition.

序 宋磁展はこの度で三回目を迎えます。毎年催している秋の展観の中で最も人気のある企画です。 三回目となる本展では、晩唐及び五代十国、加えて清代康熙年間の単色釉磁器も合わせて展示致し ます。 安史の乱以降、急速に時代が変化していく中で、思想・文化芸術も変容していきます。晩唐法 門寺出土に代表される秘色青磁は後の規範となり、五代においても、近年発掘され話題となった せんりょう

ちょうこうこう

銭 鏐 墓出土青磁群の理想とされ、北宋末金代初期において、 張 公巷窯に多大な影響を及ぼしたの が看取されます。金代に入り耀州窯が淡い釉調に変化していくのもそういった流れの中で捉えるこ とができます。 また康熙年間の単色釉磁器は、宋磁の影響が非常に濃厚に表われており、ラインのつくり方が極 めて宋磁的にも関わらず、その器形は宋磁には無いものが多く、釉薬に関しても宋磁の釉薬に範を とりながら一歩歩を進めたようなものや、全く新しい釉調のものもあります。その独自性は清代陶 磁の中でも一線を画しており、雍正、乾隆の単色釉磁はその流れを受け継いだものです。 雍正、乾隆年間には宋代官窯を模したものも多く焼成されましたが、康熙年間は、宋磁の概念を 中心に置きながら全く新しいものを造り出そうとする、新古典主義的立場がとられ、ネオ宋磁とも 云える作品群が創造されました。これは古典を徹底的に研究した上でどのように “ 今 ” に活かすか という、我々 21 世紀に生きる人々にとりましても大変参考になる、示唆に富む試みの結果でもあ ります。 そもそも多くの美しい “ 形状 ” は、世界的にみれば紀元前 2500 年頃までにその大半が出揃って おり、これを鉱山に喩えるなら採掘がだいぶ進んだ鉱山と云えます。最初期は何処を掘っても美し い宝石が採れましたが、年代が進むにつれ、その殆どが採りつくされてしまいました。そういった 中、唐の人々も宋の人々も工夫・研鑽を重ね、新たな鉱脈を見付け出してきました。それも尽き果 てた末期鉱山において、宋代の人々が掘った鉱脈を頼りに、新たな鉱脈を見付け出したのが康熙の 人々だったのです。これは近世において快挙と云ってもよいと思います。この快挙に敬意を払い、 何故それを成しえたのかを考えることは、閉山間近を生きる我々の希望となりうるように思います。 宋磁は奥が深く様々な美の可能性を内包しています。越州窯、定窯、耀州窯、磁州窯、汝官窯、 鈞窯、南宋官窯、龍泉窯、建窯、吉州窯、それぞれがそれぞれの面白さ、魅力があります。それは 宋時代が中国全土において窯場が乱立し、やきものが隆盛したが故の地域的広がりと無縁ではない でしょう。 ご来場の方々にはそのような千紫万紅とも云うべき宋磁の美と、近世、そして現代にも繋る宋磁 の普遍的魅力を感じ取っていただければ幸いです。 令和八年十月 繭山龍泉堂 3

Introduction We are pleased to present our third exhibition on Song dynasty ceramics. These exhibitions have proven to be the most popular in our annual autumn series. In addition to Song ceramics, this exhibition includes works from the late Tang dynasty and the Five Dynasties to Ten Kingdoms period, as well as Kangxi-era monochrome porcelains of the Qing dynasty. Amid the rapid political changes that followed the An Lushan Rebellion, similar changes took place in philosophy, culture and art. Mise celadons—like those excavated from the late Tang Famen temple site—became the standard for later generations. During the Five Dynasties, the recently excavated, much-discussed celadons found in the tomb of Qian Liu indicate that mise celadons were that period's ideal, and in turn, went on to exert considerable influence on the late Northern Song to early Jin dynasty celadons produced at the Zhanggongxiang kilns. The Jin dynasty Yaozhou kilns' shift to a pale glaze tone can be seen as part of this broader aesthetic development. Song porcelains greatly influenced Kangxi-era monochrome porcelains. Although their aesthetic principles, notably their vessel silhouettes, remained firmly rooted in Song porcelain, many of their vessel shapes are not found among Song wares. In some instances their glazes modeled after Song glazes advanced a step further; while in others they created entirely new glaze tones. This distinctive quality set them apart from Qing ceramics as a whole, and their styles were then taken up and continued in Yongzheng and Qianlong era monochrome porcelains. Whereas the Yongzheng and Qianlong eras saw the production of numerous emulations of Song-dynasty imperial celadon wares, the Kangxi era took a neoclassical stance, producing completely new artistic forms all while keeping Song porcelain concepts at their core—a body of work that could be called Neo-Song porcelain. How they utilized their detailed research on the classics, how they experimented with forms in their present-day resulted in highly suggestive, fascinating concepts for our reference today in the 21st century. Most beautiful artistic forms had appeared globally before around 2500 BC. If

4

we think of those artistic forms as a mine to be worked, then we can say that the working of that mine is now far advanced. In the earliest period, beautiful jewels were dug up everywhere; as time passed, most were taken. Amid such circumstances, the artisans of the Tang and Song dynasties used ingenuity and discipline to discern and extract new veins of artistic ore. Then it was the Kangxi era that, relying on the deposits worked by their Song dynasty predecessors, discovered new deposits. This was one of the great achievements of the pre-modern era. To consider what that achievement was, and how it was accomplished, may offer us hope today, as we live near the end of that artistic mine's lifespan. Song porcelains encompass within their depths the potential for myriad forms of beauty. Yuezhou ware, Ding ware, Yaozhou ware, Cizhou ware, Ru imperial ware, Jun ware, Southern Song guan ware, Longquan ware, Jian ware, and Jizhou ware—each holds its own fascination, each its own distinctive character. Surely this feature is not unrelated to the regional expansion and establishment of numerous flourishing kilns across China during the Song dynasty. It is our greatest hope that visitors to this exhibition will experience and sense the diverse forms of beauty found in Song dynasty ceramics, and come to appreciate fully the universal appeal of Song ceramics that has endured across the modern and contemporary eras.

October 2026 Mayuyama & Co., Ltd.

5

び

く

1. 青磁魚籠形水注

越州窯

中唐〜晩唐（8 〜 9 世紀） 高 18.8 cm

幅 13.4 cm

CELADON FISH BASKET-SHAPED EWER Yuezhou ware Mid Tang–Late Tang (8th–9th centuries) H. 18.8 cm

W. 13.4 cm

6

7

2. 青磁魚籠形水注

越州窯

中唐〜晩唐（9 世紀） 高 18.6 cm

幅 13.4 cm

CELADON FISH BASKET-SHAPED EWER Yuezhou ware Mid Tang–Late Tang (9th century) H. 18.6 cm

W. 13.4 cm

8

9

3. 白磁輪花碗及び托 中唐〜晩唐（９世紀） 碗：高 4.5 cm

口径 14.2 cm

托：高 3.0 cm

径 14.7 cm

WHITE PORCELAIN FOLIATE-RIM BOWL AND STAND Mid Tang–Late Tang (9th century) Bowl: H. 4.5 cm

Mouth Dia. 14.2 cm

Stand: H. 3.0 cm Dia. 14.7 cm

10

11

12

13

4. 白磁輪花盤 「官」字銘 晩唐（9 〜 10 世紀） 高 3.2 cm

径 13.5 cm

来歴

Bluett & Sons Ltd., ロンドン.

Carl Kempe（1884 ～1967 年）旧蔵 . 所載

Gustaf Lindberg「Hsing-Yao and Ting-Yao」『The Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities』第 25 号, The Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1953 年, 図版 49, 挿図 44.

Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964 年, 図版 338.

Thomas Dexel『Frühe Keramik in China』Klinkhardt & Biermann, 1973 年, 図版 58c. Margaret Medley『T’ang Pottery and Porcelain』Faber & Faber, 1981 年, 図版 115.

WHITE PORCELAIN FOLIATE-RIM DISH WITH "GUAN" INSCRIPTION Late Tang (9th–10th centuries) H. 3.2 cm

Dia. 13.5 cm

PROVENANCE

Bluett & Sons Ltd., London.

Carl Kempe (1884 -1967) Collection. LITERATURE

Gustaf Lindberg, "Hsing-Yao and Ting-Yao," The Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, no. 25, The Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1953, pl. 49, fig. 44.

Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 338. Thomas Dexel, Frühe Keramik in China [Early Ceramics in China], Klinkhardt &

Biermann, 1973, pl. 58c. Margaret Medley, T'ang

Pottery and Porcelain, Faber & Faber, 1981, pl. 115.

14

15

5. 白磁水注

定窯

五代（10 世紀） 高 12.7 cm

幅 9.8 cm

来歴

Bluett & Sons Ltd., ロンドン.

所載

Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection』

Carl Kempe（1884 ～1967 年）旧蔵 .

Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964 年, 図版 376.

WHITE PORCELAIN EWER Ding ware

Five Dynasties period (10th century) H. 12.7 cm

W. 9.8 cm

PROVENANCE

Bluett & Sons Ltd., London.

Carl Kempe (1884 -1967) Collection.

LITERATURE

Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe

Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 376.

16

6. 白磁浄瓶

定窯

五代〜北宋（10 世紀） 高 11.1 cm 来歴

胴径 5.2 cm

Carl Kempe（1884 ～1967 年）旧蔵 .

出展 「The Arts of the T’ang Dynasty」The Oriental Ceramic Society, ロンドン,

1955 年, no. 191.

所載 『Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society. 1954, 1955. Vol 29』The

Oriental Ceramic Society, 1957 年, pl. 34.

Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964 年, 図版 296.

『Kinesiska Keramiska Mästerverk』The Museum of Art and Far Eastern Antiquities, Ulricehamn, 2002 年, 図版 505.

WHITE PORCELAIN KUNDIKA Ding ware

Five Dynasties period–Nothern Song dynasty (10th century) H. 11.1 cm

Torso Dia. 5.2 cm

PROVENANCE

Carl Kempe (1884 -1967) Collection.

The Arts of the T’ang Dynasty, The Oriental Ceramic Society, London, 1955, no. 191. EXHIBITED

LITERATURE

Transactions of the Oriental Ceramic Society. 1954, 1955. Vol 29,

The Oriental Ceramic Society, 1957 年, pl. 34.

Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 296.

Kinesiska Keramiska Mästerverk [Chinese Ceramic Treasures], The Museum of Art and Far Eastern Antiquities, Ulricehamn, 2002, pl. 505.

17

7. 青磁瓢形瓶

越州窯

晩唐〜五代（9 〜 10 世紀） 高 12.2 cm

胴径 9.3 cm

来歴

H. Wilfried Pemberton 旧蔵 .

CELADON GOURD-SHAPED JAR Yuezhou ware Late Tang–Five Dynasties period (9th–10th centuries) H. 12.2 cm

Torso Dia. 9.3 cm

PROVENANCE

H. Wilfried Pemberton Collection.

18

19

8. 青磁盒子

越州窯

五代（10 世紀） 高 3.2 cm

径 8.5 cm

CELADON BOX AND COVER Yuezhou ware

Five Dynasties period (10th century) H. 3.2 cm

Dia. 8.5 cm

20

9. 青磁四耳壺

越州窯

五代〜北宋（10 世紀） 高 11.4 cm

胴径 11.4 cm

CELADON JAR WITH FOUR LUGS Yuezhou ware

Five Dynasties period–Northern Song dynasty (10th century) H. 11.4 cm

Torso Dia. 11.4 cm

21

10. 白地褐彩花文盒子

耀州窯

晩唐（9 世紀） 高 4.0 cm

径 6.3 cm

BOX AND COVER WITH FLOWER DESIGN IN BROWN GLAZE Yaozhou ware

Late Tang (9th century) H. 4.0 cm

Dia. 6.3 cm

22

11. 青磁輪花鉢

耀州窯

五代（10 世紀） 高 7.0 cm

口径 16.4 cm

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM BOWL Yaozhou ware

Five Dynasties period (10th century) H. 7.0 cm

Mouth Dia. 16.4 cm

23

12. 青磁碗

耀州窯もしくは耀州窯系

北宋（10 世紀） 高 4.0 cm

口径 13.6 cm

来歴

Horatia Stern 旧蔵 .

CELADON BOWL Yaozhou ware or Yaozhou ware type Northern Song dynasty (10th century) H. 4.0 cm

Mouth Dia. 13.6 cm

PROVENANCE

Horatia Stern Collection.

24

25

13. 青磁輪花杯

耀州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 6.7 cm 来歴

口径 11.5 cm

Emil Hultmark（1872 ～1943 年）旧蔵 .

出展 「Utställning av Äldre Kinesiskt Konsthantverk ur

Svenska Samlingar」Nationalmuseum, ストックホルム, 1928 年, no. 212.

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM CUP Yaozhou ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 6.7 cm

Mouth Dia. 11.5 cm

PROVENANCE EXHIBITED

Emil Hultmark (1872 -1943) Collection.

Utställning av Äldre Kinesiskt Konsthantverk ur

Svenska Samlingar [Exhibition of Older Chinese Crafts from

Swedish Collections], Nationalmuseum, Stockholm, 1928, no. 212.

26

14. 青磁碗

耀州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 7.0 cm

口径 14.3 cm

CELADON BOWL Yaozhou ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 7.0 cm

Mouth Dia. 14.3 cm

27

15. 青磁刻花牡丹文盤

耀州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 4.5 cm

径 18.3 cm

来歴

John Sparks Ltd., ロンドン, 1944 年1月.

Reginald（1898 ～1970 年）and Lena（1900 ～1981 年）Palmer 旧蔵 .

CELADON DISH WITH CARVED PEONY DESIGN Yaozhou ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 4.5 cm

Dia. 18.3 cm

PROVENANCE

John Sparks Ltd., London, January 1944.

Reginald (1898 -1970) and Lena (1900 -1981) Palmer Collection.

28

29

16. 青磁印花花文盤

耀州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 1.9 cm 来歴

径 9.7 cm

Spink & Son Ltd., ロンドン.

CELADON DISH WITH MOLDED FLOWER DESIGN Yaozhou ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 1.9 cm

Dia. 9.7 cm

PROVENANCE

Spink & Son Ltd., London.

30

17. 青磁刻花碗

臨汝窯

北宋（10 〜 11 世紀） 高 6.4 cm

口径 11.8 cm

CELADON BOWL WITH CARVED DESIGN Linru ware

Northern Song dynasty (10th–11th centuries) H. 6.4 cm

Mouth Dia. 11.8 cm

31

18. 白磁盤

定窯

北宋（11 世紀） 高 2.4 cm

径 13.8 cm

来歴

Stephen Junkunc Ⅲ（1905 ～1978 年）旧蔵 . 出展

「かたちのチカラ 素材で魅せる」根津美術館, 2022 年, no. 14.

WHITE PORCELAIN DISH Ding ware Northern Song dynasty (11th century) H. 2.4 cm

Dia. 13.8 cm

PROVENANCE

Stephen Junkunc Ⅲ (1905 -1978) Collection. EXHIBITED

The Power of Form: Captivating Material, Nezu Museum, Tokyo, 2022, no. 14.

32

33

19. 白磁輪花盤

定窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 5.0 cm

径 17.8 cm

来歴

Bluett & Sons, Ltd., ロンドン.

Emil Hultmark（1872 ～1943 年）旧蔵 .

WHITE PORCELAIN FOLIATE-RIM DISH Ding ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 5.0 cm

Dia. 17.8 cm

PROVENANCE

Bluett & Sons, Ltd., London.

Emil Hultmark (1872 -1943) Collection.

34

せつ

20. 白磁碟 一対

定窯

北宋（11 世紀） 左：高 1.4 cm

径 9.5 cm

右：高 1.5 cm

径 9.4 cm

来歴

Norton, ロンドン, 1937 年 5月.

Reginald Howard Reed Palmer（1898 ～1970 年）旧蔵 .

PAIR OF WHITE PORCELAIN DISHES Ding ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th century) Left: H. 1.4 cm Dia. 9.5 cm Right: H. 1.5 cm Dia. 9.4 cm PROVENANCE

Norton, London, May 1937.

Reginald Howard Reed Palmer (1898 -1970) Collection.

21. 白磁印花花文盒子

定窯

北宋（10 〜 11 世紀） 高 3.0 cm

幅 6.2 cm

出展 「 「盒」—東アジアのふたもの—」和泉市久保惣記念

美術館, 1984 年, no. 46.

WHITE PORCELAIN BOX AND COVER WITH MOLDED FLOWER DESIGN Ding ware

Northern Song dynasty (10th–11th centuries) H. 3.0 cm EXHIBITED

W. 6.2 cm Gō—Higashiajia no Futamono [East

Asia’s Lidded Boxes], Kuboso Memorial Museum of Arts, Izumi, 1984, no. 46.

35

22. 白磁瓜形龍口水注

定窯

北宋（11 世紀） 高 17.3 cm

幅 13.1 cm

WHITE PORCELAIN MELON-SHAPED EWER WITH DRAGON-SHAPED SPOUT Ding ware Northern Song dynasty (11th century) H. 17.3 cm

W. 13.1 cm

36

37

23. 白磁刻劃花魚文盤

定窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 2.0 cm

径 15.4 cm

来歴

繭山龍泉堂 .

WHITE PORCELAIN DISH WITH CARVED AND INCISED FISH DESIGN Ding ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 2.0 cm

Dia. 15.4 cm

PROVENANCE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo.

38

39

24. 白磁刻劃花波魚文鉢

定窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 5.2 cm

口径 17.2 cm

来歴

C. T. Loo & Co., ニューヨーク , 1951年 1月25日.

William B. Jaffe （1904 ～1972 年）and Evelyn Annenberg Jaffe Hall （1911 ～2005 年）旧蔵 .

WHITE PORCELAIN BOWL WITH CARVED AND INCISED WAVE AND FISH DESIGN Ding ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 5.2 cm

Mouth Dia. 17.2 cm

PROVENANCE

C. T. Loo & Co., New York, 25 January 1951.

William B. Jaffe (1904 -1972) and Evelyn Annenberg Jaffe Hall (1911-2005) Collection.

40

41

25. 白磁刻花蓮華文杯

定窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 4.5 cm

口径 10.1 cm

来歴

Mathias Komor, ニューヨーク .

Eugene（1896 ～1982 年）and Elva Bernat 旧蔵 .

Sotheby’s ニューヨーク, 1980 年 11月7日, lot 102. J. J. Lally, ニューヨーク. 出展

「Chinese Ceramics of the Sung Dynasty (960 -1279), from the Collection of Mr. and Mrs. Eugene Bernat」Currier Museum of Art, マンチェスター, ニューハンプシャー, 1959 年, no. 14.

「Chinese Art. An Exhibition of Paintings, Jades, Bronzes and Ceramics」Smith College Museum of Art, ノーサンプトン, マサチューセッツ, 1962 年.

「Brush & Clay: Paintings by Robert Ferris, Chinese Ceramics of the Song Dynasty from the Artist’s Collection」J. J. Lally, ニューヨーク , 1997 年.

「宋磁 神品とよばれたやきもの」東武美術館, 大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館, 山口県立萩美術館・浦上記念館, 1999 年, no. 33.

「東京美術倶楽部百周年記念 大いなる遺産 美の伝統」東京美術倶楽部, 2006 年, no. 鑑賞陶器 28. み

「中国陶磁 美を鑑るこころ」泉屋博古館分館, 2006 年, no. 18.

WHITE PORCELAIN CUP WITH CARVED LOTUS FLOWER DESIGN Ding ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 4.5 cm

Mouth Dia. 10.1 cm

PROVENANCE

Mathias Komor, New York.

Eugene (1896 -1982) and Elva Bernat Collection. Sotheby's New York, 7 November 1980, lot 102. J. J. Lally, New York. EXHIBITED

Chinese Ceramics of the Sung Dynasty (960 -1279), from the Collection of Mr. and Mrs. Eugene Bernat, Currier Museum of Art, Manchester, New Hampshire, 1959, no. 14.

Chinese Art. An Exhibition of Paintings, Jades, Bronzes and Ceramics, Smith College Museum of Art, Northampton, Massachusetts, 1962.

Brush & Clay: Paintings by Robert Ferris, Chinese Ceramics of the Song Dynasty from the Artist's Collection, J. J. Lally, New York, 1997.

Song Ceramics, Tobu Museum of Art, Tokyo, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, Hagi Uragami Museum, Hagi, 1999, no. 33.

The Grand Heritage: A Tradition of Beauty in Commemoration of the 100th Year of the

Establishment of the Tokyo Bijutsu Club, Tokyo Art Club, Tokyo, 2006, no. Ceramics for Appreciation 28.

Chinese Ceramics, Enlightening through Beauty, Sen-oku Hakukokan, Tokyo, 2006, no. 18.

42

43

26. 白磁刻花捻花文杯

定窯

北宋〜金（12 世紀） 高 4.2 cm

口径 13.1 cm

来歴

繭山龍泉堂 .

臨宇山人旧蔵 .

WHITE PORCELAIN CUP WITH CARVED TWISTING FLOWER DESIGN Ding ware Northern Song–Jin dynasties (12th century) H. 4.2 cm

Mouth Dia. 13.1 cm

PROVENANCE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo. Linyushanren Collection.

44

45

27. 白磁印花唐草文鉢

定窯

北宋（12 世紀） 高 6.1 cm

口径 20.5 cm

来歴

繭山龍泉堂 .

佐野友二（1910 ～1987 年）旧蔵 . 壺中居 . 出展

「東洋館開館記念 東洋美術展」東京国立博物館, 1968 年, no. 400. み

「中国陶磁 美を鑑るこころ」泉屋博古館分館, 2006 年, no. 20.

「中国陶磁名品展—イセコレクションの至宝—」石川県立美術館, 2012 年, no. 29.

「Porcelaine. Chefs-d'œuvre de la Collection Ise」Musée National des arts Asiatiques-Guimet, パリ, 2017 年, no. 11.

「イセコレクション 世界を魅了した中国陶磁」大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館, 2017 年, no. 20.

「第二回特別観賞会 イセコレクション 中国陶磁 唐、北宋、南宋、元、明、清」繭山龍泉堂 , 2019 年. 所載

小山冨士夫『陶器講座 第 6 巻 中国 Ⅱ 宋』雄山閣出版, 1971 年, 図版８（上）. 繭山龍泉堂『龍泉集芳 第一集』便利堂 , 1976 年, 図版 388.

Christian Boehm「A Tea Master's Vision: Chinese Ceramics from the Ise Collection」 『Arts of Asia』vol. 48 no. 4, Arts of Asia Publications, 2018 年 7-8月, 挿図 7.

WHITE PORCELAIN BOWL WITH MOLDED SCROLL DESIGN Ding ware

Northern Song dynasty (12th century) H. 6.1 cm

Mouth Dia. 20.5 cm

PROVENANCE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo.

Sano Tomoji (1910 -1987) Collection. Kochukyo, Tokyo. EXHIBITED

Tōyōkan Kaikan Kinen Tōyō Bijutsuten [East Asian Art Exhibition Commemorating the Opening of the Asian Gallery], Tokyo National Museum, Tokyo, 1968, no. 400.

Chinese Ceramics, Enlightening through Beauty, Sen-oku Hakukokan, Tokyo, 2006, no. 20.

Masterpieces of Chinese Ceramic Art Exhibition – Treasure of Ise Collection, Ishikawa Prefectural Museum of Art, Kanazawa, 2012, no. 29.

Porcelaine: Chefs-d'œuvre de la Collection Ise [Porcelain: Masterpieces from the Ise Collection], Musée National des arts Asiatiques-Guimet, Paris, 2017, no. 11.

The Enchanting Chinese Ceramics from the Ise Collection, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, Osaka, 2017, no. 20.

Dainikai Tokubetsu Kanshōkai Ise Korekushon Chūgoku Tōji Tō Hokusō Nansō Gen Min Shin [Second

Special Viewing Session of the Ise Collection, Tang, Northern Song, Southern Song, Yuan, Ming, Qing], Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo, 2019. LITERATURE

Koyama Fujio, ChūgokuⅡ Sō [China Ⅱ Song] vol. 6 from the series Tōki Kōza [Lectures on Pottery], Yuzankaku Shuppan, 1971, pl. 8 (above). Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Mayuyama Seventy Years Volume One, Benrido, 1976, pl. 388.

Christian Boehm, "A Tea Master's Vision: Chinese Ceramics from the Ise Collection," Arts of Asia vol. 48 no. 4, Arts of Asia Publications, July/August 2018, fig. 7.

46

47

28. 白磁刻劃花龍牡丹文輪花鉢

定窯

北宋〜金（12 世紀） 高 6.8 cm

口径 20.6 cm

WHITE PORCELAIN FOLIATE-RIM BOWL WITH CARVED AND INCISED DRAGON AND PEONY DESIGN Ding ware Northern Song–Jin dynasties (12th century) H. 6.8 cm

Mouth Dia. 20.6 cm

48

49

かん

29. 白搔落唐草文罐

磁州窯もしくは磁州窯系

北宋（11 世紀） 高 12.7 cm

胴径 12.3 cm

来歴

Dikran G. Kelekian（1867 ～1951 年）旧蔵 . 出展

Musée des Arts Décoratifs, パリ, 1914 年.

「The Kelekian Collection of Ancient Chinese Potteries」The Art Institute of Chicago, シカゴ, 1917 年, no. 16.

Cleveland Museum of Art, クリーブランド, 1931～1948 年. 所載

Henri Rivière『La Céramique dans l'Art d'Extrême-Orient, TomeⅠ』Albert Lévy, 1923 年, 図版 29b.

WHITE SLIP JAR WITH SGRAFFITO SCROLL DESIGN Cizhou ware or Cizhou ware type Northern Song dynasty (11th century) H. 12.7 cm

Torso Dia. 12.3 cm

PROVENANCE

Dikran G. Kelekian (1867-1951) Collection. EXHIBITED

Musée des Arts Décoratifs, Paris, 1914.

The Kelekian Collection of Ancient Chinese Potteries, The Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago, 1917, no. 16.

Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland, 1931-1948. LITERATURE

Henri Rivière, La Céramique dans

l'Art d'Extrême-Orient, Tome Ⅰ [Ceramics in Far Eastern Art, vol.Ⅰ], Albert Lévy, 1923, pl. 29b.

50

51

30. 白搔落牡丹唐草文花形広口壺

磁州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 7.6 cm

口径 13.5 cm

来歴

Dikran G. Kelekian（1867 ～1951 年）旧蔵 . 出展

Musée des Arts Décoratifs, パリ, 1914 年.

「The Kelekian Collection of Ancient Chinese Potteries」The Art Institute of Chicago, シカゴ, 1917 年. Cleveland Museum of Art, クリーブランド , 1931 ～1948 年.

WHITE SLIP FOLIATE-RIM JAR WITH SGRAFFITO PEONY SCROLL DESIGN Cizhou ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 7.6 cm

Mouth Dia. 13.5 cm

PROVENANCE

Dikran G. Kelekian (1867-1951) Collection. EXHIBITED

Musée des Arts Décoratifs, Paris, 1914.

The Kelekian Collection of Ancient Chinese Potteries, The Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago, 1917. Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland, 1931-1948.

52

53

31. 白地黒搔落牡丹文梅瓶

磁州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 29.3 cm

胴径 18.2 cm

WHITE SLIP MEIPING JAR WITH BLACK SCRAFFITO PEONY DESIGN Cizhou ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 29.3 cm

Torso Dia. 18.2 cm

54

55

32. 白釉劃花牡丹詩文枕 「緑葉迎風長、黄花挟月開、香因青裏得、甜向苦中来」 磁州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 11.4 cm 来歴

長 28.5 cm

平野古陶軒, 1955 年.

雨宮氏旧蔵 .

WHITE SLIP PILLOW WITH INCISED PEONY AND POEM DESIGN "Green leaves stretch long in the welcoming breeze, yellow flowers bloom, embracing the moon. Fragrance is found deep within the green, and sweetness comes forth from the heart of bitterness." Cizhou ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 11.4 cm

L. 28.5 cm

PROVENANCE Hirano Kotoken, Tokyo, 1955. Amemiya Family Collection.

56

33. 白釉劃花花文洗

磁州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 8.3 cm 来歴

径 29.8 cm

四代 山口吉郎兵衛（1883 ～1951 年）旧蔵 .

WHITE SLIP BASIN WITH INCISED FLOWER DESIGN Cizhou ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 8.3 cm PROVENANCE

Dia. 29.8 cm Yamaguchi Kichirobei Ⅳ (1883 -

1951) Collection.

57

きょろく

34. 白釉洗（鉅鹿） 磁州窯 北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 12.1 cm

径 37.4 cm

来歴

山口謙四郎（1886 ～1957 年）旧蔵 . 出展

大阪市立美術館（付属札による）.

WHITE SLIP BASIN ( JULU TYPE) Cizhou ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 12.1 cm

Dia. 37.4 cm

PROVENANCE

Yamaguchi Kenshirō (1886 -1957) Collection. EXHIBITED

Osaka City Museum of Fine Arts, Osaka, according to accompanying label.

58

59

35. 白釉水注（鉅鹿） 磁州窯 北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 24.0 cm

幅 14.0 cm

来歴

Frederick M. Mayer（1899 ～1974 年）旧蔵 .

Christie’s ロンドン, 1974 年 6月24日, lot 41. 藤本能道（1919 ～1992 年）箱書 .

WHITE SLIP EWER ( JULU TYPE) Cizhou ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 24.0 cm

W. 14.0 cm

PROVENANCE

Frederick M. Mayer (1899 -1974) Collection. Christie's London, 24 June 1974, lot 41.

Box inscription by Fujimoto Yoshimichi (1919 -1992).

60

61

36. 白釉碗（鉅鹿） 磁州窯 北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 8.1 cm

口径 17.3 cm

来歴

Dikran G. Kelekian（1867 ～1951 年）旧蔵 . 出展

Musée des arts Décoratifs, パリ, 1914 年.

「The Kelekian Collection of Ancient Chinese Potteries」The Art Institute of Chicago, シカゴ, 1917 年, no. 32.

Cleveland Museum of Art, クリーブランド, 1931～1948 年. 所載

Henri Rivière『La Céramique dans l'Art d'Extrême-Orient, TomeⅠ』Albert Lévy, 1923 年, 図版 28a.

WHITE SLIP BOWL ( JULU TYPE) Cizhou ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 8.1 cm

Mouth Dia. 17.3 cm

PROVENANCE

Dikran G. Kelekian (1867-1951) Collection. EXHIBITED

Musée des Arts Décoratifs, Paris, 1914.

The Kelekian Collection of Ancient Chinese Potteries, The Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago, 1917, no. 32.

Cleveland Museum of Art, Cleveland, 1931-1948. LITERATURE

Henri Rivière, La Céramique dans l'Art d'Extrême-Orient,

Tome Ⅰ [Ceramics in Far Eastern Art, vol.Ⅰ], Albert Lévy, 1923, pl. 28a.

62

63

37. 白釉燭台（鉅鹿） 磁州窯 北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 17.6 cm

径 18.7 cm

来歴

Russell M. Tyson（1867 ～1963 年）旧蔵 .

The Art Institute of Chicago に寄贈 , シカゴ, 1964 年.

WHITE SLIP LAMP STAND ( JULU TYPE) Cizhou ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 17.6 cm

Dia. 18.7 cm

PROVENANCE

Russell M. Tyson (1867-1963) Collection.

Gift to The Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago, 1964.

64

65

38. 白釉長頸瓶（鉅鹿） 磁州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 20.8 cm 来歴

胴径 13.1 cm

繭山龍泉堂 .

WHITE SLIP LONG NECK VASE ( JULU TYPE) Cizhou ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 20.8 cm

Torso Dia. 13.1 cm

PROVENANCE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo.

66

39. 白釉褐彩双耳壺

磁州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 10.4 cm 来歴

胴径 11.0 cm

繭山龍泉堂 .

WHITE SLIP JAR WITH TWO LUGS AND DESIGN IN BROWN GLAZE Cizhou ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 10.4 cm

Torso Dia. 11.0 cm

PROVENANCE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo.

40. 白釉褐彩鉢

磁州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 10.2 cm

胴径 13.6 cm

WHITE SLIP JAR WITH DESIGN IN BROWN GLAZE Cizhou ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 10.2 cm

Torso Dia. 13.6 cm

67

41. 白釉白絵唐草文壺

磁州窯系

金（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 19.5 cm

胴径 23.9 cm

来歴

四代 山口吉郎兵衛（1883 ～1951 年）旧蔵 .

WHITE SLIP JAR WITH SCROLL DESIGN IN WHITE SLIP Cizhou ware type Jin dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 19.5 cm

Torso Dia. 23.9 cm

PROVENANCE

Yamaguchi Kichirobei Ⅳ (1883 -1951) Collection.

68

69

42. 白釉輪花碗（鉅鹿） 銘「静夜」 磁州窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 6.8 cm

口径 12.7 cm

来歴 伝鉅鹿出土 . 浅川伯教（1884 ～1964 年）旧蔵 .

WHITE SLIP FOLIATE-RIM BOWL ( JULU TYPE), KNOWN AS “SEIYA" Cizhou ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 6.8 cm

Mouth Dia. 12.7 cm

PROVENANCE Reported to have been excavated at Julu. Asakawa Noritaka (1884 -1964) Collection.

70

43. 白釉碗（鉅鹿） 磁州窯 北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 8.7 cm 来歴

口径 16.7 cm

Adam Breuer（1868 ～1944 年）旧蔵 .

WHITE SLIP BOWL ( JULU TYPE) Cizhou ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 8.7 cm

Mouth Dia. 16.7 cm

PROVENANCE

Adam Breuer (1868 -1944) Collection.

44. 白釉木瓜形壺（鉅鹿） 磁州窯 北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 9.5 cm 来歴

胴径 14.3 cm

Colonel R. J. H（1910 ～1983 年）旧蔵 .

WHITE SLIP MELON-SHAPED JAR ( JULU TYPE) Cizhou ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 9.5 cm

Torso Dia. 14.3 cm

PROVENANCE

Colonel R. J. H. (1910 -1983) Collection.

71

45. 白釉緑彩鶏冠壺 遼（11 世紀） 高 37.5 cm

胴径 16.4 cm

来歴

矢橋六郎（1905 ～1988 年）旧蔵（付属資料による）. 所載

座右寶刊行会編『世界陶磁全集 第 10 巻 宋遼編』河出書房, 1955 年, 図版 126.

座右寶刊行会編『世界陶磁全集 第十巻 中國 宋遼編』河出書房新社 , 1961 年, 図版 126.

鈴木敬 , 小山冨士夫編『世界美術全集 第 16 巻 中国（5）宋・元』角川書店 , 1965 年, 挿図 133.

黒田源次 , 杉村勇造著, 小山冨士夫監修『陶器全集 遼の陶磁 第 14 巻』平凡社 , 1968 年, 図版 2. 杉村勇造『陶磁大系 遼の陶磁 第四〇巻』平凡社 , 1974 年, 図版 2.

WHITE SLIP COCKSCOMB FLASK WITH DESIGN IN GREEN GLAZE Liao dynasty (11th century) H. 37.5 cm

Torso Dia. 16.4 cm

PROVENANCE

Yabashi Rokurō (1905 -1988) Collection, according to accompanying card. LITERATURE

The Zauho Press (eds.), Sō Ryō Hen [Song Liao] vol. 10 from the series Sekai Tōji Zenshū, Catalogue of World’s Ceramics, Kawade Shobo, 1955, pl. 126.

The Zauho Press (eds.), Sō Ryō Hen [Song Liao] vol. 10 from the series Collection of World’s Ceramics, Kawade Shobo Shinsha, 1961, pl. 126. Suzuki Kei, Koyama Fujio (eds.), Chūgoku (5) Sō Gen [China (5) Song Yuan] vol. 16 from the

series Sekai Bijutsu Zenshū [Art

of the World], Kadokawa Shoten, 1965, fig. 133.

Kuroda Genji, Sugimura

Yūzō (authors), Koyama Fujio

(supervisor), Ryō no Tōji [Liao Ceramics] vol. 14 from the

series Tōki Zenshū [Complete Collection of Pottery],

Heibonsha, 1968, pl. 2.

Sugimura Yūzō, Ryō no Tōji [Liao Ceramics] vol. 40 from the series Tōji Taikei [Great Lineage of

Pottery], Heibonsha, 1974, pl. 2.

72

73

46. 緑釉瓶

遼（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 34.3 cm

胴径 12.6 cm

来歴 繭山龍泉堂 .

GREEN GLAZED VASE

Liao dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 34.3 cm

Torso Dia. 12.6 cm

PROVENANCE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo. 74

ひ のう こ

47. 褐釉皮嚢壺

遼（11 世紀） 高 30.7 cm

胴径 13.2 cm

AMBER GLAZED LEATHER BAG-SHAPED FLASK

Liao dynasty (11th century) H. 30.7 cm

Torso Dia. 13.2 cm

75

48. 黒釉褐彩碗 北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 7.0 cm

口径 10.6 cm

来歴

George Eumorfopoulos（1863 ～1939 年）旧蔵 . 所載

R. L. Hobson『The George Eumorfopoulos Collection Catalogue of the Chinese, Corean and Persian Pottery and Porcelain Volume Two from T’ang to Ming』Ernest Benn, Ltd., 1926 年, pl. 58, no. B231.

BLACK GLAZED BOWL WITH DESIGN IN IRON-BROWN Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 7.0 cm

Mouth Dia. 10.6 cm

PROVENANCE

George Eumorfopoulos (1863 -1939) Collection. LITERATURE

R. L. Hobson, The George Eumorfopoulos Collection Catalogue of the Chinese, Corean and Persian Pottery and Porcelain Volume Two from T’ang to Ming, Ernest Benn, Ltd., 1926, pl. 58, no. B231.

76

77

78

79

49. 黒釉褐彩碗

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 5.6 cm

口径 12.0 cm

BLACK GLAZED BOWL WITH DESIGN IN IRON-BROWN

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 5.6 cm

Mouth Dia. 12.0 cm

80

50. 褐釉長頸瓶

当陽峪窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 9.8 cm

胴径 5.0 cm

BROWN GLAZED LONG NECK VASE Dangyangyu ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 9.8 cm

Torso Dia. 5.0 cm

81

51. 白磁輪花盤

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 世紀） 高 2.9 cm

径 14.4 cm

来歴 Carl Kempe（1884 ～1967 年）旧蔵 .

所載 Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe

Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964 年, 図版 369.

WHITE PORCELAIN FOLIATE-RIM DISH Jingdezhen ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th century) H. 2.9 cm PROVENANCE LITERATURE

Dia. 14.4 cm Carl Kempe (1884 -1967) Collection. Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl

Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 369.

82

52. 白磁捻花文盒子

当陽峪窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 5.5 cm

胴径 6.5 cm

来歴 Carl Kempe（1884 ～1967 年）旧蔵 .

所載 Bo Gyllensvärd『Chinese Ceramics in the Carl Kempe

Collection』Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964 年, 図版 490.

WHITE PORCELAIN BOX AND COVER WITH TWISTING FLOWER DESIGN Dangyangyu ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 5.5 cm

Torso Dia. 6.5 cm

PROVENANCE

Carl Kempe (1884 -1967) Collection. Bo Gyllensvärd, Chinese Ceramics in the Carl

LITERATURE

Kempe Collection, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1964, pl. 490.

83

53. 白釉鉄絵杯及び托

当陽峪窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 杯：

高 3.1 cm

杯台：高 2.1 cm

口径 6.2 cm 径 7.0 cm

来歴

繭山龍泉堂 .

84

WHITE SLIP CUP AND STAND WITH DESIGN IN IRON-BLACK Dangyangyu ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) Cup: H. 3.1 cm

Mouth Dia. 6.2 cm

Stand: H. 2.1 cm

Dia. 7.0 cm

PROVENANCE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo.

85

54. 白釉鉄絵瓢形瓶

当陽峪窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 11.3 cm 来歴

胴径 5.7 cm

赤星五郎（1897 ～1966 年）旧蔵 .

安田靫彦（1884 ～1978 年）旧蔵 .

WHITE SLIP GOURD-SHAPED JAR WITH DESIGN IN IRON-BLACK Dangyangyu ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 11.3 cm

Torso Dia. 5.7 cm

PROVENANCE

Akaboshi Gorō (1897-1966) Collection.

Yasuda Yukihiko (1884 -1978) Collection.

86

55. 白釉鉄絵水注

当陽峪窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 6.9 cm

幅 4.5 cm

WHITE SLIP EWER WITH DESIGN IN IRON-BLACK Dangyangyu ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 6.9 cm

W. 4.5 cm

56. 褐釉白絵壺

当陽峪窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 3.6 cm

胴径 4.9 cm

BROWN GLAZED JAR WITH DESIGN IN WHITE SLIP Dangyangyu ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 3.6 cm

Torso Dia. 4.9 cm

87

し

57. 白磁 觶 磁州窯系

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 12.8 cm

胴径 7.8 cm

来歴 アメリカ個人旧蔵 .

WHITE PORCELAIN WINE CUP Cizhou ware type

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 12.8 cm

Torso Dia. 7.8 cm

PROVENANCE

Private Collection, USA.

88

58. 白磁印花蓮華文鉢

北宋〜金（12 世紀） 高 7.6 cm

口径 17.0 cm

来歴 Marianne Densmore（1892 ～1969 年）旧蔵 .

WHITE PORCELAIN BOWL WITH MOLDED LOTUS FLOWER DESIGN

Northern Song–Jin dynasties (12th century) H. 7.6 cm

Mouth Dia. 17.0 cm

PROVENANCE

Marianne Densmore (1892 -1969) Collection.

89

59. 青白磁面取八角有蓋瓶

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 18.4 cm

胴径 7.7 cm

来歴

Bluett & Sons Ltd., ロンドン.

QINGBAI FACETED OCTAGONAL JAR AND LID Jingdezhen ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 18.4 cm

Torso Dia. 7.7 cm

PROVENANCE

Bluett & Sons Ltd., London.

90

91

60. 青白磁輪花高足杯

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 6.9 cm

口径 11.6 cm

来歴

Sotheby’s ロンドン, 1931 年.

Edward Copleston Radcliffe（1898 ～1967 年）旧蔵 . 出展

「Chinese Exhibition」National Gallery of South Africa, ケープタウン, 1953 年（ラベルによる） .

QINGBAI FOLIATE-RIM STEM CUP Jingdezhen ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 6.9 cm

Mouth Dia. 11.6 cm

PROVENANCE

Sotheby's London, 1931.

Edward Copleston Radcliffe (1898 -1967) Collection. EXHIBITED

Chinese Exhibition, National Gallery of South Africa, Cape Town, 1953, according to attached label.

92

93

61. 青白磁碗

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 世紀） 高 5.7 cm

口径 12.6 cm

来歴 アイルランド個人旧蔵 .

QINGBAI BOWL Jingdezhen ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th century) H. 5.7 cm

Mouth Dia. 12.6 cm

PROVENANCE

Private Collection, Ireland.

94

62. 青白磁劃花花文碗

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 4.0 cm

口径 12.1 cm

QINGBAI BOWL WITH INCISED FLOWER DESIGN Jingdezhen ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 4.0 cm

Mouth Dia. 12.1 cm

95

63. 青白磁瓜形盒子

景徳鎮窯

南宋（12 世紀） 高 6.4 cm

径 13.0 cm

QINGBAI MELON-SHAPED BOX AND COVER Jingdezhen ware Southern Song dynasty (12th century) H. 6.4 cm

Dia. 13.0 cm

96

97

64. 青白磁陽刻牡丹文瓢形水注

景徳鎮窯

北宋（10 〜 11 世紀） 高 19.8 cm

幅 18.3 cm

QINGBAI GOURD-SHAPE EWER WITH CARVED AND INCISED PEONY DESIGN Jingdezhen ware Northern Song dynasty (10th–11th centuries) H. 19.8 cm

W. 18.3 cm

98

99

65. 青白磁刻劃花蓮弁文水注

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 17.5 cm

幅 15.8 cm

来歴

安田靫彦（1884 ～1978 年）旧蔵 . 出展

「宋磁名作展」神奈川県立近代美術館, 1959 年, no. 14. 所載

小山冨士夫『別冊三彩 2 宋磁』三彩社 , 1959 年, 図版 14. 小山冨士夫『東洋古陶磁』美術出版社 , 1961年, 図版 41.

やまと

うるは

川端香男里 , 安田健一監修 , 水原園博 , 金子直樹 , 桑原康郎 , 松尾知子編『大和し美し 川端康成と安田靫彦』求龍堂 , 2008 年, p. 143.

QINGBAI EWER WITH CARVED AND INCISED LOTUS PETAL DESIGN WITH LID Jingdezhen ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 17.5 cm

W. 15.8 cm

PROVENANCE

Yasuda Yukihiko (1884 -1978) Collection. EXHIBITED

Sōji Meisakuten [Song Ceramic Masterpieces Exhibition], The

Museum of Modern Art, Kamakura, 1959, no. 14. LITERATURE

Koyama Fujio, Bessatsu Sansai 2 Sōji [Additional Volume Sancai 2

Song Ceramics], Sansaisha, 1959, pl. 14.

Koyama Fujio, Tōyō Kotōji [East

Asian Antique Ceramics], Bijutsu Shuppansha, 1961, pl. 41.

Kawabata Kaori, Yasuda Kenichi

(suprs.), Mizuhara Sonohiro, Kaneko Naoki, Kuwabara Yasuo, Matsuo

Tomoko, (eds.), Japan is Beautiful, Kawabata Yasunari and Yasuda

Yukihiko, Kyuryudo, 2008, p. 143.

100

101

66. 青白磁瓜形水注

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 25.5 cm

幅 16.0 cm

来歴

小倉武之助（1870 ～1964 年）旧蔵 . 繭山龍泉堂 . 壺中居 . 出展

「中国名陶百選展」なんば髙島屋 , 1961 年, no. 41. 「中国名陶展」広島福屋 , 1961年, no. 36.

「中国宋元美術展」東京国立博物館, 1961 年, no. 228.

「東京美術倶楽部創立百周年記念 大いなる遺産 美の伝統」東京美術倶楽部, 2006 年, no. 鑑賞陶器 15. 「中国陶磁名品展—イセコレクションの至宝—」石川県立美術館, 2012 年, no. 24.

「Porcelaine: Chefs-d'œuvre de la Collection Ise」Musée National des arts Asiatiques-Guimet, パリ, 2017 年, no. 13.

「イセコレクション 世界を魅了した中国陶磁」大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館, 2017 年, no. 16.

「第二回特別観賞会 イセコレクション 中国陶磁 唐、北宋、南宋、元、明、清」繭山龍泉堂 , 2019 年. 所載

小山冨士夫『陶器講座 第 6 巻 中国 Ⅱ 宋』雄山閣出版, 1971年, 図版 93. 繭山龍泉堂『龍泉集芳 第一集』便利堂 , 1976 年, 図版 423.

Christian Boehm「A Tea Master's Vision: Chinese Ceramics from the Ise Collection」『Arts of Asia』vol. 48, no. 4, Arts of Asia Publications, 2018 年 7-8月, 挿図 9.

102

103

QINGBAI MELON-SHAPED EWER AND LID Jingdezhen ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 25.5 cm

W. 16.0 cm

PROVENANCE

Ogura Takenosuke (1870 -1964) Collection. Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo. Kochukyo, Tokyo. EXHIBITED

Chūgoku Meitō Hyakusenten [100 Selected Chinese Ceramic Masterpieces], Nanba Takashimaya, Osaka, 1961, no. 41.

Chūgoku Meitōten [Chinese Ceramic Masterpieces Exhibition], Hiroshima Fukuya, Hiroshima, 1961, no. 36.

Chinese Arts of the Sung and Yüan Periods, Tokyo National Museum, Tokyo, 1961, no. 228.

The Grand Heritage: A Tradition of Beauty in Commemoration of the 100th Year of the

Establishment of the Tokyo Bijutsu Club, Tokyo Art Club, Tokyo, 2006, no. Ceramics for Appreciation 15.

Masterpieces of Chinese Ceramic Art Exhibition – Treasure of Ise Collection, Ishikawa Prefectural Museum of Art, Kanazawa, 2012, no. 24.

Porcelaine: Chefs-d'œuvre de la Collection Ise [Porcelain: Masterpieces from the Ise Collection], Musée National des arts Asiatiques - Guimet, Paris, 2017, no. 13.

The Enchanting Chinese Ceramics from the Ise Collection, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, Osaka, 2017, no. 16.

Dainikai Tokubetsu Kanshōkai Ise Korekushon Chūgoku Tōji Tō Hokusō Nansō Gen

Min Shin [Second Special Viewing Session of the Ise Collection, Tang, Northern Song, Southern Song, Yuan, Ming, Qing], Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo, 2019. LITERATURE

Koyama Fujio, ChūgokuⅡ Sō [China Ⅱ Song] vol. 6 from the series Tōki Kōza [Lectures

on Pottery], Yuzankaku Shuppan, 1971, pl. 93.

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Mayuyama Seventy Years Volume One, Benrido, 1976, pl. 423. Christian Boehm, "A Tea Master's Vision: Chinese Ceramics from the Ise Collection," Arts of Asia vol. 48, no. 4, Arts of Asia Publications, July/August 2018, fig. 9.

104

105

67. 青白磁劃花面取水注

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 16.6 cm

幅 15.7 cm

来歴

濱田庄司（1894 ～1978 年）旧蔵 . 所載

繭山龍泉堂『龍泉集芳 第一集』便利堂 , 1976 年, 図版 428.

QINGBAI FACETED EWER WITH INCISED DESIGN Jingdezhen ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 16.6 cm

W. 15.7 cm

PROVENANCE

Hamada Shōji (1894 -1978) Collection. LITERATURE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Mayuyama Seventy Years Volume One, Benrido, 1976, pl. 428.

106

107

68. 青白磁刻劃花花文水注

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 12.9 cm

幅 16.3 cm

来歴

Karl-Johan Thornander 旧蔵 .

QINGBAI EWER WITH CARVED AND INCISED DESIGN WITH LID Jingdezhen ware Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 12.9 cm

W. 16.3 cm

PROVENANCE

Karl -Johan Thornander Collection.

108

109

69. 青白磁瓜形水注

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 8.1 cm

幅 10.5 cm

来歴 Bluett & Sons Ltd., ロンドン.

Rolf Cunliffe（1899 ～1963 年）旧蔵 . 出展 「Exhibition of Sung Dynasty Wares Ting, Ying Ch’ing and

Tz’u Chou」The Oriental Ceramic Society, ロンドン, 1949 年, no. 118.

QINGBAI MELON-SHAPED EWER Jingdezhen ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 8.1 cm

W. 10.5 cm

PROVENANCE

Bluett & Sons Ltd., London.

Rolf Cunliffe (1899 -1963) Collection.

EXHIBITED

Exhibition of Sung Dynasty Wares Ting, Ying Ch’ing and

Tz’u Chou, The Oriental Ceramic Society, London, 1949, no. 118.

110

70. 青白磁有蓋碗

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 8.8 cm

径 8.9 cm

QINGBAI CUP AND LID Jingdezhen ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 8.8 cm

Dia. 8.9 cm

111

71. 青白磁刻花花文輪花盤 一対

景徳鎮窯

北宋〜南宋（12 世紀） 左：高 3.8 cm

径 15.2 cm

右：高 3.8 cm

径 15.4 cm

来歴 Gustaf Oscar Wallenberg（1863 ～1937 年）旧蔵 ,

1906 ～1918 年の間に入手 .

PAIR OF QINGBAI FOLIATE-RIM DISHES WITH CARVED FLOWER DESIGN Jingdezhen ware

Northern Song–Southern Song dynasties (12th century) Left: H. 3.8 cm

Dia. 15.2 cm

Right: H. 3.8 cm

Dia. 15.4 cm

PROVENANCE

Gustaf Oscar Wallenberg (1863 -1937)

Collection, acquired between 1906 -1918.

112

72. 青白磁刻花花文碟

景徳鎮窯

北宋〜南宋（12 世紀） 高 1.8 cm

径 11.1 cm

QINGBAI DISH WITH CARVED FLOWER DESIGN Jingdezhen ware Northern Song–Southern Song dynasties (12th century) H. 1.8 cm

Dia. 11.1 cm

73. 青白磁輪花盤

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 世紀） 高 2.6 cm

径 11.6 cm

QINGBAI FOLIATE-RIM DISH Jingdezhen ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th century) H. 2.6 cm

Dia. 11.6 cm

113

74. 青白磁瓜形盒子

広東・潮州窯

北宋〜南宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 7.5 cm

胴径 8.2 cm

QINGBAI MELON-SHAPED BOX AND COVER Chaozhou ware, Guangdong

Northern Song–Southern Song dynasties (11th–12th centuries) H. 7.5 cm

Torso Dia. 8.2 cm

114

75. 青白磁獅子

景徳鎮窯

北宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 4.5 cm

径 3.8 cm

QINGBAI LION Jingdezhen ware

Northern Song dynasty (11th–12th centuries) H. 4.5 cm

Dia. 3.8 cm

115

た

し

こ

76. 青磁刻花有蓋多嘴壺

龍泉窯

北宋〜南宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 21.2 cm

幅 12.0 cm

来歴

C. T. Loo & Co., パリ, 1971 年 9月18日.

CELADON FIVE-SPOUT JAR AND LID WITH CARVED DESIGN Longquan ware Northern Song–Southern Song dynasties (11th–12th centuries) H. 21.2 cm

W. 12.0 cm

PROVENANCE

C. T. Loo & Co., Paris, 18 September 1971.

116

117

77. 青磁刻花蓮弁文有蓋壺

龍泉窯

北宋〜南宋（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 30.1 cm

胴径 15.1 cm

CELADON JAR AND LID WITH CARVED LOTUS PETAL DESIGN Longquan ware

Northern Song–Southern Song dynasties (11th–12th centuries) H. 30.1 cm

Torso Dia. 15.1 cm

118

78. 青磁刻花蓮弁文碗

龍泉窯

南宋（12 世紀） 高 6.1 cm

口径 12.8 cm

CELADON BOWL WITH CARVED LOTUS PETAL DESIGN Longquan ware

Southern Song dynasty (12th century) H. 6.1 cm

Mouth Dia. 12.8 cm

119

79. 青磁輪花盤

龍泉窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 4.2 cm

径 17.6 cm

CELADON FOLIATE-RIM DISH Longquan ware Southern Song dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 4.2 cm

Dia. 17.6 cm

120

121

122

123

80. 青磁管耳瓶

龍泉窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 18.9 cm

胴径 8.6 cm

CELADON VASE WITH CYLINDRICAL LUGS Longquan ware Southern Song dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 18.9 cm

Torso Dia. 8.6 cm

124

125

81. 米色青磁三足壺

龍泉窯（渓口窯）

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 7.4 cm

胴径 6.9 cm

来歴

繭山龍泉堂 .

小山冨士夫（1900 ～1975 年）箱書 . 出展

「繭山龍泉堂 オリンピック記念 古美術展観特別即売会 中國古陶磁」東京美術倶楽部, 1964 年, no. 10. 所載

繭山龍泉堂『龍泉集芳 第一集』便利堂 , 1976 年, 図版 467.

BEISHOKU CELADON TRIPOD JAR Longquan ware (Xikou kiln) Southern Song dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 7.4 cm

Torso Dia. 6.9 cm

PROVENANCE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo.

Box inscription by Koyama Fujio (1900 -1975). EXHIBITED

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd. Orinpikkukinen Kobijutsu Tenkan Tokubetsusokubaikai Chūgoku

Kotōji Tenkan [Commemorating Olympic Games: Antique Art Exhibition and Special Sale Chinese Ceramics], Tokyo Art Club, Tokyo, 1964, no. 10. LITERATURE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Mayuyama Seventy Years Volume One, Benrido, 1976, pl. 467.

126

127

82. 青磁刻花蓮弁文盤

龍泉窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 4.4 cm

径 13.5 cm

CELADON DISH WITH CARVED LOTUS PETAL DESIGN Longquan ware Southern Song dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 4.4 cm

Dia. 13.5 cm

128

129

つばぶち

83. 青磁鍔縁洗

龍泉窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 5.7 cm

口径 15.3 cm

CELADON BRUSH WASHER WITH FLATTENED RIM Longquan ware Southern Song dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 5.7 cm

Mouth Dia. 15.3 cm

130

131

84. 青磁洗

龍泉窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 4.1 cm

口径 12.3 cm

CELADON BRUSH WASHER Longquan ware Southern Song dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 4.1 cm

Mouth Dia. 12.3 cm

132

133

85. 青磁砧形瓶

龍泉窯

南宋（13 世紀） 高 16.1 cm

胴径 8.0 cm

CELADON MALLET-SHAPED VASE Longquan ware

Southern Song dynasty (13th century) H. 16.1 cm

Torso Dia. 8.0 cm

134

86. 青磁袴腰香炉

龍泉窯

南宋（13 世紀） 高 5.7 cm

幅 8.5 cm

来歴 伝 D. J. K. Wright Oriental Art, ロンドン. Tor Borstrom 旧蔵 . 出展 「Kiinan Vanhaa Taidetta. Gammal Kinesisk Konst」Helsingin

Taidehalli, ヘルシンキ, 1956 年, no. 136.

CELADON TRIPOD CENSER Longquan ware

Southern Song dynasty (13th century) H. 5.7 cm

W. 8.5 cm

PROVENANCE D. J. K. Wright Oriental Art, London, by repute. Tor Borstrom Collection.

Kiinan Vanhaa Taidetta. Gammal Kinesisk Konst [Ancient Chinese Art], Helsingin Taidehalli, Helsinki, 1956, no. 136.

EXHIBITED

135

87. 建盞

建窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 7.7 cm

口径 12.6 cm

来歴

伝松平不昧（1751 ～1818 年）旧蔵 .

「某家旧蔵書画茶器類展観入札」東京美術倶楽部, 1919 年, lot 130.

TENMOKU TEABOWL Jian ware Southern Song dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 7.7 cm

Mouth Dia. 12.6 cm

PROVENANCE

Matsudaira Fumai (1751-1818) Collection, by repute.

Bōkekyūzō Shogachakirui Tenkannyūsatsu [Exhibition and Auction of Calligraphy,

Paintings and Tea Utensils from a Private Family Collection], Tokyo Art Club, Tokyo, 1919, lot 130.

136

137

138

139

88. 禾目天目碗

建窯

南宋（12 世紀） 高 5.8 cm

口径 11.7 cm

来歴

日本伝世 .

HARE'S FUR TYPE TENMOKU TEABOWL Jian ware Southern Song dynasty (12th century) H. 5.8 cm

Mouth Dia. 11.7 cm

PROVENANCE

Old Japanese Collection.

140

141

142

143

89. 禾目天目碗

建窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 6.1 cm

口径 11.9 cm

来歴

John Sparks Ltd., ロンドン, 1966 年 5月9日.

HARE’S FUR TYPE TENMOKU TEABOWL Jian ware Southern Song dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 6.1 cm

Mouth Dia. 11.9 cm

PROVENANCE

John Sparks Ltd., London, 9 May 1966.

144

145

90. 金彩文字天目

福建・遇林亭窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 5.1 cm

口径 11.2 cm

来歴

中尾万三（1882 ～1936 年）旧蔵 . 中尾麗子旧蔵 .

家城博志旧蔵 .

出展

京都国立博物館, 1978 年, no. G2987.

TENMOKU TEABOWL WITH GOLD PIGMENT LETTERING DESIGN Yulinting ware, Fujian Southern Song dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 5.1 cm

Mouth Dia. 11.2 cm

PROVENANCE

Nakao Manzō (1882 -1936) Collection. Nakao Reiko Collection. Ieki Hiroshi Collection. EXHIBITED

Kyoto National Museum, 1978, no. G2987.

146

147

91. 木葉天目

吉州窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 5.5 cm

口径 15.2 cm

来歴

Emil Hultmark（1872 ～1943 年）旧蔵 . 出展

「Svenska Allmänna Konstföreningen, Emil Hultmarks Samling」Kungliga Akademien för de Fria Konsterna, ストックホルム, 1942 年, no. 372.

148

149

TENMOKU TEABOWL WITH LEAF DESIGN Jizhou ware Southern Song dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 5.5 cm

Mouth Dia. 15.2 cm

PROVENANCE

Emil Hultmark (1872 -1943) Collection. EXHIBITED

Svenska Allmänna Konstföreningen, Emil Hultmarks Samling [Swedish General Art

Association, Emil Hultmark Collection], Kungliga Akademien för de fria Konsterna [Royal Swedish Academy for Fine Arts], Stockholm, 1942, no. 372.

150

151

92. 黒釉白覆輪鉄斑文碗 金（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 10.9 cm

口径 14.3 cm

BLACK GLAZED BOWL WITH WHITE RIM AND DESIGN IN IRON-BROWN Jin dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 10.9 cm

Mouth Dia. 14.3 cm

152

153

154

155

93. 白釉鉄絵花文深鉢

磁州窯

金時代（12 世紀） 高 13.4 cm

胴径 14.7 cm

来歴

Russell M. Tyson（1867 ～1963 年）旧蔵 .

The Art Institute of Chicago に寄贈, シカゴ, 1946 年.

WHITE SLIP JAR WITH FLOWER DESIGN IN IRON-BLACK Cizhou ware Jin dynasty (12th century) H. 13.4 cm

Torso Dia. 14.7 cm

PROVENANCE

Russell M. Tyson (1867-1963) Collection.

Gift to The Art Institute of Chicago, Chicago, 1946.

156

157

158

159

94. 白釉鉄絵幾何学文枕

磁州窯

金（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 13.7 cm

長 21.6 cm

WHITE SLIP PILLOW WITH GEOMETRIC DESIGN IN IRON-BLACK Cizhou ware

Jin dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 13.7 cm

L. 21.6 cm

160

95. 緑褐釉劃花方枕

磁州窯

金（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 13.8 cm

長 13.9 ㎝

来歴 繭山龍泉堂 , 1957 年. 雨宮氏旧蔵 .

GREEN AND YELLOW GLAZED SQUARED PILLOW WITH INCISED DESIGN Cizhou ware

Jin dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 13.8 cm

L. 13.9 cm

PROVENANCE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo, 1957.

Amemiya Family Collection.

161

96. 白釉紅緑彩有蓋壺（宋赤絵） 磁州窯系 金（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 10.8 cm

胴径 9.9 cm

来歴

Francis Brodie（1880 ～1967 年）and Enid M. B.（1898 ～1989 年）Lodge 旧蔵 . Sidney L. Moss Ltd., ロンドン.

Paul Champkins Oriental Art, ロンドン. Mark Harding 旧蔵 .

WHITE SLIP JAR AND LID WITH DESIGN IN RED PIGMENT AND GREEN GLAZE (SŌ AKA-E) Cizhou ware type Jin dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 10.8 cm

Torso Dia. 9.9 cm

PROVENANCE

Francis Brodie (1880 -1967) and Enid M. B. (1898 -1989) Lodge Collection. Sidney L. Moss Ltd., London.

Paul Champkins Oriental Art, London. Mark Harding Collection.

162

163

97. 白釉紅緑彩三足香炉（宋赤絵） 磁州窯系 金（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 7.7 cm

幅 8.1 cm

来歴

壺中居 .

細川家旧蔵 .

小山冨士夫（1900 ～1975 年）箱書 .

WHITE SLIP TRIPOD CENSER WITH DESIGN IN RED PIGMENT AND GREEN GLAZE (SŌ AKA-E) Cizhou ware type Jin dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 7.7 cm

W. 8.1 cm

PROVENANCE

Kochukyo, Tokyo.

Hosokawa familly Collection.

Box inscription by Koyama Fujio (1900 -1975).

164

165

98. 白釉紅緑彩双魚文盤（宋赤絵） 磁州窯系 金（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 3.0 cm

径 18.1 cm

来歴

繭山龍泉堂 , 1940 ～1950 年代 . 愛媛文華館. 北山美術店. 出展

「開館記念

漢・六朝・唐・宋名品展」愛媛文華館, 1955 年, no. 24.

「特別展 白と黒の競演—中国・磁州窯系陶器の世界—」大阪市立美術館, 2002 年, no. 2 -127.

WHITE SLIP DISH WITH PAIR OF FISH DESIGN IN RED PIGMENT AND GREEN GLAZE (SŌ AKA-E) Cizhou ware type Jin dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 3.0 cm

Dia. 18.1 cm

PROVENANCE

Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., Tokyo, 1940s -1950s. Ehime Bunkakan, Imabari.

Kitayama Bijutsuten, Tokyo. EXHIBITED

Kaikankinen Kan, Rikuchō, Tō,

Sō Meihinten [Commemorating the Opening of the Museum:

Han, Six Dynasties, Tang, Song Masterpieces Exhibition],

Ehime Bunkakan, Imabari, 1955, no. 24.

Special Exhibition Charm of

Black & White Ware; Transition of Cizhou Type Wares, Osaka City Museum of Fine Art, Osaka, 2002, no. 2 -127.

166

167

99. 白釉紅緑彩魚文盤（宋赤絵） 磁州窯系 金〜元（13 世紀） 高 4.3 cm

径 13.2 cm

WHITE SLIP DISH WITH FISH DESIGN IN RED PIGMENT AND GREEN GLAZE (SŌ AKA-E) Cizhou ware type Jin–Yuan dynasties (13th century) H. 4.3 cm

Dia. 13.2 cm

168

169

100. 青磁刻花唐草文水注

耀州窯

北宋〜金（12 世紀） 高 9.2 cm

幅 14.0 cm

来歴

Sotheby’s ロンドン, 1963 年 1月22日, lot 45. 吳權（1910 ～1997 年）旧蔵 .

吳蓮伯博物院 , 1968 ～2023 年.

CELADON EWER WITH CARVED SCROLL DESIGN Yaozhou ware Northern Song–Jin dynasties (12th century) H. 9.2 cm

W. 14.0 cm

PROVENANCE

Sotheby's London, 22 January 1963, lot 45. Wou Kiuan (1910 -1997) Collection.

Wou Lien-Pai Museum, 1968 -2023.

170

171

101. 青磁刻花犀牛望月文鉢

耀州窯

金（12 世紀） 高 7.8 cm

口径 21.5 cm

来歴

欧州個人旧蔵 .

CELADON BOWL WITH CARVED RHINOCEROS GAZING AT THE MOON DESIGN Yaozhou ware Jin dynasty (12th century) H. 7.8 cm

Mouth Dia. 21.5 cm

PROVENANCE

Private Collection, Europe.

172

173

102. 白磁刻花蓮華文鉢

定窯

北宋〜金（12 世紀） 高 7.6 cm

口径 16.1 cm

来歴

Wilfrid Fleisher（1897 ～1976 年）旧蔵 .

WHITE PORCELAIN BOWL WITH CARVED LOTUS FLOWER DESIGN Ding ware Northern Song–Jin dynasties (12th century) H. 7.6 cm

Mouth Dia. 16.1 cm

PROVENANCE

Wilfrid Fleisher (1897-1976) Collection.

174

175

103. 白磁印花牡丹文盤

定窯

北宋〜金（12 世紀） 高 4.2 cm

径 19.8 cm

来歴

Diedrich Abbes（1886 ～1955 年）旧蔵 .

Baltimore Museum of Art, メリーランド, 寄託 . Sotheby’s ロンドン, 1975 年 3月25日, lot 37.

Alfred（1873 ～1950 年）and Ivy（1890 ～1976 年）Clark 旧蔵 .

中國陶瓷美術館. 出展

「Arts de la Chine Ancienne」Musée de l'Orangerie, パリ, 1937 年, no. 602. 所載

Margaret Medley『Yüan Porcelain and Stoneware』Faber and Faber, 1974 年, 図版 90B. 座右宝刊行会編『世界陶磁全集 12 宋』小学館, 1977 年, 図版 145.

『−俑・陶・華−館蔵優品撰集』中國陶瓷美術館, 2005 年, 図版 13.

WHITE PORCELAIN DISH WITH MOLDED PEONY DESIGN Ding ware Northern Song–Jin dynasties (12th century) H. 4.2 cm

Dia. 19.8 cm

PROVENANCE

Diedrich Abbes (1886-1955) Collection.

On loan to Baltimore Museum of Art, Maryland. Sotheby's London, 25 March 1975, lot 37. Alfred (1873 -1950) and Ivy (1890 -1976) Clark Collection.

The Chinese Ceramics Museum, Usuki. EXHIBITED

Arts de la Chine Ancienne, Musée de l'Orangerie, Paris, 1937, no. 602. LITERATURE

Margaret Medley, Yüan Porcelain and

Stoneware, Faber and Faber, 1974, pl. 90b. The Zauhō Press (eds.), Sung Dynasty,

vol. 12 from the series Ceramic Art of the World, Shogakukan, 1977, pl. 145.

Yō, Tō, Ka—Kanzō Yūhin Senshū [Figurines, Ceramics, Design -- Selected Masterpieces from the Museum Collection], The Chinese Ceramics Museum, 2005, pl. 13.

176

177

104. 白磁刻花龍文盤

定窯

金（12 世紀） 高 4.8 cm

径 22.5 cm

WHITE PORCELAIN DISH WITH CARVED DRAGON DESIGN Ding ware Jin dynasty (12th century) H. 4.8 cm

Dia. 22.5 cm

178

179

105. 黒釉白堆線文有蓋壺

当陽峪窯

北宋〜金（11 〜 12 世紀） 高 17.4 cm

胴径 16.4 cm

来歴

Jonathan Broido（1941～2008 年）旧蔵 .

BLACK GLAZED JAR AND LID WITH RIDGE DESIGN IN WHITE SLIP Dangyangyu ware Northern Song–Jin dynasties (11th–12th centuries) H. 17.4 cm

Torso Dia. 16.4 cm

PROVENANCE

Jonathan Broido (1941-2008) Collection.

180

181

と ろ

106. 褐釉吐嚕瓶 北宋〜金（12 世紀） 高 14.9 cm

胴径 14.6 cm

BROWN GLAZED GLOBULAR JAR Northern Song–Jin dynasties (12th century) H. 14.9 cm

Torso Dia. 14.6 cm

182

183

107. 褐釉有蓋碗 北宋〜金（12 世紀） 高 6.8 cm

径 7.6 cm

BROWN GLAZED BOWL AND LID Northern Song–Jin dynasties (12th century) H. 6.8 cm

Dia. 7.6 cm

184

185

108. 月白釉鉢

鈞窯

金（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 8.6 cm

口径 14.4 cm

来歴

Rolf Cunliffe（1899 ～1963 年）旧蔵 .

BLUISH OPAQUE GLAZED BOWL Jun ware Jin dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 8.6 cm

Mouth Dia. 14.4 cm

PROVENANCE

Rolf Cunliffe (1899 -1963) Collection.

186

187

109. 110. 澱青釉杯

鈞窯

金（12 〜 13 世紀） 左：高 4.8 cm

胴径 9.7 cm

右：高 4.6 cm

胴径 9.7 cm

来歴

V. W. S. の父 (1890 ～1977 年 )1930 年代に中国にて入手 . V. W. S. (1918 ～1974 年 ) 旧蔵 .

BLUISH-OPAQUE GLAZED CUP Jun ware Jin dynasty (12th–13th centuries) Left: H. 4.8 cm

Torso Dia. 9.7 cm

Right: H. 4.6 cm

Torso Dia. 9.7 cm

PROVENANCE

Father of V. W. S. (1890 -1977) acquired in China in the 1930s. V. W. S. (1918 -1974) Collection.

188

189

111. 緑釉杯

鈞窯

金（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 4.2 cm

口径 9.5 cm

来歴 Bluett & Sons Ltd., ロンドン. 小夢楼旧蔵 .

GREEN GLAZED CUP Jun ware

Jin dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 4.2 cm

Mouth Dia. 9.5 cm

PROVENANCE

Bluett & Sons, Ltd., London.

Xiao Meng Lou Collection.

190

112. 澱青釉杯

鈞窯

金（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 4.2 cm

口径 8.0 cm

BLUISH-OPAQUE GLAZED CUP Jun ware Jin dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 4.2 cm

Mouth Dia. 8.0 cm

113. 緑釉杯

鈞窯

金（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 4.2 cm

口径 7.8 cm

GREEN GLAZED CUP Jun ware

Jin dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 4.2 cm

Mouth Dia. 7.8 cm

191

114. 青白磁刻花唐子文鉢

景徳鎮窯

南宋（12 〜 13 世紀） 高 7.5 cm

口径 20.0 cm

来歴 Wilfrid Fleisher（1897 ～1976 年）旧蔵 .

QINGBAI BOWL WITH CARVED CHINESE CHILDREN DESIGN Jingdezhen ware

Southern Song dynasty (12th–13th centuries) H. 7.5 cm

Mouth Dia. 20.0 cm

PROVENANCE

Wilfrid Fleisher (1897-1976) Collection.

192

115. 青白磁刻劃花鉢

景徳鎮窯

南宋（12 世紀） 高 5.3 cm

口径 19.2 cm

QINGBAI BOWL WITH CARVED AND INCISED DESIGN Jingdezhen ware Southern Song dynasty (12th century) H. 5.3 cm

Mouth Dia. 19.2 cm

116. 青白磁水滴

景徳鎮窯

南宋〜元（13 〜 14 世紀） 高 7.7 cm

幅 5.9 cm

来歴 スウェーデン個人旧蔵 .

QINGBAI WATER DROPPER Jingdezhen ware

Southern Song–Yuan dynasties (13th–14th centuries) H. 7.7 cm

W. 5.9 cm

PROVENANCE

Private Collection, Sweden.

193

117. 天藍釉瓶 清

景徳鎮窯

康熙在銘（1662 〜 1722 年）

高 16.3 cm

胴径 11.7 cm

来歴

Herrmann Dobrikow（ ～1928 年）旧蔵 .

「Sammlung Dobrikow Peking Chinesische Kunst」Rudolph Lepke’s Kunst-AuctionsHaus, Berlin, 1930 年 3月4, 5日, lot 202. 出展

「Der Drache Tanzt! Kangxi / China Contemporary」Hetjens-Museum, デュッセルドルフ, 2015 ～2016 年, no. 33.

所載

Daniel Suebsman, Daniela Antonin『Porzellanschätze der Kangxi-Zeit』DeutschChinesische Verlogsanstalt, 2015 年, p. 106, no. 33.

SKY BLUE GLAZED VASE Jingdezhen ware Kangxi mark and period (1662-1722), Qing dynasty H. 16.3 cm

Torso Dia. 11.7 cm

PROVENANCE

Herrmann Dobrikow (d. 1928) Collection.

Sammlung Dobrikow Peking Chinesische Kunst [Dobrikow Collection Beijing Chinese Art], Rudolph Lepke’s Kunst-Auctions-Haus, Berlin, 4, 5 March 1930, lot 202. EXHIBITED

Der Drache Tanzt! [The Dragon Dance!] Kangxi/China Contemporary, Hetjens-Museum, Düsseldorf, 2015-2016, no. 33. LITERATURE

Daniel Suebsman, Daniela Antonin, Porzellanschätze der Kangxi-Zeit

[Porcelain Treasures of the Kangxi period], Deutsch-Chinesische

Verlogsanstalt, 2015, p. 106, no. 33.

194

195

118. 桃花紅筆洗 清

景徳鎮窯

康熙在銘（1662 〜 1722 年）

高 3.8 cm

胴径 12.2 cm

来歴

フランス個人旧蔵 .

PEACH BLOOM GLAZED BRUSH WASHER Jingdezhen ware Kangxi mark and period (1662-1722), Qing dynasty H. 3.8 cm

Torso Dia. 12.2 cm

PROVENANCE

Private Collection, France.

196

197

119. 黄釉碗 一対 景徳鎮窯 清

康熙在銘（1662 〜 1722 年）

左：高 6.3 cm

口径 11.9 cm

右：高 6.3 cm

口径 11.8 cm

PAIR OF YELLOW GLAZED BOWLS Jingdezhen ware Kangxi mark and period (1662-1722), Qing dynasty Left: H 6.3 cm

Mouth Dia. 11.9 cm

Right: H. 6.3 cm

Mouth Dia. 11.8 cm

198

199

120. 紅釉長頸瓶 清

景徳鎮窯

康熙年間（1662 〜 1722 年）

高 21.6 cm

胴径 11.6 cm

来歴

Bluett & Sons Ltd., ロンドン.

Edward Copleston Radcliffe（1898 ～1967 年）旧蔵 .

RED GLAZED LONG NECK VASE Jingdezhen ware Kangxi period (1662-1722), Qing dynasty H. 21.6 cm

Torso Dia. 11.6 cm

PROVENANCE

Bluett & Sons Ltd., London.

Edward Copleston Radcliffe (1898 -1967) Collection.

200

201

121. 烏金釉長頸瓶 清

景徳鎮窯

康熙年間（1662 〜 1722 年）

高 20.0 cm

胴径 11.6 cm

来歴

C. T. Loo & Co., パリ .

MIRROR BLACK GLAZED LONG NECK VASE Jingdezhen ware Kangxi period (1662-1722), Qing dynasty H. 20.0 cm

Torso Dia. 11.6 cm

PROVENANCE

C. T. Loo & Co., Paris.

202

203

略年表 盛

- 763 安史の乱終わる - 780『茶経』この頃までに成立 804 空海入唐

唐

晩

唐

827

- 874 越州窯秘色青磁、法門寺に献納される - 897 黄巣の大乱起こる -- 900 銭寛墓 901 水丘墓 907

900

五

宋歴代皇帝

960 976

1000

997

太 祖 太 宗

978

北 宋 1125 1127

哲 宗 徽 宗 欽

宗

高 宗 南 宋

1200

1162

孝 宗

1189 光 1194

寧 宗 理 宗

1300

北

1264 1274 1276 1278 1279

度 恭 端 末

936

1037 蘇 1066頃 軾

李 唐

北宋官窯この頃か？

1127 高宗、南京で即位 - 1138 正式に臨安を都とする 修内司官窯

1004 澶淵の盟 —

遼

1023頃 1031頃

宋

汝窯天青釉青磁の焼造が 開始される

郭 熙 1085頃

1101 1125

1126 靖康の変 — 1142 — 紹興の和議

1150

1165 — 隆興の和議

郊壇下官窯

宗

1224

世宗（紫栄） 在位：954〜959

916

979 北宋中華統一 范 寛

仁 宗

1100

周

960

国

950頃

真 宗

1063 英 宗 1067 神 宗

1100

十

951 後

呉越国

1022

1085

代

- 934 銭鏐墓 - 939 康陵墓 - 942 銭元瓘墓

丹

中

785

契

800

顔 真 卿

ウ イ グ ル 及 び 遊 牧 民 国 家

- 755 安史の乱起こる 756

709

唐

金

1191 栄西、宋より茶の種を日本に持ち帰る

南

宋

- 1236 遂寧金魚村窖蔵に龍泉窯青磁が納められる

1234

宗 帝 宗 帝

元

205

1115

206

唐五代から宋代に至る中国陶磁史の概観——美意識の転換と康 熙単色釉への投影 出川哲朗 目次 はじめに 序章

唐五代——宋代陶磁の黎明

第一節

越窯の成立と秘色瓷の誕生

第二節

呉越国の朝貢外交と技術の拡散

第三節

越窯から耀州窯へ——青瓷技術の北方伝播

第四節

白瓷の胎動——邢窯から定窯へ

第一章

北宋官窯の成立——汝窯と北宋官窯

第一節

汝窯以前——北宋初期の青瓷受容

第二節

清凉寺汝窯（貢窯）の成立から北宋官窯（京師官窯）の設置へ

第三節

文人官僚の審美理念と北宋官窯の成立

第四節

鈞窯——月白釉と窯変花釉の系譜

第二章

南宋官窯の展開——修内司・郊壇下と老虎洞窯

第一節

南宋官窯成立の歴史的背景

第二節

修内司官窯と老虎洞窯の発見

第三節

郊壇下官窯の技術的達成と南宋官窯の美意識

第三章

青瓷の広がり——耀州窯と龍泉窯

第一節

耀州窯——刻花青瓷の完成

第二節

龍泉窯——越窯の継承から南宋官窯との技術交渉へ

第四章

白瓷の系譜——定窯と景徳鎮青白瓷

第一節

定窯の生産構造と官用供給

第二節

景徳鎮青白瓷の誕生と宋代貿易圏

第五章

民窯の世界——磁州窯系陶器と黒釉の天目

第一節

磁州窯の技法体系と民衆美意識

第二節

建窯・吉州窯——喫茶文化と黒釉の美

第三節

臨安天目窯の意義——南宋都城圏の黒釉生産

第六章 終章

宋代陶磁の海域流通——沈船考古学と積載陶磁の実態 宋磁美意識の康熙単色釉への投影

結び

207

はじめに 中国陶磁史において、唐五代から宋代にかけての時期は、技術的な完成度と美意識 の純度の両面において一つの頂点を形成する。「宋代五大名窯」（汝・官・哥・鈞・定） と一括して宋代の代表的名窯とする観念は、宋代当時に確立していたものではなく、 明代の文献、とりわけ『宣徳鼎彝譜』（宣徳 3 年 1428）の「柴汝官哥均定」という列 挙に基づき、明・清代の文人・収蔵家を経て近代に定着した概念である。実際、宋代 の同時代文献が伝える窯の序列や評価は、明・清時代のそれとは必ずしも一致しない。 かつて、文献や伝承によって自明とみなされてきた陶磁史の枠組みそのものが、実は、 特定の時代の趣味と価値判断によって形成された歴史的産物なのである。中国陶磁の 考古学的成果は目覚ましいものがあり、これを反映しつつ中国陶磁の美術史的側面の 解釈もまた再構築が迫られている。 さて、宋時代、青瓷・白瓷・黒釉瓷という三つの基本的な釉系統が、それぞれ独自 の精緻化を遂げ、また宮廷用の窯と民窯という二重の生産構造の中で、宮廷の洗練さ れた審美と民衆の生命力に満ちた表現とが並行して開花した。とりわけ北宋汝窯の天 青釉や南宋官窯の粉青釉に代表される単色釉の世界は、装飾を排して釉調と造形その ものの完成を追求するという、中国陶磁史上類を見ない美意識の達成として、後世—— とりわけ清代康熙年間の宮廷陶磁——が繰り返し参照する「古典」としての地位を確 立することになる。

序章

唐五代——宋代陶磁の黎明

宋代陶磁の隆盛は、唐五代の技術的・美学的蓄積の上に成立した。越窯秘色瓷の生 産と呉越国の朝貢外交、邢窯・定窯白瓷の成立、そして越窯から耀州窯への青瓷技術 の北方伝播を通して、宋代陶磁へと連なる基盤が揃うのである。 唐代の陶磁文化は、いわゆる唐三彩に代表される、緑・褐・白の鉛釉を自由に流し 掛けた多彩で華麗な美意識によって特徴付けられる。唐三彩は西方文化との交流が活 発であった盛唐期の華麗で国際的な気風を反映し、墓葬の明器として大量に生産され たが、その鉛釉は低火度焼成のため実用の食器には不向きであり、あくまで副葬・観 賞のための工芸品としての性格を強く帯びていた。これに対し、ここで論じる越窯青 瓷・邢窯白瓷は、高火度焼成による硬質磁器であり、日常の喫茶・飲食という実用に 供される器物でありながら、釉色そのものの質感を鑑賞するという、唐三彩とは全く 異なる美的原理に立脚していた。唐代における多彩で国際的な美意識から、青瓷・白

208

瓷という単色の高火度釉への美的重心の移動は、後に宋 代において徹底される「単色釉における質感の純粋な探 求」という美意識の、最初の萌芽として理解することが できる。

第一節

越窯の成立と秘色瓷の誕生

越窯は浙江省紹興市上虞区から寧波市慈渓市上林湖一 帯に展開した中国青瓷を代表する窯である。本格的な青 瓷は後漢時代（2 世紀）に遡り、上虞県小仙壇窯址から 出土する青瓷が最古の作例とされる。三国〜西晋期（3 〜

4 世紀）には青瓷生産が安定化し、鶏首壺・獅子形燭台・ 穀倉罐（神亭壺）など副葬用の複雑な器形が発達したが、 釉色は黄味を帯びたオリーブグリーンが主体で、六朝期 の越窯はいまだ中国全土を代表する青瓷窯ではなく、北 方諸窯や湖南岳州窯などと並ぶ一地場産業に過ぎなかっ た。

挿図1 青磁碗 越窯 中唐 口径14.8 cm 個人蔵 出典：『青瓷昇華 唐宋と高麗の青瓷展』繭山龍泉堂

越窯が質的転換を遂げるのは唐代中期（8 世紀）以降で

2023年

ある。陸羽『茶経』（760 年頃成立）は「碗は越州を上と 為す」と述べて越窯青瓷（挿図 1）を茶碗の最上品と位置 付け、邢窯白瓷との比較において「邢瓷は銀に類し、越 瓷は玉に類す」 「邢瓷は雪に類し、越瓷は氷に類す」と称 1 この評価は陸羽の個人的な嗜好ではなく、当時 揚した。

の士大夫層における越窯青瓷への高い評価を反映してい る。透明性の高い邢窯白瓷の「銀」「雪」的な美とは対極 的な、半透明で深みのある青緑色の釉面を理想とするこ の「玉質」への志向は、後述する宋代青瓷の美意識の直 接の先駆をなすものである（図版 1、2）。 晩唐期（9 世紀後半）、越窯は「秘色瓷」と呼ばれる最 高級の青瓷を生産するに至る。秘色瓷という語の初出は 晩唐の詩人・陸亀蒙の「秘色越器」詩とされるが、その 実体は長らく謎であった。1987 年、陝西省扶風県の法門 寺塔地下宮殿から出土した 13 点の青瓷器（碗 7・盤 6）が 埋納品目録『衣物帳』碑文に「秘色瓷」と明記されていた

挿図2 青磁八稜形長頸瓶 越窯 唐 高21.5 cm 法門寺塔基地 宮中室出土 法門寺博物館蔵 出典：監修 出川哲朗、氣賀澤保規『中国の正倉院 法門寺 地下宮殿の秘宝「唐皇帝からの贈り物」展図録』新潟県立近 代美術館、朝日出版社、博報堂 1999年 図版63

2 。 ことで、実像が初めて検証可能となった（挿図 2、3）

209

図版2

地下宮殿は唐咸通十五年（874 年）に封印さ れており、出土秘色瓷が 9 世紀後半に遡る ことが実証された。蛍光 X 線分析（上海硅 酸塩研究所、2005 年）によれば、釉薬の鉄 分 は 約 1.8 〜 2.2% と 通 常 の 越 窯 青 瓷（2.5 〜 3.5%） よ り 精 製 さ れ た 原 料 を 用 い、

1250℃前後の強還元焔で焼かれている3。釉 薬は 0.3 〜 0.5mm と薄く均一で、この薄掛 けの美意識は、のちの汝窯や南宋官窯の厚 掛け釉とは対照的な、唐代秘色瓷独自の達 挿図3 青磁五花形盤 越窯 唐 口径24.0 cm 法門寺塔基地宮中室出土 法門寺博物館蔵 出典：監修 出川哲朗、氣賀澤保規『中国の正倉院 法門寺地下宮殿の秘宝「唐皇帝からの 贈り物」展図録』新潟県立近代美術館、朝日出版社、博報堂 1999年 図版62

成である。

2015 〜 2017 年の浙江省文物考古研究所に よる上林湖后司嶴窯址の発掘調査では、法 門寺出土品と同種の秘色瓷片が層位的に出

土し、同窯が全長 40 メートルを超える龍窯を用いた秘色瓷専焼窯であったことが確 認された。匣鉢の一部に「官」字の刻銘が認められたことは、秘色瓷の生産が唐代後 期にはすでに官府の関与の下にあったことを示している4。

第二節

呉越国の朝貢外交と技術の拡散

五代十国期（907 〜 979 年）（図版 7、8、9）、越窯所在地の浙江一帯は呉越国錢氏 政権の支配下にあり、錢氏は秘色瓷生産を国家的事業として統制して、中原王朝への 朝貢の主力商品とした。『旧五代史』『冊府元亀』『宋史』『呉越備史』等によれば、後 、 唐同光二年（924 年）に「秘色瓷器二百事」、後周顕徳五年（958 年）に「秘色瓷器千事」 北宋開宝九年（976 年）に「瓷器万一千事、内秘色千事」と朝貢が記録され、太平興 国二年（977 年）には「瓷器五万事、内秘色三万事」と、膨大な数に達している（挿 5 。朝貢は年 1 回から数年 1 回の頻度で継続的に行われていて、後周から北宋初 図 4）

期にかけて飛躍的に増大したこの傾向は、北宋による統一の進行に伴い呉越国が存続 のため朝貢を強化したことを示している。 太平興国三年（978 年）、錢俶は北宋に国土を献上し呉越国は滅亡したが、越窯の技 術は消滅せず、継承された。まず、龍泉窯への技術伝播であり、初期龍泉青瓷（金村 類型）（図版 76、77）の釉薬組成や器形には越窯の直接的影響が認められている。つ ぎに、耀州窯への技術伝播であり、これは次節で詳述する。そして、北宋宮廷におけ る青瓷嗜好の形成であり、大量の秘色瓷朝貢を通じて宮廷は最高級の青瓷を日常的に 受容する文化を形成し、この嗜好が後の汝窯や北宋官窯成立に繋がるのである。

210

第三節

越窯から耀州窯へ——青瓷技術の

北方伝播 耀州窯は陝西省銅川市黄堡鎮に位置し、唐 代には三彩陶器・黒釉瓷・白瓷・低温鉛釉陶 など（図版 10）を生産する総合的な窯場で、 青瓷生産を主目的とはしていなかった。しか し黄堡窯址の層位発掘（陝西省考古研究所、

1990 年代）によれば、五代層から質的に全く 異なる青瓷群が出現し、釉色は越窯秘色瓷に 酷似した青緑色の透明釉、器形は越窯五代碗 と一致する深く立ち上がる碗（図版 11）、焼成 技法は匣鉢を用いた単独焼成で、釉色・器形・ 焼成技法・胎土のいずれにおいても越窯秘色 瓷との強い類似性がある6。これらの一致は、 五代耀州窯青瓷が越窯青瓷の技術を直接的に 受容して成立したことを示唆しており、さら に「後唐」や「後周」への貢瓷を生産していた。 耀州窯は北宋に入ると独自の発展を遂げ、 北宋前期にはまだ越窯的な素文青瓷（図版 12、

13）が主体であったが、北宋中期（11 世紀） には半乾燥の素地に刀子で深く（1 〜 2mm）

挿図4 青磁刻花蓮弁文洗「太平丁丑」銘 越窯 北宋太平興国二年（977年） 口径10.3 cm 個人蔵 出典：『青瓷昇華 唐宋と高麗の青瓷展』繭山龍泉堂 2023年 図版17

文様を刻み込む独自の刻花（片切彫り）技法 を確立した。刻まれた溝に釉薬が厚く溜まることで濃緑色の文様が浮かび上がり、越窯の 繊細な劃花（線刻）とは異なる、より力強く立体的な表現を可能にした。この技法は「巧 如范金（精巧なること金型に范るが如し）」と称され、あたかも金属器の打出し文様のよ うな立体感を実現した（図版 15、16）。器面全体に牡丹唐草文や蓮華文を隙間なく刻み込 む耀州窯の装飾様式は、北方の豪放な美意識の反映といえる。この越窯から耀州窯への技 術伝播と独自化のプロセスは、 「受容から創造へ」という中国陶磁史の基本的発展パター ンを示す好例であり、五代という分裂と移動の時代がかえって技術の広域的伝播を促進し たという歴史の逆説をも示している。

第四節

白瓷の胎動——邢窯から定窯へ

唐代白瓷の代表は、河北省臨城県・内丘県一帯の邢窯である。邢窯白瓷は李肇『国史補』 （9 世紀初頭）に「内丘白瓷甌」として記録され7、陸羽『茶経』で越窯青瓷と比較される

211

など、8 〜 9 世紀に中国最初の本格的白瓷窯としての地位を確立した。鉄分の少ない 白色粘土を用い、釉薬は透明性の高い長石質釉を基本とし、焼成温度は 1300℃前後に 達して磁器質の硬質な焼き上がりを実現する。釉色は青味のない中性の白で「類銀」 「類 雪」と形容された。しかし邢窯は晩唐から五代にかけて衰退し、良質な原料の枯渇、 定窯の台頭、戦乱による生産環境の悪化などを背景に、北宋初期にはほぼ生産を終え た。 邢窯に代わって北方白瓷の中心となったのが、河北省曲陽県の定窯である。定窯の 白瓷生産は晩唐（9 世紀）（図版 3）に始まり、五代期には「官」銘の白瓷（図版 4） を生産する官用供給窯としての地位を確立し、北宋に入ると宮廷から民間まで広範な 需要に応える大規模生産窯へと発展する。「新官」銘に関する最新の層位学的研究は、 当時の政治体制の変革と陶磁器調達システムの連動性をリアルに物語っている。「官」 銘が晩唐から北宋中期まで長期にわたり、複数の窯口（定窯、邢窯、耀州窯、越窯） で見つかるのに対し、 「新官」銘はそのほぼ 100% が定窯白瓷に限定され、時期も「五 代後期（後周）から北宋初期（太祖・太宗期）」の極めて短いスパンに集中して出土 する8。 定窯白瓷の釉薬は石灰釉を基本としながらも酸化マグネシウムを比較的多く含むた めに熔融時の粘性が高く、均一でなめらかな釉面が形成される。釉色は邢窯の中性白 とは異なり、僅かに黄味を帯びた象牙色の温かみのある白であり、この色調は胎土に 含まれる微量の鉄分・チタン分と、焼成雰囲気の微妙な制御によって生み出される。 宋代の白瓷生産は定窯に限らず、華北一帯から南方にまで広がりを見せていた。当 陽峪窯（河南省修武県）は北宋後期に定窯に匹敵する精緻な白瓷（図版 52 〜 55）を、 鉄分・チタン分が極めて少ない精製原料を用いて、より高い白度で達成したが、生産 期間は比較的短く北宋末の戦乱で衰退した。磁州窯の白瓷は白化粧を施した灰白色の 胎土に透明釉を掛けたもので、定窯や当陽峪窯のような純白瓷とは原料系譜が異なる が、白化粧の上に黒彩を施す装飾技法の発達により民窯白瓷の独自の世界を開拓した。 景徳鎮の白瓷（図版 51）は青白瓷の陰に隠れて従来あまり注目されてこなかったが、 湖田窯の北宋前期層からは純白に近い白瓷も出土しており、磁石（陶石）単味の胎土 を用いるこの生産経験が、後の元代枢府釉や明代甜白釉の基礎となった。福建省徳化 窯は宋代に白瓷生産を開始した南方の白瓷窯で、後の「中国白（ブラン・ド・シーヌ） 」 ほどの純白ではないが、鉄分の少ない良質な磁石を用いて青味のない温かみのある白 釉を特色とし、主に福建沿岸部で消費され一部は東南アジアへ輸出された。 以上の唐五代の展開——越窯秘色瓷の官用生産体制、朝貢外交を介した宮廷の青瓷 嗜好の醸成、越窯から耀州窯への技術伝播、邢窯から定窯への白瓷生産の重心移動—— は、北宋初期の陶磁生産が出発する技術的・制度的基盤をなした。

212

第一章

北宋官窯の成立——汝窯と北宋官窯

第一節

汝窯以前——北宋初期の青瓷受容

北宋初期の宮廷用青瓷の受容は、呉越国からの秘色瓷朝貢 を基盤として出発した。呉越国併合（978 年）後、越窯の宮 廷用瓷器生産は急速に縮小し、宮廷需要は主に定窯白瓷と耀 州窯青瓷によって満たされた。仁宗から神宗の時代にかけて、 士大夫層に唐代後半の越窯青瓷を理想化する復古的審美観が 芽生え、同時に定窯白瓷の「芒口」（覆焼きにより口縁が無 釉となる現象）への不満が高まった。南宋の陸游が著した『老 学庵筆記』や葉寘の『坦斎筆衡』の言及は、この不満の所在 を示し9、この定窯批判と越窯理想化の交差するところに、 新たな青瓷窯への需要が生まれたのである。

第二節

清凉寺汝窯（貢窯）の成立から北宋官窯（京師

官窯）の設置へ 一

貢窯としての官用区の性格

清凉寺窯は、晩唐五代に創焼し、当初は白瓷を主体とする 在地の民窯であった。北宋中期以降、青瓷の比重が高まって 施釉も安定し、北宋後期には豆青・豆緑を呈する青瓷を生産 する高度な窯場へと成長する。天青釉汝瓷（挿図 5）を焼く 供御区（考古発掘四区）は、この発達した民窯の基盤の上に、 出現した。それは皇室専用に隔絶設置された「官窯」ではな く、北宋後期の官府採購（調達）制度の改革に伴い、官が「置 場」して生産させた貢御窯——すなわち承包購買（請負調達） に基づく手工業作坊——であった。揀選（選別）を経て残っ た器はなお市中に販売しえたのであり、この点において、産 品が一切民間に流れない京師官窯とは、制度上截然と区別さ れる。成熟期の汝窯は欠陥品の集中的廃棄など、官窯的な性 格もある。周煇『清波雑志』が汝窯を「宮中の禁焼、内に瑪 瑙有りて釉と為す」と伝えるのも、この供御区における官の 関与の一端を示すものであろう10。 二

成立期（神宗朝）から成熟期（哲宗期、徽宗朝）へ

汝窯の発見者の一人である葉喆民は、宮廷用瓷である天青

213

挿図5 青磁洗 北宋 口径11.6 cm 清凉寺汝窯址出土 河南省文物考古研 究所蔵 出典：監修 出川哲朗『国際交流特別展 北宋汝窯青磁―考古発掘成 果展』財団法人大阪市美術振興協会 大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館 2009年 図版39

釉瓷の汝窯の盛期を元祐元年（1086）から宣和末年（1125）、すなわち哲宗・徽宗の 両朝にわたるものと推定していたが、考古学的にも基本的に一致する。2000 年の清凉 寺汝窯址発掘調査で四区（官用区）初期段階の層位から「元豊通宝」銭が出土し、神 宗の元豊年間（1078 － 85）には官用区が成立していたことを示している11。初期段階 では白瓷と青緑釉瓷が中心で天青釉瓷はまだ少ない。「元豊通宝」が出土した真上の 層は天青釉瓷が 99％以上を占めていて、成熟段階となり、哲宗の時代から劇的な変化 があったことがうかがえる。 官用区が天青釉汝瓷を集中的に焼造する成熟段階に、伝世の汝窯瓷器の器形はすべ て出そろっている（挿図 6、7）。また発掘では古代青銅器を模倣した造形も見られる。 天青釉瓷を焼成する技術が成熟し、匣鉢の外側には耐火土を塗り、支釘は小さく尖っ ている。欠陥品を集中的に廃棄する官窯スタイルが確立する。神宗期は汝窯は貢窯で あったが、哲宗からの成熟期には宮廷の関与が増大している。 三

北宋官窯（京師官窯）の設置と汝州張公巷窯——徽宗政和年間

この汝窯成熟期を経て、文献によれば、徽宗は京師（汴京、今の開封）に、汝窯と は別個の官窯を設置する。葉寘『坦斎筆衡』は「政和間、京師自ら窯を置きて焼造し、 名づけて官窯と曰う」と記し、顧文薦『負暄雑録』もこれを「宣政間」（政和〜宣和、

1111 － 1125）のこととする12。両書はいずれも南宋の成立にかかり、京師官窯設置の 記事としては現存最古のものである。「政和間」（1111 － 1118）を採るか「宣政間」を 採るかで下限には幅を生じるが、上限を政和年間に置く点では両者一致する。ここに いう官窯とは、皇室が直接に経営し、専ら宮廷に供して、産品を民間に流さない窯場 を指す。前述の貢窯（汝窯供御区、官用区）が民窯を基盤とし販売の余地を残したの とは、その制度的性格を根本的に異にするのであ る。 京師官窯の成立時期は、徽宗朝における礼制改 革（政和年間の礼制局設置）および金石学的復古 運動（呂大臨『考古図』、『宣和博古図』の編纂に 代表される古代青銅器の収集・著録事業）と時期 的・思想的に強く連動する。官窯青磁にみられる 簋・尊・觚・琮等、夏殷周三代の青銅器・玉器を 模した器形は、単なる意匠上の選好ではなく、国 家祭祀（郊祀・宗廟）における礼器としての実用 を前提とした、政治的正統性の演出装置であった。 挿図6 青磁楕円盆 北宋 最長口径26.0 cm 清凉寺汝窯址出土 河南省文物考古研究所蔵 出典：監修 出川哲朗『国際交流特別展 北宋汝窯青磁―考古発掘成果展』 財団法人大阪市美術振興協会 大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館 2009年 図版61

214

もっとも、この京師官窯をめぐっては、汴京の

挿図7 青磁水仙盆 汝窯 北宋 最長口径23.1 cm 出典：國立故宮博物院Open Data

國立故宮博物院蔵

窯址は黄河の氾濫等により今日まで考古学的には確認されておらず、実物資料は伝世 品に限られる。汝州張公巷窯が発見されたとき、これを北宋官窯に比定する説もあっ たが、層位的所見から金代に張公巷窯が高質の青瓷を焼き、欠陥品を集中的に廃棄し 13 。『重修 ていることなど官窯制度の性格があり、金代官窯とされている（挿図 8、9）

宣和博古図』の青銅器に一致した器形の青瓷などを含め、多数の青瓷片が出土してい て、1000 点あまり復元され、北宋官窯との関連性が注目されている。釉色など、失透 性の天青釉汝窯よりも、むしろ呉越国が北宋に朝貢した越窯の秘色瓷に似た端正な方 向性がある。北宋官窯にいた職工が金王朝下の張公巷窯で、金代の官窯青瓷を焼成し た可能性がある。2005 年に汝州東溝窯址の発掘調査で、金代層位から張公巷窯の出土 品と類似する青瓷碗や鈞釉瓷碗が出土していることからも、張公巷窯の中心は金代で ある傍証とされている14。 汝窯と張公巷窯との焼成技術は類似しているが、器物の造形や胎土の質、釉色など 理念とする方向性はやや異なる。一方、南宋老虎洞官窯の出土品が汝窯の出土品と類 似していることからも、汝窯と南宋官窯との継承関係は直接的ではないにしろ、明瞭 である。

215

挿図8 青磁碗 北宋〜金 口径16.5 cm 張公巷窯址出土 河南省文物考古研究 所蔵 出典：監修 出川哲朗『国際交流特別展 北宋汝窯青磁―考古発掘成果展』財 団法人大阪市美術振興協会 大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館 2009年 図版94

第三節

挿図9 青磁陶片 北宋〜金 張公巷窯址出土 河南省文物考古研究所蔵 出典：監修 出川哲朗『国際交流特別展 北宋汝窯青磁―考古発掘成果展』財団 法人大阪市美術振興協会 大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館 2009年 図版101

文人官僚の審美理念と北宋官窯の成立

北宋の工芸、とりわけ青瓷における美意識の転換は、宮廷および士大夫階級の思想 的変遷と不可分である。中唐の韓愈らに端を発する古文復興運動は、11 世紀の北宋期 において欧陽修や蘇軾らの文人官僚の手によって内省的かつ哲学的な審美主義へと結 実した。彼らが追求したのは、唐後半期の華美や装飾性を排した「平淡天真」の境地 であり、それは事物の本質を静徹に見つめる「格物致知」の態度に裏打ちされていた。 とりわけ書の分野において新たな表現を切り開いた蘇軾（1037–1101）の芸術思想は、 「法（形式）」から「意（精神性）」への転換を促し、これが工芸における「飾らない完備性」 を求める土壌を形成した。こうした文人官僚の意向と主導のもと、神宗期にはじまり、 政和年間にかけて成立・全盛を迎えたのが、貢窯としての汝窯である。汝窯の天青色 の釉調や、装飾を極限まで削ぎ落とした静謐な器形は、まさに 11 世紀士大夫が到達 した、作為を排した自然の写し鏡としての審美理念を体現するものであった。

216

この陶磁器における審美理念の深化は、同時代の宮廷絵画の流れとも緊密に連動し ている。唐代の韓幹に見られる「骨気（対象の本質的生命力）」の追求は、北宋盛期 の郭熙（1023 頃 –1085 頃）に至り、宮廷空間と響き合う緻密かつ壮大な空間構成へと 洗練された。郭熙の描く自然の有機的な揺らぎと深い精神性は、汝窯の持つ、光の角 度によって表情を変える失透性の美（乳濁釉）と軌を一にしている。 さらに、北宋末から南宋へと架橋する李唐（1066 頃 –1150 頃）の登場は、絵画にお ける線条の強靭さと硬質な構図の確立を意味していた。この「写実から鋭利な洗練へ」 という絵画史の転換は、汝窯から北宋官窯、そして南宋官窯へと至る、青瓷の「器形 の鋭角化」および「薄胎厚釉による質感の緊迫感」の深化と完全にパラレルな関係に ある。 汝窯の成立によって文人官僚的審美主義はひとつの頂点に達するが、北宋最後の皇 帝・徽宗（在位 1100–1126）は、その思想性をさらに一歩押し進め、独自の絶対的審 美王権を確立しようとした。徽宗自身は痩金体という高度に様式化された書法、また 精緻な院体花鳥画様式を確立し、あわせて『宣和博古図』『宣和書譜』『宣和画譜』等 の著録事業を主導した。官窯青瓷における古代礼器の模倣は、こうした徽宗個人の古 器物への関心・収集活動と同根であり、皇帝が自らを三代の聖王の礼制的正統継承者 として位置づけようとする、個人の美意識が国家イデオロギーへと転化した所産とし ての「官窯」と理解することができる。 この徽宗の強烈な美意識が、官窯的な貢窯である汝窯の枠組みを超え、首都・開封（京 師）に皇帝直属の御用窯としての北宋官窯を直接成立させる原動力となったのである。 文献に謳われる「京師官窯」の遺跡はいまだ確定的な発見には至っていないが、汝 州に位置する張公巷窯の発掘成果は、この官窯の美意識を鮮明に伝えている。張公巷 窯の製品は、汝窯の天青色よりもさらに明るく薄い緑青色を呈し、器壁は薄く、高台 の作りも極めて精緻である。造形面においても『重修宣和博古図』に対応する器物が 多数みられる。その根底にある洗練された様式美が、徽宗皇帝の目指した宮廷青瓷の 最高峰、すなわち北宋官窯の美意識の流れを汲むものであることは疑いない。

1127 年の靖康の変による開封の崩壊に伴い、北宋の技芸工匠は金軍によって北に連 行されたと文献に残るが、北宋官窯の職工は張公巷窯に関わり、汝窯の職工の一部は 南宋に逃れた可能性もある。上林湖周辺の越窯低嶺頭窯などで北宋期の越窯青瓷とは ことなる乳濁釉の青瓷を南宋初期に焼成し（挿図 10）、南宋の祭祀活動の需要に応じた。 そして南宋の都・臨安（杭州）の修内司官窯および郊壇下官窯という、南宋官窯の成 立へと継承されることになる。浙江省の龍泉窯渓口窯の「黒胎青瓷（胎土が黒く、釉 薬が厚い官窯系青瓷）」や、大窯の官窯器を模した精緻な砧青瓷にもその技法的な系 譜が窺える。

217

第四節

鈞窯——月白釉と窯変花釉の系譜

河南省禹県（現禹州市）の神垕鎮一帯に金代に展開した鈞窯（図 版 108 〜 113）は、汝窯・官窯・哥窯・定窯と並んで宋代五大名 窯の一つに数えられていた。鈞窯青瓷の最大の特色は、汝窯や官 窯の透明感ある単色釉とは異なり、釉中に乳濁した「月白釉」や「天 藍釉」と呼ばれる淡い青白色の釉調を呈する点にある。これは、 釉薬中のアルミナとシリカの比率の制御によって生じる液－液分 相現象（不混和な二つの液相がガラス質の釉の中に微細に分散す る現象）によるもので、可視光の波長と同程度の大きさの微粒子 が光を散乱させることで、釉そのものは無色透明でありながら青 みを帯びた乳濁色に見えるという、汝窯の鉄呈色とは全く異なる 物理的発色機構に基づいている15。 汝窯・ 臨汝窯（大峪東溝窯等） （図版 17）に見られる初期鈞窯は、 張公巷窯と層位的に交錯する地点も確認されており、北宋末から 金代にかけての華北における青瓷生産の多様な展開を示す重要な 手がかりとなっている。鈞窯の月白釉が体現する「乳濁の美学」 は、 挿図10 越窯低嶺頭窯出土陶片 南宋 上：乳濁釉盞 口径9.2 cm 下：乳濁釉壺 残高9.9 cm 出典：慈渓市博物館「浙江慈渓低嶺頭南宋窯址調査簡報」 『文物』2019年4期 図57, 58

汝窯の透明な天青釉とは対照的な、不透明で量感のある青の美を 提示するものであり、後述する康熙単色釉における「天藍釉」復 興の直接の参照源ともなった。

第二章

南宋官窯の展開——修内司・郊壇下と老虎洞窯

第一節

南宋官窯成立の歴史的背景

靖康の変（1127 年）ののち、南遷を余儀なくされた高宗（在位 1127-1162）は臨安（杭 州）に定都した。南宋初期には越窯低嶺頭窯において、北宋の汝窯の焼成技法を引き 継ぐ半失透性の青瓷が突然出現している。高宗は北宋宮廷文化の再建に着手し、その 一環として北宋官窯の伝統を継ぐ新たな官窯の設置を図った。南宋の葉寘『坦斎筆衡』 はこの経緯を「中興渡江、有邵成章提挙後苑、号邵局。襲故京遺制、置窯于修内司、 造青器、名内窯……後郊壇下別立新窯、亦曰官窯、比之旧窯、大不侔矣」と記す16。 すなわち開封の旧制を襲って修内司に「内窯」を置いたところ精緻な青器が世に珍重 されたが、後に郊壇下に立てた新窯は旧窯に遠く及ばなかったという。文献的には、 南宋官窯には修内司官窯（内窯）と郊壇下官窯の二段階の展開があったことが知られ る。

218

第二節

修内司官窯と老虎洞窯の発見

修内司官窯の所在地は長らく杭州鳳凰山周辺と推定されながら確証がなかったが、

1996 年から 2001 年にかけて発掘された杭州老虎洞窯跡がこの状況を一変させた（挿 17 。老虎洞窯跡は鳳凰山の北東麓に位置し、発掘の結果、南宋層と元代層の二 図 11）

層が確認された。南宋層から出土した青瓷片は、紫金土（鉄分 8 〜 10% の粘土）を用 いた黒灰色の胎、厚く掛けられた粉青釉と貫入（開片）を伴う釉調、琮式瓶・觚・尊 などの礼器形に加え碗・盤・洗などの日用器、そして「紫口鉄足」の特徴的な露胎痕 という点で伝世の南宋官窯青瓷（挿図 12）と高い一致を示す。これらの一致から、老 虎洞南宋層が修内司官窯の遺構である可能性は極めて高い。ただし、修内司（宮中の 造営・修繕を司る官署）の管轄窯が老虎洞に限定されたのか、他にも関連窯が存在し たのかについては、なお議論の余地が残されている。

挿図11 青磁弦文瓶 修内司官窯 南宋 高25.8 cm 老虎洞窯址出土 杭州歴史博 物館蔵 出典：監修 出川哲朗『国際交流企画展 幻の名窯 南宋修内司官窯―杭州老 虎洞窯址発掘成果展』財団法人大阪市博物館協会 2010年 図版5

挿図12 青磁下蕪瓶 南宋官窯 画像提供：出光美術館

219

南宋

高23.1 cm

重要文化財

出光美術館蔵

第三節

郊壇下官窯の技術的達成と南宋官窯の美意識

郊壇下官窯は杭州烏亀山の麓に位置し、早くも 1930 年代に発掘調査が行われ、現 在の杭州南宋官窯博物館の敷地がこれにあたる。窯炉は全長 40 メートルを超える龍 窯で、窯内の温度勾配を利用して多様な釉調を作り分けることが可能であった。出土 品には理想的な粉青釉の優品だけでなく、灰青釉や黄色みを帯びた米黄釉（米色青瓷） のものも多く含まれ、官窯といえども焼成の成功率は高くなかったことを示している。 技術的特徴は第一に紫金土胎の活用であり、この胎土が釉薬の薄い口縁部や釉の流れ 落ちた底部に露出することで「紫口鉄足」と呼ばれる効果を生み、様式化して美的効 果に転化した。第二に厚掛け釉の開発であり、石灰釉を基本としながら植物灰の調合 により熔融温度を下げ、複数回の釉掛けによって釉厚 1 〜 2mm に達する厚い釉層を 実現した。釉薬の化学組成は酸化カルシウム 10 〜 14%、酸化カリウム 3 〜 6% で、 清凉寺汝窯よりも粘性が高く釉層が厚く保持される特性を持つ18。 南宋官窯青瓷の審美理念は、北宋の蘇軾らが提唱した「平淡天真（作為のない自然 な美）」の思想を基盤として受け継いでいる。南宋では「朱子学」へと深化して、外 的な華美を排除して、「内省的な静徹な精神性」を重んじる方向性へと向かう。玉を 想起させる、光を内側に抱き込む質感を目指しているが、北宋の汝窯とは明確に異な る様相もある。両者の差異を最も鋭く示すのは、貫入（開片）に対する態度である。 汝窯において釉色を最優先させ、貫入は抑制されるべき副次的現象であり、理想とし ては無貫入の完全な釉面が志向された。これに対し南宋官窯は貫入（開片）を積極的 に美的効果として受容し、さらに「金絲鉄線」と称される太細二種の貫入を装飾的要 素として様式化した。汝窯が「人為を超えた自然の完成」を理想としたのに対し、南 宋官窯は「自然の偶然性を人為の美へと昇華する」という、より複雑な美意識を示し ている。 この南宋官窯の貫入受容は、単なる焼き損じの美化ではない。近年の断面分析（上 海硅酸塩研究所等）によれば、職人は釉薬（長石質）と胎土（紫金土）の鉄分・シリカ・ アルミナの比率を精密に制御し、熱膨張率差を意図的に最大化したうえで多層施釉を 重ねることで、粗い鉄線文の間に微細な金糸文が重層的に交差する「百圾破」の三次 元的効果をあらかじめ設計していたという19。この態度は、人為を尽くした先で最後 の完成を炎と冷却という自然の摂理に委ねる「天工」の思想、および理学・道教の宇 宙観と深く共鳴する。さらに、貫入（開片）、露胎（紫口鉄足）の裡に真理を見出す この南宋的な内省は、南宋臨安に栄えた禅宗寺院の不完全性への凝視と地続きであり、 のちに日本の美意識へ大きな影響を与える、東アジア美学の一つの転換点をなすもの であった。 南宋官窯は琮式瓶・觚・尊・鬲式炉といった古代青銅器を模した礼器的な器形を多

220

く含む（挿図 13） 。これは失われた北宋の正統 性を回復しようとする南宋朝廷の復古的な文化 政策の反映であり、陶磁器を単なる実用器では なく礼楽制度を可視化する「礼器」として位置 付ける志向を示す。釉色においても、汝窯の淡 い天青釉に対し、南宋官窯はより濃厚な粉青釉 （鉄分約 2 〜 3%）を追求し、この色彩は南宋の 湿潤な風土や臨安の西湖山水を連想させるもの であり、北宋の乾いた北方の天の色から、南宋 の潤いのある江南の水色への転換と言えるかも しれない。 生産体制についても、汝窯（汝窯官用区）が 北宋官僚の審美理念と直結したものであったの に対し、南宋官窯は修内司・郊壇下という国家 機関の管轄下に置かれた官窯であり、南宋一代 を通じてより制度的で安定した生産体制を持っ ていた。 なお、南宋官窯の「金絲鉄線」的な貫入装飾 と密接に関連付けて語られるのが哥窯である。 哥窯は文献上「処州章生一」の窯として伝えら れ、太細二色の貫入が網目状に交錯する「金絲 鉄線」を最大の特色とするが、製作年代も南宋 末から元代にかけてとする説が有力で、南宋官 窯の様式が文人趣味の中でアイコン化され様式

挿図13 青磁管耳瓶 郊壇下官窯 南宋 高25.8 cm 個人蔵 出典：『青瓷昇華 唐宋と高麗の青瓷展』繭山龍泉堂 2023年

として継承されたものと理解されている。哥窯 の貫入は南宋官窯以上に意匠化されており、偶然の亀裂を装飾として様式化するとい う南宋的な美意識が、さらに先鋭化された形で結実したものということができる。 総じて、北宋汝窯の美は道教的な「人為を超えた自然」の理想であり、普遍美への 憧れを映す。これに対し南宋官窯の美は、不完全性や偶然性を内包した「自然と人為 の拮抗」の美であり、南に拠った王朝が限定的な現実の中で文化的正統性を築こうと する意志を映す。両者は相反するというより相補い、あわさって宋代青瓷の全幅を形 成し、後世が参照し続ける「古典」の規範を確立した。 南宋官窯の性格は、臨安（杭州）の宮廷関連遺跡の出土状況からも裏づけられる。 高宗が退位後に住み「北内」と称された德寿宮の遺址（2001 年以降発掘、2022 年に

221

図版35

挿図14 青瓷洗「奉華」銘 汝窯 北宋 口径12.7 cm 出典：國立故宮博物院Open Data

國立故宮博物院蔵

遺址博物館開館）からは、龍泉窯青瓷の六方七管占景盆・刻花双魚洗・鼎式炉、 景徳鎮青白瓷、定窯白瓷の残片などが出土し、南宋宮廷における高級陶磁消費 の実相を伝える20。臨安城内の南宋皇城・太廟・臨安府治などの宮廷・官衙遺 跡からも、官窯・龍泉などの高級青瓷が出土している。さらに出土品ではない が、汝窯の出戟樽・紙槌瓶などの底に、德寿宮の配殿「奉華堂」に由来する「奉 華」銘を南宋宮廷の玉工が加刻した伝世品（挿図 14）が知られ、北宋汝窯の 名品が南宋宮廷で秘蔵・使用されたことを示す（これらの汝窯には後に清の乾 隆帝が御製詩を加刻した例も多い）。周輝『清波雑志』が南宋にはすでに汝瓷 を得がたい希少品と記すように、南宋宮廷の陶磁趣味は、同時代の官窯・龍泉 青瓷に北宋以来の名窯の伝世品を重ね合わせた、重層的なものであった。

第三章

青瓷の広がり——耀州窯と龍泉窯

第一節

耀州窯——刻花青瓷の完成

耀州窯の編年は 1990 年代の黄堡窯址の大規模発掘により飛躍的に精緻化さ れた21。唐代（7 〜 9 世紀）は三彩・黒釉瓷・白瓷などを生産する前史期にあ たり、青瓷はごく少数で越窯の影響もまだ認められない。五代（10 世紀）に

222

は越窯秘色瓷の直接的影響を受けた高品質の青瓷が出現する越窯技術受容期となり、 北宋前期（10 世紀後半〜 11 世紀前半）には越窯の影響から徐々に脱して耀州窯独自 の方向性が模索される移行期を経て、北宋中期（11 世紀中頃〜後半）に刻花青瓷の確 立期を迎える。深く刻み込まれた牡丹唐草文・蓮華文が器面を隙間なく覆い、釉薬の 濃淡による立体的装飾効果が達成され、釉色はオリーブグリーンがかった深い緑色を 呈し、耀州窯は北方青瓷の頂点としての地位を確立した。北宋後期から金代（12 〜

13 世紀）（図版 100、101）にかけては、還元焼成から酸化焼成への転換を反映して釉 色が青緑色から月白色（淡い乳濁青白色）へと変化し、鈞窯の影響も指摘されている。 耀州窯からは五代には「官」字款や北宋末には「尚食局」銘を刻んだ器物も出土し ており、宮廷への供給ルートが存在したことを示す。耀州窯の所在地が宮廷から地理 的に遠かったことも、これを皇帝直属の専焼官窯ではなく、地方官衙を通じた実務的 な官用供給窯とする要因になったと考えられる。

第二節

龍泉窯——越窯の継承から南宋官窯との技術交渉へ

龍泉窯は浙江省南部の龍泉市を中心に展開し、北宋中期（11 世紀）に本格的な青瓷 生産を開始した。初期の龍泉青瓷（金村類型）は、越窯青瓷に類似した黄味を帯びた 淡いオリーブグリーンの釉色、酸化カルシウム 15 〜 20% の石灰釉、碗・盤・壺など 越窯の伝統的器種構成、劃花による簡素な装飾という特徴を示し、越窯青瓷の継承者 であることを物語る。南宋初期には渓口窯で南宋官窯と類似する黒胎青瓷が焼成され、 官窯との関係性が注目されている。 龍泉窯が画期的な展開を遂げるのは南宋中期（12 世紀後半〜 13 世紀初頭）であり、 大窯地区を中心に厚手の粉青釉・梅子青釉を特徴とする黄金時代が到来する（図版

79、80、82 〜 86）。この転換の核心は釉薬の石灰釉から石灰鹼釉への転換にあり、初 期龍泉（金村類型）の酸化カルシウム 15 〜 20%・酸化カリウム 1 〜 2% に対し、南 宋後期龍泉（大窯粉青釉）は酸化カルシウム 8 〜 12%・酸化カリウム 4 〜 6% と組成 が大きく変化している22。石灰鹼釉はカリウムの増加により釉の高温粘性が高く釉層 を厚く保持でき、また微細な気泡や結晶が析出しやすいため光散乱効果によって乳濁 した「玉質」の外観を生み出す。この転換は龍泉窯の内部のみで達成されるとは考え にくく、南宋官窯の釉薬も石灰鹼釉であり、龍泉大窯との組成上の類似性が認められ る。 粉青釉は淡い青緑色の厚掛け釉で、釉面に微細な気泡を無数に含むために半透明の 乳濁感があり、柔らかく落ち着いた光沢を放つ。その色調と質感は「玉」を連想させ、 宋代青瓷が追求した「玉質」の理想を最も純粋に実現したものの一つである。梅子青 釉は梅の実のような濃い青緑色で、粉青釉よりも透明度が高くガラス質の光沢があり、

223

焼成温度がやや高く（約 1280℃）還元焔が強い条件で 得られる。器形は北宋期の越窯的な碗・盤に加え、南宋 期には琮式瓶・鬲式炉・鳳耳瓶・龍虎瓶など古代青銅器 を模した礼器的な器種が増加し、双魚文を貼付した盤や 蓮弁文を刻んだ碗など装飾性豊かな作品も多い。龍泉青 瓷の美意識は南宋官窯の「玉質」志向を継承しながらも、 官窯よりも装飾性が高く開放的で豊かな表現を示すが、 これは龍泉青瓷が宮廷の独占物ではなく広く富裕層や 海外市場に流通し、官窯の厳格な様式規範から自由で あったことと関連している。 この南宋盛期、龍泉窯の生産規模は北宋期とは比較に ならないほど拡大した。大窯・渓口をはじめ龍泉市一帯 の窯址は数百カ所に及び、全長数十メートルの大型龍窯 を主体とする一大窯業地帯の様相を呈した。この拡大は 国内需要のみでは説明しがたく、海外輸出市場の急速な 挿図15 青磁管耳瓶 龍泉窯 南宋 高32.0 cm 遂寧市金魚村出土 遂寧市博物館蔵 出典：監修 出川哲朗、弓場紀知『封印された南宋陶磁展』朝日新聞社 1998年 図版9

拡大が龍泉窯の生産体制そのものを変容させたことを 物語る。 龍泉青瓷は南宋後期から元代にかけて中国陶磁の輸 出主力商品となった。1976 年に韓国新安沖で発見され た新安沈船（沈没年 1323 年）からは約 2 万点の陶磁器 が引き揚げられ、その約 60% が龍泉青瓷であった23。 南シナ海の華光礁一号や南海一号の積載陶磁でも龍泉 青瓷の比率は高い。海域アジアでの流通は単なる商品交 易を超え、日本では「砧青磁」として茶人に愛好され、 東南アジアでは首長層のステータスシンボル、西アジ ア・東アフリカでは建築装飾に用いられるなど地域ごと の文化的拡散の側面をもち、13 〜 14 世紀には景徳鎮青 白瓷と並ぶ国際商品となった。 龍泉青瓷の南宋盛期の到達点と国内流通を雄弁に物 語るのが、1991 年に四川省遂寧市金魚村で発見された 24 。一号窖蔵では、地表下約 窖蔵である（挿図 15、16）

一メートルの楕円形の土坑に、器物が灰色の細砂で層を 挿図16 青磁共蓋酒会壺 龍泉窯 南宋 高30.2 cm 遂寧市金魚村出土 遂寧市博物 館蔵 出典：監修 出川哲朗、弓場紀知『封印された南宋陶磁展』朝日新聞社 1998年 図版1

分けつつ四層に整然と密に積み重ねられ、瓷器・銅器・ 石器あわせて千数百点（うち完形・復元可能な瓷器約

224

千二百点）が出土した。装箱も梱包もせず土中に直接埋めた急な埋納状況から、蒙古 軍の四川侵攻を避けた窖蔵（埋納年代は端平三年（1236 年））と推定され、梅子青釉 の龍泉窯青釉荷葉形蓋罐（内部に青白釉の小碟九十九枚を納める）は南宋末龍泉青瓷 の標準器として名高い。従来元代とされた荷葉蓋罐や葫芦形水注が南宋に既存したこ とを確定させるなど、南宋末の龍泉・景徳鎮製品の器形編年上も決定的な資料である。

第四章

白瓷の系譜——定窯と景徳鎮青白瓷

第一節

定窯の生産構造と官用供給

定窯は河北省曲陽県澗磁村・北鎮村一帯に展開し、晩唐から元代まで継続した北方 白瓷の代表的窯である。1985 年以降の河北省文物研究所による発掘調査によって、澗 磁村を中心とする窯区と燕川村など周辺の窯区が有機的な分業関係にあり25、中心窯 区では高級白瓷を、周辺窯区では日用雑器を生産する専門化された分業体制が判明し ている。定窯白瓷の釉薬は長石質釉を基本とし、酸化カルシウム 5 〜 7%、酸化カリ ウム 3 〜 5% を含み、比較的低火度（約 1280 〜 1320℃）で熔融して定窯特有の象牙 色を帯びた温かみのある白を生み出す（図版 18 〜 28、102 〜 104）。胎土は曲陽県付 近に産する白色粘土（霊山土）を精製して用い、鉄分 0.5 〜 1.0% と低く焼成後も白 度の高い胎色を保つ。 北宋中期に導入された覆焼き（伏せ焼き）技法は、器物を伏せた状態で匣鉢に積み 重ねて焼成することで一度により多くの製品を生産できるようにし、定窯の生産効率 を飛躍的に向上させた。しかし口縁部が匣鉢に接触するため釉薬を削り落とさねばな らず、 「芒口」と呼ばれる無釉部分が生じた。宮廷ではこの芒口に金・銀・銅の口金 を被せる「金釦」 「銀釦」で対応したが、南宋の葉寘『坦斎筆衡』が「本朝以定州白 磁器有芒不堪用」と記すように、芒口は定窯白瓷の宮廷での評価を低下させる要因と なった。装飾技法は北宋前期の劃花（線刻）に始まり、中期には陶範を用いて文様を 押し付ける印花が盛行し、同一文様の大量生産を可能にした。文様の主題は牡丹・蓮華・ 菊花などの花卉文、鳳凰・龍・麒麟などの霊獣文、嬰戲文など多岐にわたり、特に嬰 戲文は宋代の世俗的な吉祥趣味を反映するものとして注目される。 定窯からは五代から北宋初期の「官」 「新官」、北宋末期から金代の「尚食局」 「尚薬局」 「奉華」などの銘文を刻んだ器物が出土している。「尚食局」は宮中の食事を、 「尚薬局」 は薬剤を司る部署であり、これらの銘文は定窯白瓷が宮廷の特定の用途に合わせて生 産されていたことを示す。特に「官」字款は五代から北宋初期にかけて多く見られ官 用供給の一般的標識と考えられるが、この「官」字款の定窯白瓷は遼（契丹）の領域

225

内の墓葬からも出土しており、北宋と遼の間で定 窯製品が国際的に移動していたことを示唆する。 これらの銘文に年代的基準を与えるのが、定州 （河北省）の紀年塔基地宮である。1969 年に発掘さ れた静志寺塔基地宮（北宋太平興国二年＝ 977 年 瘞封）と浄衆院塔基地宮（同至道元年＝ 995 年） からは、未盗掘のまま北宋初期の定窯白瓷が多数 出土した。とりわけ静志寺出土の白瓷「官」款対 26 は、外底に「官」字款と「供養 蝶紋碟（挿図 17）

舎利

太平興国二年五月」の紀年墨書を併せもち、

「官」款定窯白瓷の絶対年代を確定する第一級の紀 年資料である。これは、法門寺地宮（874 年）や巨 鹿宋城（1108 年）、遂寧金魚村の窖蔵などとともに、 唐五代〜宋代の陶磁編年を支える紀年資料の一つ である。

第二節

景徳鎮青白瓷の誕生と宋代貿易圏

景徳鎮は江西省東北部に位置し、五代から北宋 初期にかけて青白瓷（影青）の生産を開始した（図 版 59 〜 73、75）。中心窯址である湖田窯の発掘調 査（1970 年代〜 1990 年代）により、五代層では越 窯系青瓷と白瓷が併存し、北宋前期層から青白瓷

挿図17 白磁劃花双蝶文輪花盤「太平興国二年（977年）」銘 定窯 径12.4 cm 河北省定州市静志寺塔基出土 定州市博物院蔵 出典：（表）葉喆民『中国陶磁史』科学出版社東京 2019年 図版8-27（裏） 『地下宮殿の遺宝 中国河北省定州北宋塔基出土文物展』出光美術館 1997年 図版71

が出現することが確認されている27。青白瓷の釉薬 は長石質の透明釉に微量の鉄分（0.5 〜 1.0%）を 添加することで僅かに青味を帯びた透明釉を実現 したもので、玉を連想させるとして「饒玉」とも

称された。湖田窯の北宋層から出土する青白瓷は器壁が薄く、瓜稜形の壺や碗、 蓮弁文を刻んだ盤、獅子形の枕など、金属器や漆器を模した宋代工芸に共通す る自然主義的造形感覚を示し、北宋後期には印花技法も導入され定窯白瓷の影 響を受けた牡丹唐草文や嬰戲文が施されるようになる。 景徳鎮の発展の原動力は地理的条件と生産体制にあった。昌江の水運を利用 して原料の搬入と製品の搬出が容易であり、周辺には良質な磁石と燃料（松柴） が豊富に存在した。窯場は湖田・楊梅亭・黄泥頭など複数地区に分散しつつも、 原料精製・成形・施釉・焼成の各工程で高度な分業が成立しており、これは

226

民窯でありながら一種の工業的生産体制に近い性格を備えていたことを示す。技術的 達成として特筆すべきは薄胎成形技術の高度化であり、一部の優品では器壁の厚さが

1mm 以下に達し透光性を持つ。また定窯と同様に量産化のため覆焼き技法としたり、 芒口を嫌って口縁部に釉薬を残す焼成もある。 景徳鎮青白瓷は北宋後期から南宋にかけて龍泉青瓷と並ぶ貿易陶磁の主力商品とな り、東アジア（日本の博多遺跡群・鎌倉・平泉、朝鮮半島の開城高麗王宮跡）、東南 アジア（インドネシア・フィリピン・タイの港市遺跡）、南アジア（インド東海岸・ 西海岸の交易都市）、西アジア（ペルシャ湾岸のシーラーフ、シリアのラッカ）、東ア フリカ（ケニアのラム諸島、タンザニアのキルワ島）に至る広範な範囲に流通した。 この流通を支えたのが泉州・広州・明州（寧波）といった国際貿易港であり、特に泉 州は南宋期に中国最大の貿易港として繁栄し、そこから積み出された景徳鎮青白瓷は 南海貿易ルートを通じてインド洋世界にまで到達した。南宋前期の沈船「南海一号」 の積載陶磁の約 50% が景徳鎮青白瓷であったことは、その輸出量の大きさを物語って いる。

第五章

民窯の世界——磁州窯系陶器と黒釉の天目

第一節

磁州窯の技法体系と民衆美意識

磁州窯は河北省邯鄲市磁県を中心に河南省・山西省にまたがる華北最大の民窯群で ある。中心窯址である観台窯の発掘（1987 年、北京大学考古学系ほか）により五代か ら元代に至る連続層位が確認され、四期の編年が確立された28。第一期（五代〜北宋 初期）は白化粧に透明釉を施した簡素な白瓷が主体で黒彩はまだ少なく、第二期（北 宋中期）に白地黒彩（白化粧の上に鉄絵を施す技法）が本格化して牡丹唐草文や魚藻 文が展開する。第三期（北宋後期〜金代）には掻き落とし・紅緑彩（宋赤絵）・黒釉 堆線など技法が最も多様化し、第四期（元代）には大型器と龍鳳などの吉祥文様が盛 行して遠隔地流通も拡大する。磁州窯は精製胎土を用いず、粗い胎土に白化粧土を施 して表面を白く整え、多彩な装飾を可能にした点に特徴がある（図版 29 〜 44）。 白地黒彩は磁州窯の装飾技法の中で最も重要なもので、白化粧を施した器面に鉄分 を多く含む顔料（鬼板）で文様を描き、その上から透明釉を掛けて焼成する。焼成後、 文様部分は黒褐色に発色し白地との鮮やかなコントラストを生む。文様は花鳥・魚藻・ 嬰戲・山水・詩文など極めて多彩で、官窯の端正で抑制された文様とは対照的な、民 衆の生活感情に根ざした自由闊達な表現が展開される（図版 93、94）。器面に漢詩の 一節を筆で書き付けた「詩文紋」は、文字を装飾として用いる中国独自の意匠であり、

227

宋代の識字率の上昇と庶民文化の広がりを反映する（図版 32）。白地黒掻き落としは 白化粧の上に全面に黒泥を掛け、文様部分の黒泥を掻き落として白地を露出させる技 法で、漆工の彫漆や金工の象嵌からの影響が指摘されており、他工芸分野との交流を 示す好例である。 紅緑彩（宋赤絵）は透明釉の上に赤（酸化鉄）と緑（酸化銅）の上絵具で文様を描き、 低温（約 800℃）で焼き付けたもので、金代に盛行し牡丹文や魚文、吉祥文字などが 描かれる（図版 96 〜 99）。これは中国陶磁史における上絵付け技法の最も早い体系的 な実践として技術史的意義が極めて大きく、後世の五彩や粉彩の直接の祖型とは言え ないまでも、低温上絵具による多彩装飾の可能性を初めて開拓した点で画期的な技法 であった。赤は吉祥と生命力を、緑は繁栄と調和を象徴し、官窯の単色釉の抑制され た美とは全く異質の、原色的で祝祭的な華やかさを持つ。「福」 「寿」 「禄」の吉祥文字、 魚（年年有余）、牡丹（富貴）、蓮（清浄と多産）、石榴（子孫繁栄）、蝙蝠（福）など、 後に中国工芸全体に広がる吉祥図像の多くが、磁州窯の枕（瓷枕）や器物においてす でに体系的な展開を見せている。 磁州窯の白地黒彩は磁県観台窯に限らず、河南省鶴壁窯・登封窯、山西省介休窯・ 霍州窯など華北の広い範囲に分布し、これらは「磁州窯系」と総称される。各窯が独 自の文様や器形を持ちながらも白化粧と鉄絵という基本技法を共有し、華北の民間需 要に応える形で広域的に伝播・共有された、一つの開かれた民窯文化圏を形成してい た。その美意識は官窯の「無文の美」「抑制の美」とは対極に位置し、生命力に満ち た装飾性と自由な筆致、吉祥への率直な願望を特徴とする、宋代陶磁のもう一つの豊 かな世界であった。 磁州窯研究の出発点となったのが、河北省鉅鹿（巨鹿）の宋城遺跡である（図版 34 〜 38、42 〜 44）（挿図 18）。北宋大観二年（1108 年）の黄河の氾濫によって町ごと埋 没したこの県城は、1918 年に村人の井戸掘りの際に偶然発見され29、大量の白地黒彩・ 掻き落とし・鉄絵の民窯瓷とともに、定窯白瓷・景徳鎮青白瓷・龍泉青瓷が一括して 出土した。器物の底に購入年月や使用者名を墨書した例も多く、北宋末の都市生活を 生き生きと伝える。埋没年代が明確なため、これらは北宋末の華北陶瓷に確実な年代 基準（1108 年）を与える紀年資料となった。出土品の多くは欧米・日本に流出し、こ れを研究した英国のホブソンが磁州および周辺地域（河南、山西、山東など）で焼成 （磁州窯系） された類似する様式の陶磁器に 1925 年に「磁州タイプ（Tz'u Chou type）」 の名を提唱したことで 30、この民窯群の窯名と窯系概念が国際的に確立した。

228

挿図18 鉅鹿出土の磁州窯の器形（「鉅⿅宋器叢録』第1編「瓷器題字」より」 出典：長谷川楽爾編『中国の陶磁 第七巻 磁州窯』平凡社 1996年

第二節

挿図8

建窯・吉州窯——喫茶文化と黒釉の美

宋代は喫茶文化の黄金時代であり、粉末状の茶葉を点てる「点茶法」において白い 泡沫を最も美しく引き立てたのが黒釉の茶碗であった（図版 87、88、89）。徽宗皇帝 は自著『大観茶論』 （1107 年）において「盞色貴青黒、玉毫条達者為上（盞の色は青 黒を貴び、玉毫の条達なるものを上と為す）」と述べ 31、黒釉茶碗の中でも「玉毫」（禾 目＝兎毫斑）の現れたものを最上と評価した。この宮廷の需要を背景に、黒釉茶碗の 生産は福建の建窯、江西の吉州窯、浙江の天目窯など各地で展開された。 福建省建陽市水吉鎮に位置する建窯は、北宋中期から南宋にかけて黒釉茶碗（建盞） の最高峰として名を馳せた。建窯の黒釉は鉄分を 5 〜 8% と極めて高く含有し、高温（約

1300℃）の酸化焼成において釉面に鉄結晶を析出させることで多様な文様効果を生み 出す。禾目（兎毫斑）は釉面に細かい筋状の結晶が放射状に現れるもので最も一般的 な建盞の文様効果であり、徽宗が「玉毫」と称揚したのはこれである。油滴は釉面に 銀色または虹色の小斑紋が散在するもので禾目よりも稀な効果であり、釉薬中の鉄分 が過飽和状態となり微細な結晶粒として析出することで生じる。曜変は釉面に虹色の 光彩を放つ斑紋が現れる極めて稀な作品で、現存する完品は三点（日本の静嘉堂文庫 「進 美術館・藤田美術館・大徳寺龍光院所蔵）のみとされる32。建窯の茶碗には「供御」 琖」の文字を型押ししたものがあり、建盞が北宋宮廷への貢納品であったことを示す。

建盞は圧倒的なブランド品であり、福建省では武夷山遇林亭窯（図版 90）、福清東張窯、 南平茶洋窯のほか、次に述べるように、各地の窯で黒釉茶盞（天目）が生産された。

229

江西省吉安市永和鎮に位置する吉州窯は、建窯と並ぶ宋代黒釉茶碗の主要生産地で あるが、建窯の鉄結晶による文様効果とは全く異なる独自の装飾技法を発展させた。 剪紙貼花は紙を切り抜いて文様の型を作りそれを施釉後の器面に貼り付けて焼成する 技法で、焼成中に紙は燃え尽き、貼り付け部分と地の釉薬が化学反応を起こすことで 文様部分が淡い黄色や褐色に発色し黒釉の地に浮かび上がる。文様の主題は梅花・蘭 花・鳳凰・蝶・吉祥文字など多岐にわたり、民間の切り紙細工の意匠を陶磁器に応用 したものである。木葉天目（図版 91）は実際の木の葉を器面に貼り付けて焼成する技 法で、焼成中に木の葉は灰化し葉脈の微細な構造までが器面に焼き付けられる。使用 される木の葉は主に桑の葉で、一枚の葉が黒釉の碗の内面に浮かび上がる様は禅の悟 りの象徴として深い精神性を帯びる。吉州窯が位置する吉安は宋代に禅宗が隆盛した 地域であり、木葉天目の桑の葉は禅宗において悟りの象徴とされ、剪紙貼花の梅花や 蘭花もまた禅僧の詩画に好まれたモチーフであった。 黒釉茶盞の生産は南方の建窯・吉州窯に限られない。唐代の河南鶴壁窯・山東淄博 窯に始まり、宋金代には磁州窯系をはじめ河南の当阳峪窯、山西の懷仁窯・渾源窯、 河南の禹県窯など華北の諸窯が兔毫・油滴の黒釉茶盞を盛んに焼き、金代に最盛期を 迎えた。これらは「河南天目」「華北油滴」などと称され、建盞とは胎土・釉調や斑 紋の生成機構を異にするが、北宋末以来の斗茶・喫茶文化が南北を通じて広く浸透し ていたことを物語る（図版 48、49、92）。定窯もまた漆黒の「黒定」を焼いており、 華北における黒釉茶盞生産の厚みを裏づけている。 建窯・吉州窯などの黒釉茶盞は、もともと民間の喫茶需要から生まれた民窯製品で あったが、宋代士大夫の審美眼によって「発見」され、徽宗『大観茶論』の称揚を通 じて宮廷の茶器に採用された。この経緯は、宋代における「民から官へ」の美的価値 の上昇移動を示す好例である。黒釉の美は官窯の青瓷・白瓷の「玉質」志向とは異なり、 釉面に現れる偶然の結晶効果——禾目・油滴・曜変・木葉の痕跡・剪紙の影——を愛 でる「自然の痕跡の美」であって、火と素材の一回性の現象に価値を認めるこの美意 識には、禅宗の「無作の作」「自然法爾」との深い共鳴がある。

第三節

臨安天目窯の意義——南宋都城圏の黒釉生産

浙江省杭州市臨安区の天目山周辺に分布する臨安天目窯は、近年研究が進展する南

1999 〜 2001 年の杭州市文物考古研究所の調査で凌口窯址・ 宋の黒釉茶碗生産地である。 紹魯窯址など複数の窯址が確認された33。最大の特徴は、南宋の都城臨安（杭州）か ら至近に立地する点で、遠隔地の建窯・吉州窯とは異なり「都城近郊型窯」として南 宋宮廷や都城市場向けの天目茶碗を供給したと見られる。釉調は茶褐〜黒褐色を基調 とし禾目も現れるが建窯ほど明瞭ではなく、胎土は灰白〜淡褐色の精製粘土で器壁も

230

薄い。これは定窯・景徳鎮青白瓷の白瓷技術を基盤に黒釉生産へ参入したことを示唆 する。 「供御」銘は確認されず明示的な官用窯ではないが、立地と品質の高さから宮廷・ 貴族層による非公式な調達ルートの存在が想定される。天目山が南宋に禅宗の霊場と して栄え多くの日本僧が訪れたことは、 「天目」 （名称の初出は 1335 年）という日本 での呼称の背景として重要であり、日本での「天目」概念は「建盞」や産地を越えた 黒釉茶碗の総称として成立した。

第六章

宋代陶磁の海域流通——沈船考古学と積載陶磁の実態

宋代の海域貿易の実態を最も雄弁に物語るのが沈船考古学の成果である。2007 年に 広東省陽江沖で全体引き揚げが行われた南海一号は、南宋前期（12 世紀後半）の貿易 船で、船内から約 6 万点を超える陶磁器が回収された。積載陶磁の構成は、景徳鎮青 白瓷約 50%、龍泉青瓷約 20%、福建産青瓷約 20%、その他約 10% であり34、景徳鎮 青白瓷と龍泉青瓷が貿易陶磁の二大主力であったことを示す。一方、西沙諸島海域で 発見された華光礁一号（南宋前期）は、主に福建・広東産の粗製青瓷と景徳鎮青白瓷 を積載しており、総じて南海一号より粗製で、より大衆的な東南アジア島嶼部市場向 けの商品であったと推測される。沈船によって積載陶磁のグレードと消費地の性格が 異なっていたことは、宋代貿易陶磁が単一の市場構造ではなく、複数の階層化された 市場に向けて生産・出荷されていたことを示している。 現在までの沈船考古学の成果において、汝窯や南宋官窯などの官窯製品が沈船から 出土した確実な事例はない。このことは、官窯製品が原則として宮廷内部で消費され、 商品としての海外流出が極めて限定的であったことを示している。一方で、高級民窯 製品（景徳鎮青白瓷や龍泉青瓷の優品）が海外に流出している事例は多く、東南アジ アや日本の上層階級の消費遺跡から出土する。この官民の流通境界は、宋代の陶磁器 流通において最高級品が宮廷に留まり、高級民窯製品が富裕層向けに国内外で流通し、 粗製の民窯製品が大衆市場に供給されるという、階層的な流通構造が存在したことを 物語っている。 日本列島における消費遺跡の出土状況も、この階層的流通構造を裏付ける。古代に は福岡の鴻臚館跡が対外交易の窓口として越窯青瓷や白瓷などを受容していたが（挿 35 、十一世紀後半に交易拠点が博多へ移ると、博多遺跡群からは龍泉青瓷・景 図 19）

徳鎮青白瓷・天目などの優品が、平安末期から鎌倉期にかけての層位から大量に出土 するようになり、日宋貿易を介して日本の貴族・武家・寺院層に受容されていたこと を示す。 なお、これらの編年や産地同定を支えるのは、出土層位に基づく相対編年に加え、

231

蛍光 X 線分析（XRF）による胎土・釉薬の化学 組成分析、熱ルミネッセンス（TL）法による絶 対年代測定、微量元素・希土類元素による産地 判別などの自然科学的手法である。とりわけ沈 船引き揚げ資料は海水浸漬による独自の風化を 伴い、窯址出土資料とは異なる分析を要する。 こうした科学分析の蓄積が、文献史料のみでは 到達し得なかった精度で生産・流通の実態を明 らかにしつつある。

終章 挿図19 青磁花文碗 越窯 五代〜北宋 口径15.0 cm 福岡市鴻臚館跡出土 福岡市埋蔵文化財 センター蔵、画像提供：福岡市博物館 出典：長谷川楽爾、今井敦編『中国の陶磁 第一二巻 日本出土の中国陶磁』平凡社 1995年 図版11

宋磁美意識の康熙単色釉への投影

清朝は明の遺産を接収するとともに歴代の名 品を体系的に蒐集し、康熙帝（位 1661 〜 1722 年） の時代、宮廷の古陶磁コレクションは宋の五大 名窯（汝・官・哥・定・鈞）を中核としてかつ てない規模に達した（挿図 20）。清宮档案の記

録によれば、康熙帝はみずから古陶磁の鑑定に関与し、それらを宮殿の各所に配置し て日常的に鑑賞していたという。康熙帝の尚古趣味は単なる骨董収集を超え、漢民族 歴代王朝の名品を蒐集しその継承者としての正統性を可視化することで、異民族王朝 である清朝の支配を正当化する文化戦略の一環でもあった。康熙帝は『庭訓格言』に おいて「朕於古器、不惟好其古、而必求其所以然之故」（朕は古器について、単にそ の古さを好むのではなく、そうである理由を必ず求めようとする）と述べており36、 この「其所以然之故」を求める科学的探究心が、景徳鎮御窯における単色釉薬の復興 を技術的に駆動したと考えられる。 清宮の宋磁受容は、模倣にとどまらず蒐集と陳設の実践にも及んだ。乾隆帝は汝窯・ 官窯・鈞窯などの伝世名品を紫禁城内に体系的に配置し、器の底に「重華宮」「養心殿」 「建福宮」といった殿閣名を加刻させて所在を管理し、汝窯には御製詩をも加刻し た37。南宋宮廷の「奉華」銘と同じく、器物に宮殿銘を刻む営みは、名窯を王朝の正 統と権威に結びつけて秘蔵する宮廷文化の連続を示す。 康熙帝の治世は、三藩の乱平定後の内政安定に伴い、明末清初に荒廃した景徳鎮の 復興が本格化した時期にあたる。康熙二十年（1681 年）の御窯廠の本格的再開と、蔵 応選・郎廷極ら優れた督陶官の派遣によって、景徳鎮は技術的・審美的な最先端へと 押し上げられた。このとき康熙官窯が指標とした一つが、絵付けに頼らず釉色そのも

232

のを見せる宋磁の単色釉美学であり、その試みは単なる複製ではなく、明代宣徳・成 化期の断続的な倣古を凌駕する、最新技術を伴う「古典の再定義」であった（図版

117 〜 121）。 汝窯の天青釉や龍泉の粉青釉は、微量の鉄分を強い還元焔で焼き、コロイド微粒子 の光散乱（レイリー散乱・分相）によって不透明な玉質を得たが、それは窯内条件に 左右される不安定な「偶然の美」でもあった。これに対し康熙官窯は発色元素の配合 を精密に規格化し、天藍釉に代表される均質で澄んだ青を安定して量産した。さらに 冬青・郎窯紅・豇豆紅などの単色釉は、釉の純質化と高火度焼成によって完全にガラ ス化し、玉の模倣という呪術的性格を脱して、制御された色彩と器形のみで自立する 造形へと転じた。自然の偶然に依拠した宋磁の美を知性と科学による必然へと反転さ せ、なお純粋な造形美へと昇華させたこの達成は、異民族王朝たる清朝が宋代の美意 識を理解し凌駕することで中華の正統な継承者たることを示す文化的実践でもあり、 陶磁史における最もドラスティックな構造転換を体現している。 康熙年間の景徳鎮御窯は、宋代名窯の釉薬再現に本格的に取り組んだ。仿汝釉・仿 官釉・仿哥釉は、汝窯の天青釉、南宋官窯の粉青釉、哥窯の金絲鉄線をそれぞれ模し た、清代技術復元の白眉である。ただし康熙仿汝釉は景徳鎮の白釉を基調に鉄分を調 整しコバルトを微量添加して天青の色調を得たもので、宋汝窯釉の忠実な複製ではな く、宋磁の美的効果を清官窯の技術体系の中で再創造したものであった。仿官釉も紫 金土ではなく景徳鎮の白瓷胎を用い、 「紫口鉄足」を口縁と底部への黒褐色化粧土で 人工的に再現しており、その人工性こそが康熙官窯の高度な技術制御力を示している。 さらに康熙年間には、龍泉青瓷を模した粉青釉・東青釉（豆青釉）、鈞窯の天藍釉 を参照した天藍釉、建窯天目を倣った烏金釉・仿油滴釉、定窯を倣った仿定釉なども 生み出された。蛍光 X 線分析によれば、康熙粉青釉は南宋龍泉粉青釉より酸化カリウ ムが高く酸化鉄が低く、清代の職人が宋磁の色調を異なる原料と技術で独自に到達し 直したことを示す38。 重要なのは、康熙官窯が受容した「宋磁美意識」が、実際の宋代陶磁の総体ではなく、 清代の審美眼によって選択・純化・理想化された宋磁像であった点である。汝窯の天 青釉、官窯の粉青釉、定窯の象牙白釉、龍泉の梅子青釉、建窯の油滴天目は、清代に おいて「単色釉」という一つのカテゴリーへ再編成され、それぞれが独立した釉薬の 理想形として追求された。それは失われた技術を解釈し再構築する創造的復元であり、 宋代以来の官・民二極構造を新たな段階へ展開させるものであった。

結び

233

挿図20 青磁長頸瓶 官窯 高80.0 cm 大英博物館（サー・パーシヴァル・デイヴィッド・コレクション）蔵

234

個人撮影

宋代陶磁史の豊穣さは、官窯の単色釉が追求した「抑制の美」と、磁州窯・吉州窯・ 建窯などの民窯が追求した「装飾の美」「偶然性の美」という、相異なる美的原理が 共存し、互いに影響を与え合ったところに存する。官窯の青瓷や白瓷が「無文の美」 を極める一方で、民窯は筆の勢いを生かした鉄絵、切り紙を応用した剪紙貼花、木の 葉を焼き付けた木葉天目、釉の結晶が生み出す禾目や油滴といった、偶然性と素材の 作用を生かした多様な表現を開花させた。この官と民の二重構造こそが、宋代陶磁を 単なる宮廷工芸の枠を超えた、社会全体の物質文化としての豊かさへと導いた原動力 である。 この二重構造は清代にも、康熙官窯の単色釉復興と民間窯の多彩装飾の継承という 形で受け継がれ、中国陶磁史の基本的枠組みとして機能し続けた。康熙官窯の単色釉 に結実した宋磁受容は、単なる復古ではなく失われた技術の創造的復元であり、同時 に清朝皇帝が漢文化の正統な継承者たることを示す文化的実践でもあった。官窯が追 求した厳格で純粋な美と、民窯が示した自由で活力ある表現——この二極の間で、中 国陶磁は唐五代の蓄積を出発点に宋代で一つの古典的達成に至り、清代においてなお 新たな創造を続けたのである。

出川哲朗（でがわてつろう／大阪市立東洋陶磁美術館

235

名誉館長）

注

1.

陸羽『茶経』巻中「四之器」（760 年頃成立。原本は散逸し南宋の『白川

学海（1273）所収が原存最古）。原文「碗、越州上、鼎州次、婺州次、岳

州次、寿州次、洪州次。或者以邢州処越州上、殊為不然。若邢瓷類銀、越 瓷類玉、邢不如越一也。若邢瓷類雪、則越瓷類冰、邢不如越二也」。刊本 により字句に若干の異同がある。

2.

法門寺博物館編『法門寺考古発掘報告』文物出版社、2007 年。法門寺地

宮は 1987 年に発掘され、地宮は唐咸通十五年（874 年）に封印。『衣物帳』 碑文には「瓷秘色椀七口（内二口銀稜）、瓷秘色盤子・碟子共六枚」とあり、 これに対応する越窯青瓷 13 点（碗 7・盤 / 碟 6）と八稜浄水瓶 1 点（同種

とみなされる）が出土した。

3.

張福康『中国古陶瓷的科学』上海人民美術出版社、2000 年、および李家

治・陳顕求・張福康等『中国古代陶瓷科学技術成就』上海科学技術出版社、

1985 年に関連の蛍光Ｘ線分析データの記載がある。 4.

浙江省文物考古研究所・慈渓市文物管理委員会弁公室編『秘色越器――上 林湖後司嶴窯址出土唐五代秘色瓷器』文物出版社、2017 年。発掘は 2015 〜 2017 年に実施。

5. 『旧五代史』 『冊府元亀』 『宋史』 『呉越備史』の関連条（呉越世家・食貨志等） による。

6. 7. 8.

陝西省考古研究所編『唐代黄堡窯址』文物出版社、1992 年。層位発掘は

1990 年代に実施。

李肇『国史補』巻下（9 世紀初頭成立）。「内丘白瓷甌」の語は同書の茶器

条にみえる。

謝明良「有関 ” 官 ” 和 ” 新官 ” 款白瓷官字涵義的幾個問題」 （『故宮学術季刊』

1987 年第 5 巻第 2 期）―「官」銘は唐から北宋にわたる長期使用に対し、 「新 官」銘の出土例・紀年例がより狭い時期に集中する点を論じた基礎文献の

一つ。秦大樹・呉聞達・李鑫「早期定窯研究」 （『文物』2021 年第 1 期）参照。

9.

陸游『老学庵筆記』 （南宋）、および葉寘『坦斎筆衡』 （元・陶宗儀『南村輟耕録』 巻二十九所引）。両書とも定窯白瓷の「芒口」への言及がある。

10. 周煇『清波雑志』巻五。原文は「汝窯宮中禁焼、内有瑪瑙末為釉、惟供御

揀退方許出売、近尤難得」（版本により「末」を「沫」、 「釉」を「油」 、 「難 得」を「難及」に作るなど字句の異同がある）。

11. 河南省文物考古研究所編『宝豊清凉寺汝窯』大象出版社、2008 年。2000 年 6 月の第六次発掘（清凉寺村北西隅）で窯炉 15 座等を確認、天青釉汝 瓷を焼く官用区の存在が確定した。「元豊通宝」の出土層位についても同 報告に基づく。

12. 葉寘『坦斎筆衡』は原本が早くに散逸し、現在は元・陶宗儀『南村輟耕録』 巻二十九「窑器」条に引く形でのみ伝わる。ただし、この転引の経路につ いては、顧文薦『負暄雑録』を介して伝わったとする説（李輝柄「宋代官 窯瓷器之研究」故宮博物院所載論文等）と、『南村輟耕録』が葉寘を直接 引くとする説とが中国語文献の中でも並存しており、「政和間」（『南村輟 耕録』諸本に多く見える）と「宣・政間」（一部の引用に見える）の異同

236

についても同様。

13. 張公巷窯の年代・性質については学界で見解が分かれていたが、2026 年 1 月に河南省汝州市で開催された「汝州張公巷窯学術研討会」においては、 汝窯や『重修宣和博古図』と共通する器種が多数示され、北宋末・金代時 代の官窯とする説が有力となった。

14. 河南省文物考古研究院編『汝州張公巷窯遺址 2000 年―2012 年考古発掘報 告』（科学出版社、2023 年）所収の 2005 年の汝州東溝窯址発掘調査に関 する言及箇所を参照。

15. 液－液分相現象による発色機構については、中国硅酸塩学会編『中国陶瓷 史』文物出版社、1982 年、および張福康『中国古陶瓷的科学』上海人民 美術出版社、2000 年の鈞窯釉薬に関する章を参照。 16. 葉寘『坦斎筆衡』（陶宗儀『南村輟耕録』巻二十九所引）。ただし引用文献 によって字句に異同がある。

17. 杜正賢主編『杭州老虎洞窯址瓷器精選』文物出版社、2002 年。発掘は 1996 〜 2001 年に実施。 18. 中国社会科学院考古研究所・浙江省文物考古研究所編『南宋官窯』中国大 百科全書出版社、1996 年所載の釉薬化学組成分析データによる。 19. 上海硅酸塩研究所等による断面分析。 20. 杭州市文物考古研究所による徳寿宮遺址発掘（2001 年以降継続、遺址博 物館は 2022 年開館）の発掘概要・出土品リストは同研究所発行の発掘簡 報に基づく。

21. 陝西省考古研究所・耀州窯博物館編『宋代耀州窯址』文物出版社、1998 年。 編年は 1990 年代の黄堡窯址発掘により確立された。 22. 浙江省文物考古研究所ほか編『龍泉大窯楓洞岩窯址』（上下）文物出版社、 2015 年、および同『龍泉青瓷研究』文物出版社、1989 年記載の釉薬化学 組成分析による。

23. 文化公報部文化財管理局編『新安海底遺物』資料篇 1 〜 3・綜合篇、同和 1981 〜 1988 年。新安沈船は 1975 年 8 月に漁民により発見され、 出版公社、 1976 年より韓国文化財管理局による正式な学術調査が開始、1976 〜 1984 年にかけて発掘が継続した。引き揚げ点数・龍泉青瓷の比率は同報告の集

計に基づくが、出典によって総点数（約 2 万点〜 2 万 4 千点余）に幅がある。

24. 四川省文物考古研究院ほかによる遂寧金魚村窖蔵発掘簡報（1991 年）。 25. 定窯址の分業構造に関する発掘調査は 1985 年以降、河北省文物研究所に より継続的に行われている。

26. 河北省文物研究所ほかによる定州静志寺塔基地宮発掘報告。静志寺塔基地 宮は北宋太平興国二年（977 年）瘞封、1969 年 5 月発見・同年発掘。「官」

款対蝶紋碟の紀年墨書「舎利供養……太平興国二年五月」もこれに基づく。

27. 江西省文物考古研究所・景徳鎮民窯博物館編『景徳鎮湖田窯址――1988 〜 1999 年考古発掘報告』文物出版社、2007 年。 28. 北京大学考古学系・河北省文物研究所・邯鄲地区文物保管所編『観台磁州 窯址』文物出版社、1997 年。発掘は 1987 年に実施され、四期の編年が確 立された。

237

29. 巨鹿宋城遺跡は北宋大観二年（1108 年）の黄河氾濫により埋没したとされ、 1918 年に住民の井戸掘りにより偶然発見された。1920 年に天津博物院が 1921 年に北平歴史博物館が正式発掘、1923 年に天津博物院が『鉅 実地調査、 鹿宋器叢録』を刊行した。

30. R. L. Hobson, The George Eumorfopoulos Collection: Catalogue of the Chinese, Corean and Persian Pottery and Porcelain, vol. III, London: Ernest Benn, 1925. 同書第 3 巻において「Tz'ŭ Chou wares」の呼称が提唱された。 31. 趙佶（徽宗）『大観茶論』（1107 年成立）「盞」条。原文「盞色貴青黒、玉 毫条達者為上、取其燠発茶采色也」。

32. 曜変天目の伝世品 3 点（静嘉堂文庫美術館・藤田美術館・大徳寺龍光院） は広く知られているが、近年これ以外に類似する破片・伝世品の存否をめ ぐる議論もある。

33. 杭州市文物考古研究所による臨安天目窯（凌口窯址・紹魯窯址等）の調査 は 1999 〜 2001 年に実施された。 34. 南海一号の全体引き揚げは 2007 年 12 月に完了。出水した陶磁器の総点数 および景徳鎮青白瓷・龍泉青瓷・福建産青瓷の構成比率は、広東省文物考 古研究所等による発掘報告・研究に基づく。2019 年時点で船内文物総数

約 18 万点、うち瓷器約 16 万件との報告もある。

35. 鴻臚館跡（福岡市）の発掘調査については福岡市教育委員会による一連の 発掘調査報告書を参照。

36. 康熙帝『庭訓格言』 （雍正八年〈1730 年〉刊、康熙帝の教訓を雍正帝が編纂） 。 原文「朕於古器、不惟好其古、而必求其所以然之故」。訳文は筆者による。

37. 清宮档案および乾隆帝による古陶磁への殿閣銘・御製詩加刻の実例につ いては、故宮博物院編纂の清宮陶磁関連図録・档案研究を参照。

38. 康熙粉青釉と南宋龍泉粉青釉の蛍光 X 線分析比較データについては、張 福康『中国古陶瓷的科学』上海人民美術出版社、2000 年、および関連す る科学分析論文を参照。

238

主要参考文献 一、総論・通史

1.

中国硅酸塩学会編『中国陶瓷史』文物出版社、1982 年。

2.

馮先銘主編『中国陶瓷』上海古籍出版社、2001 年。

3.

李家治主編『中国科学技術史 陶瓷巻』科学出版社、1998 年。

4.

葉喆民『中国陶瓷史』生活・読書・新知三聯書店、2011 年。

5.

耿宝昌『明清瓷器鑑定』紫禁城出版社、1993 年。

6.

方李莉『中国陶瓷史』（上下）齐鲁書社、2013 年。

二、唐五代・越窯・秘色瓷

1.

陝西省考古研究所編『唐代黄堡窯址』文物出版社、1992 年。

2.

浙江省文物考古研究所・慈渓市文物管理委員会編『上林湖越窯址』科学出

3.

浙江省文物考古研究所・慈渓市文物管理委員会弁公室編『秘色越器——上

4.

法門寺博物館編『法門寺考古発掘報告』文物出版社、2007 年。

5.

汪慶正主編『越窯・秘色瓷』上海古籍出版社、1996 年。

版社、2002 年。

林湖後司嶴窯址出土唐五代秘色瓷器』文物出版社、2017 年。

三、宋代官窯・汝窯・南宋官窯

1.

河南省文物考古研究所編『宝豊清凉寺汝窯』大象出版社、2008 年。

2.

河南省文物考古研究院編『汝州張公巷窯遺址 2000 年—2012 年考古発掘報

告』科学出版社、2023 年。

3.

中国社会科学院考古研究所・浙江省文物考古研究所編『南宋官窯』中国大

4.

杜正賢主編『杭州老虎洞窯址瓷器精選』文物出版社、2002 年。

百科全書出版社、1996 年。

四、耀州窯・龍泉窯

1. 2.

陝西省考古研究所・耀州窯博物館編『宋代耀州窯址』文物出版社、1998 年。 浙江省文物考古研究所ほか編『龍泉大窯楓洞岩窯址』（上下）文物出版社、

2015 年。

3.

浙江省文物考古研究所ほか編『龍泉東区窯址発掘報告』文物出版社、2005 年。

4.

浙江省軽工業庁『龍泉青瓷研究』文物出版社、1989 年。

239

五、景徳鎮・青白瓷

1.

江西省文物考古研究所・景徳鎮民窯博物館編『景徳鎮湖田窯址——1988 〜 1999 年考古発掘報告』文物出版社、2007 年。

六、磁州窯・民窯

1.

北京大学考古学系・河北省文物研究所・邯鄲地区文物保管所編『観台磁州 窯址』文物出版社、1997 年。

七、科学分析・釉薬研究

1.

李家治・陳顕求・張福康等『中国古代陶瓷科学技術成就』上海科学技術出

2.

張福康『中国古陶瓷的科学』上海人民美術出版社、2000 年。

版社、1985 年。

八、文献史料

1. （唐）陸羽『茶経』（760 年頃成立。南宋『白川学海』（1273 年）所収）。 2. （宋）趙佶（徽宗）『大観茶論』（1107 年成立）。 3. （宋）葉寘『坦斎筆衡』（元・陶宗儀『南村輟耕録』巻二十九所引）。 4. （元）陶宗儀『南村輟耕録』中華書局、1959 年。 5. （清）藍浦『景徳鎮陶録』（1815 年成立）上海古籍出版社、1995 年。 6. （明）曹昭『格古要論』中華書局、2012 年。 7. （明）文震亨『長物志』中華書局、2012 年。 8. （宋）周密『武林旧事』中華書局、2020 年。 9. （唐）李肇『国史補』（9 世紀初頭成立）。 10. （宋）周煇『清波雑志』。 11. （宋）顧文薦『負暄雑録』（元・陶宗儀『南村輟耕録』所引）。 12. （清）康熙帝『庭訓格言』（雍正 8 年〈1730 年〉刊）。 九、発掘報告・海外文献

1.

文化公報部文化財管理局編『新安海底遺物』資料篇 1 〜 3・綜合篇、同和

出版公社、1981 〜 1988 年。

2.

R. L. Hobson, "The George Eumorfopoulos Collection: Catalogue of the Chinese, Corean and Persian Pottery and Porcelain", vol. III, London: Ernest Benn, 1925.

3.

河北省文物研究所編、定州静志寺・浄衆院塔基地宮発掘報告

240

Brief Chronology

785

Mid Tang

804 Kūkai enters Tang 827

Late Tang - 874 Yuezhou mise celadon dedicated at Famensi - 897 Huang Chao Rebellion -- 900 Tomb of Qian Kuan 901 Tomb of Shui Qiu 907

900

Five

D yn ast i e s

- 934 Tomb of Qian Liu Dynasty - 939 Tomb of Kang Ling - 942 Tomb of Qian Yuanguan

Song Emperors 960

1000

997

Taizong

1100

Northern Song

1125 1127

Zhezong Huizong Qinzong

Gaozong

Song

1162

Southern

1200

1300

Xiaozong

1189 Guangzong 1194

Ningzong

1224

Lizong

936

979 Northern Song unites China -

978

Production of tianqing glaze celadon begun at the Ru kilns. Surmised Northern Song imperial kilns established period.

1004 Chanyuan Treaty —

Liao

ca. 1023 ca. 1031

Northern Song

1037

ca. 1066

Su Shi

1063 Yingzong 1067 Shenzong

Later Zhou (emperor Zirong) r. 954-959

916

Guo Xi

Renzong

ca. 950

K i n gdo m s

960

ca. 1085

1101

Li Tang

1100

951 Later Zhou

Zhenzong

1022

1085

Wuyue Kingdom

Te n

Fan Kuan

976

Taizu

an d

Khitan

Uyghur and other Nomadic Peoples

- 763 An Lushan Rebellion ends - ca. 780 Chajing written

Yan Zhenqing

- 755 An Lushan Rebellion begins 756

800

709

High Tang

1127 Gaozong enthroned as Southern Song emperor. - 1138 Lin’an (Hangzhou) 1150 officially named capital. Xiuneisi official kilns established. Jiaotanxia official kilns established.

1126 Jingkang — Incident

1125

— 1142 Treaty of Shaoxing — 1165 Treaty of Longxing

Jin

1191 Eisai takes tea plant seeds to Japan.

Southern Song

- 1236 Longquan celadons buried in the Suining Jinyu village hoard.

1264 Duzong 1274 Gongdi 1276 Duanzong 1278 Modi 1279

1234

Yuan

242

1115

An Overview of Chinese Ceramic History from the Tang Dynasty and Five Dynasties Period Through the Song Dynasty – Aesthetic Changes and Influence on Kangxi, Qing Dynasty Monochrome Porcelains Degawa Tetsuro

Table of Contents

Introduction Prologue: Tang Dynasty and Five Dynasties Period – The Dawn of Song Dynasty Ceramics Section 1: The Establishment of the Yue Kilns and Birth of Miseci (Secret Color Celadon, 秘色瓷) Section 2: Wuyue Kingdom Tributary Diplomacy and Technology Diffusion Section 3: From the Yue Kilns to the Yaozhou Kilns – The Northern Transmission of Celadon Technology Section 4: Initial Intimations of White Porcelain – from Xing Kilns to Ding Kilns

Chapter 1: Establishment of the Northern Song Imperial Kilns – Ru Kilns and Northern Song Imperial Kilns Section 1: Before Ru Ware – Early Northern Song Celadon Reception Section 2: From the Establishment of Qingliangsi Ru Kilns (Tribute Kilns) to the Setup of the Northern Song Imperial Kilns (Jingshi Imperial Kilns) Section 3: Literati Officials Aesthetic and the Establishment of the Northern Song Imperial Kilns Section 4: Jun Ware – The Lineage of Yuebai Glaze (Moon White Glaze) and Yaobianhua Glaze (Flambé Glaze)

Chapter 2: Development of the Southern Song Imperial Kilns -- Xiuneisi, Jiaotanxia and Laohudong Kilns Section 1: Historical Background of the Establishment of the Southern Song Imperial Kilns Section 2: The Xiuneisi Imperial Kilns and Discovery of the Laohudong Kilns Section 3: Technological Attainment at the Xiuneisi Imperial Kilns and Southern Song Imperial Ware Aesthetics

243

Chapter 3: The Spread of Celadon – Yaozhou Ware and Longquan Ware Section 1: Yaozhou Ware – Maturation of Carved Celadon Section 2: Longquan Ware – From Succeeding Yue Kilns to Technological Exchange with Southern Song Imperial Kilns

Chapter 4: White Porcelain Lineages – Ding Ware and Jingdezhen Qingbai Porcelain Section 1: Ding Kilns Production Structure and Official Use Supply Section 2: The Birth of Jingdezhen Qingbai Porcelain and Song Trade Areas

Chapter 5: The Realm of Commercial Kilns – Cizhou Ware Type Ceramics and Black Glaze Tenmoku

Section 1: Cizhou Ware Technological System and Popular Aesthetic Tastes Section 2: Jian Ware and Jizhou Ware – Tea Culture and the Beauty of Black Glaze Section 3: The Significance of the Lin'an Tenmoku Kilns – Black Glaze Production in the Southern Song Capital Region

Chapter 6: Maritime Distribution of Song Ceramics – Shipwreck Archaeology and the Actual Conditions of Ceramic Cargo

Final Chapter: The Projection of Song Ceramic Aesthetics Upon Kangxi Monochrome Glaze

Conclusion

244

Introduction

In the history of Chinese ceramics, the period from the Tang dynasty-Five dynasties period through the Song dynasty is considered a pinnacle of both technological perfection and aesthetic purity. The grouping of five kilns into the Five Great Kilns of the Song Dynasty concept (Ru, Guan, Ge, Jun, and Ding 汝・官・哥・鈞・定) was not conceived during the Song dynasty itself, but rather, is based on a Ming dynasty document, the Xuande Dingyi Pu (宣徳鼎彝譜, 1428 Xuande 3) which lists Chai, Ru, Guan, Ge, Jun, and Ding (柴 汝官哥均定). Literati and collectors codified this concept over the Ming and Qing dynasties,

and into the modern era. In fact, Song dynasty document ranking and evaluation of wares did not necessarily accord with those of the Ming and Qing dynasties. The ceramic history framework that formerly seemed self-evident thanks to literature and tradition is, in fact, simply an historical product formulated by a certain period's tastes and value judgments. Today's wondrous archaeological findings regarding Chinese ceramics compel us to reconstruct, to reinterpret the art historical aspects of Chinese ceramics in line with those findings. There were three basic glaze lineages during the Song dynasty – celadon, white porcelain, and black glaze. Each reached its own distinctive refinement. The dual layer production system consisting of kilns producing wares for the court and commercial kilns resulted in the parallel development of refined court aesthetics and expression filled with the life force of the people. Specifically, the monochrome glaze realm represented by Northern Song Ru ware tianqing heavenly blue glaze and Southern Song imperial ware fenqing powder blue glaze, and their pursuit of perfection in glaze appearance and form devoid of adornment, was the unparalleled pinnacle aesthetic achievement in Chinese ceramic history, an aesthetic that was repeatedly referenced as classic by later generations, in particular, the imperial ceramics of the Kangxi era of the Qing dynasty.

Prologue: Tang Dynasty and Five Dynasties Period – The Dawn of Song Dynasty Ceramics

The success of Song dynasty ceramics was built on the basis of the accumulated technical and aesthetic achievements of the Tang dynasty through Five Dynasties period. This prologue confirms the basis for this earlier period ʼs connection with Song dynasty

245

ceramics by providing an overview of the Yue kilns' production of miseci (secret color celadon 秘色瓷), the tributary diplomacy of the Wuxue kingdom, the Xing and Ding kilns' attainment of white porcelain, and the northward transmission of celadon technology from the Yue kilns to the Yaozhou kilns. Tang dynasty ceramic culture is characterized by its richly colored and vividly ornate aesthetic tastes, as seen in Tang sancai ware in which green, brown, and white lead glazes were freely poured over works. Tang sancai reflected the magnificent, international mood of the High Tang dynasty enlivened by its cultural exchange with regions to the west of China. The ware was mass produced as tomb burial grave goods, as the low firing point of lead glazes meant that the wares were not suited to dishware usage. Ultimately sancai works were strongly characterized as decorative arts intended solely as grave goods or

for visual appreciation. Conversely, the high-fired porcelaneous green Yue ware and white Xing ware were suitable for actual everyday tea drinking and food consumption use. Their visually appreciated glaze quality was built on a completely different aesthetic basis from that of Tang sancai. The shift from the diverse, international aesthetic of the Tang dynasty to the aesthetic importance of high-fired monochrome glazes in celadon and white porcelain can be understood as the first stirring of the following Song dynasty's underlying aesthetic preference which can be described as the search for material purity with spiritual depth in monochrome glazes.

Section 1: The Establishment of the Yue Kilns and Birth of Miseci The Yue kilns, which developed in a stretch between Shangyu district, Shaoxing city, Zhejiang province, to Shanglinhu, Cixi city in the greater Ningbo city, were China's major celadon kilns. True celadon wares date back to the Eastern Han dynasty (2nd century). The oldest known examples are the celadons excavated from the Xiaoxiantan kiln site in the Shangyu district. Fully stabilized celadon production Fig. 1 Celadon Bowl, Yuezhou ware, Mid Tang, Mouth Dia. 14.8 cm Private Collection. Photos: An Exhibition of Tang, Song and Goryeo Celadon, Sublime Celadon, Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., 2023, pl. 2.

developed in the Three Kingdoms through Western Jin period (3rd to 4th centuries), with complex vessel forms for grave goods including rooster-headed jars, lion-shaped candle

246

stands, and granary-shaped jars. The glaze color was predominantly a yellowish-olive green. In the Six Dynasties period the Yue kilns were not yet overall China's celadon kilns, but rather, were nothing more than regional producers in line with various northern kilns and the Yuezhou (岳州) kilns of Hunan. Quality transformation at the Yue kilns occurred from the Mid Tang (8th century) onwards. Lu Yu's Chajing (ca. 780) positions the Yue kilns' celadon teabowl (fig. 1) as the highest rank, "Yuezhou is the top in bowls" (碗は越州を上と為す). In a comparison with the Xing kilns' white wares, he notes, " Xing ware is like silver, while Yue ware is like jade" (邢瓷は銀に類し、越瓷は玉に類す) and, "Xing ware is like snow while Yue ware is like ice" (邢瓷は雪に類し、越瓷は氷に類す).1 This evaluation was not simply Lu Yu's individual taste, but rather reflected the literati of the time's high regard for Yue ware celadon. The tendency to value the jade quality ideal of the bluish-green glaze surface, both semi-translucent and deep -- which was the antithesis of the silver, snow-like beauty of the highly transparent Xing ware white porcelain -- was a direct predecessor to the later Song dynasty celadon aesthetic (pls. 1, 2). By the Late Tang dynasty (latter half of the 9th century) the

Fig. 2 Celadon Flask, Yuezhou ware, Tang, H. 25.5 cm, excavated from Famensi Temple Pagoda Crypt, Famensi Museum. Photo: Degawa Tetsuro, Kegasawa Yasunori (suprs.), Gifts of the Tang Emperors, Hidden Treasures from the Famen Temple, the Niigata Prefectural Museum of Modern Art, the Asahi Shinbun Company, Hakuhodo, 1999, pl. 63.

Yue kilns had achieved the production of the highest-grade celadon dubbed miseci. The term miseci first appeared in the Late Tang poet Lu Guimeng's poem titled "Mise Yueqi ", but its actual form long remained a mystery. In 1987, 13 pieces of celadon (seven bowls and six dishes) were excavated from a palace beneath

the Famensi temple pagoda in Fufeng prefecture, Shaanxi province (figs. 2, 3).2 The burial goods record epitaph (Yiwuzhang) clearly states miseci and this provided the first opportunity to verify its actual form. The underground palace was sealed in 874 (Tang Xiantong 15), which stands as evidence that the excavated miseci dates back to the latter half of the 9th century. According to X-ray fluorescence analysis (Shanghai Institute of Ceramics,

Chinese Academy of Sciences, 2005) the iron component of the glaze on these works was approximately 1.8 –2.2 percent, hence a more refined material than the normal Yue celadon's 2.5 –3.5 percent content, and they were fired in strongly reduced kilns at approximately 1250

degrees Celsius.3 The glaze is thin, an evenly distributed 0.3 – 0.5 mm deep. This thin coating aesthetic is the unique achievement of Tang dynasty miseci ware, the polar opposite to later

247

Ru ware and Southern Song Guan ware. The excavation report on the 2015 –2017 Shanglinhu Housiao (上林湖后 司嶴) kiln site by the Zhejiang Provincial

Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, stated that miseci shards of the same type as the items excavated at Famensi were excavated from the latter half of the 9th century strata, and confirmed that the 40 -meter overall length climbing kiln at this kiln site was used specifically to fire miseci. The guan Fig. 3 Celadon Foliate-Rim Dish, Yuezhou ware, Tang, Mouth Dia. 24.0 cm, excavated from Famensi Temple Pagoda Crypt, Famensi Museum. Photo: Degawa Tetsuro, Kegasawa Yasunori (suprs.), Gifts of the Tang Emperors, Hidden Treasures from the Famen Temple, The Niigata Prefectural Museum of Modern Art, The Asahi Shinbun Company, Hakuhodo, 1999, pl. 62.

官 character (official mark) incised on part

of a firing saggar indicates that by the late Tang dynasty miseci was produced under government management.4

Section 2: Wuyue Kingdom Tributary Diplomacy and Technology Dispersal The Zhejiang region that housed the Yue kilns was under the control of the Qian clan of the Wuyue kingdom during the Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms period (907–979) (pls. 7, 8, 9). The Qian clan controlled miseci production as a national industry. It became their primary tribute goods to the kingdoms of China's central plain. Various histories, such as the Jiu Wudaishi, Cefu Yuangui, Songshi and Wuyue Beishi, record the presentation of miseci tribute goods, such as "200 miseci items" (924, Later Tang Tongguang 2); "1,000 miseci items" (958, Later Zhou Xiande 5), and "11,000 ceramic items, of them 1,000 mise"

(976, Northern Song Kaibao 9). In 977 (Taiping Xingguo 2), the number swelled to the massive "50,000 ceramic items, of them 30,000 mise items." (fig. 4).5 Tribute goods were sent continuously, either annually or once every few years. This rapid growth in tribute good items trend from the Later Zhou to the early Northern Song dynasty shows that the Wuyue kingdom strengthened its tribute offerings in order to ensure its continued existence in the face of the Northern Song's advancing unification practices. In 978 (Taiping Xingguo 3), Qian Chu offered his land to the Northern Song, and the Wuyue kingdom fell. However, Yue kiln technology did not disappear, it was handed on. First, there was technological transfer to the Longquan kilns, and direct influence from Yue ware can be seen in the vessel shapes and glaze composition of early period Longquan cel-

248

adons ( Jincun type) (pls. 76, 77). Next, the technology was transferred to the Yaozhou kilns, as will be noted in the next section of this essay. Then the taste for celadon wares formed in the Northern Song court, and thanks to massive numbers of miseci tribute goods, the court developed a culture whereby the highest-grade celadons became a constant presence in court daily life. These preferences can be linked to the formation of the later Ru kilns and Northern Song imperial kilns.

Section 3: From the Yue Kilns to the Yaozhou Kilns – The Northern Transmission of Celadon Technology The Yaozhou kilns located in Huang-baozhen, Tongchuan city, Shaanxi province, were a general kiln operation producing works such as sancai ware, black glaze ware, white porcelain ware, and low-fired, leadglazed ware during the Tang dynasty (pl. 10). Their celadon production was not par-

ticularly noteworthy. However, according to the strata excavation of Huangbao kiln sites (1990s, Shaanxi Provincial Institute of Archaeology), a group of celadon wares with a completely different quality was discovered in the Five Dynasties strata. Their glaze was a translucent greenish-blue color that resembled Yue ware miseci. Their vessel shapes included deep vertical side bowls (pl. 11) that accorded with Five Dynasties Yue ware, and they were fired in a single firing using saggars. Thus there was a strong resemblance between these works and Yue ware miseci in terms of all factors: glaze color, vessel shape, firing method, and body clay.6 It is suggested that this group of works was made at the Five Dynasties Yaozhou kilns thanks to the direct transmission of Yue ware celadon

Fig. 4 Celadon Basin with Carved Lotus Petal Design, Inscribed "Taiping Dingchou", Yuezhou ware, 977 (Taiping Xingguo 2), Northern Song dynasty, Mouth Dia. 10.3 cm, Private Collection. Photos: An Exhibition of Tang, Song and Goryeo Celadon, Sublime Celadon, Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., 2023, pl. 17.

249

technologies, and that they were used as presentation ceramics to the Later Tang and Later Zhou courts. With the beginning of the Northern Song the Yaozhou kilns developed in one particular way. In the early Northern Song the kilns primarily produced Yue ware-like plain, unadorned celadons (pls. 12, 13). In the mid Northern Song (11th century), they developed a unique type of beveled edge carving technique whereby a knife was used to carve 1–2 mm deep motifs in partially dried body clay. The glaze then pooled thickly in the carved grooves, creating dark green motifs that differed from Yue ware's delicate needle incised style and made more powerful, three-dimensional expression possible. This technique was called qiaoru fanjin (巧如范金), literally as refined as worked metal, realizing a three dimensional feel

like that of embossed metalwork (pls. 15, 16). The Yaozhou ware decorative style, by which the entire vessel surface is completely carved with peony scroll or lotus flower designs, is said to reflect a bold and expansive northern aesthetic. This process of Yue kilns to Yaozhou technological transfer and development of their own particular style is a good example of the fundamental "from reception to creative form" development pattern in the history of Chinese ceramics. And paradoxically, the Five Dynasties, a period of fragmentation and movement, can be seen as encouraging the broad geographic transmission of technologies.

Section 4: Initial Intimiations of White Porcelain – from Xing Ware to Ding Ware Xing ware, produced across Lincheng and Neiqiu prefectures in Hebei province, is a major example of Tang dynasty white porcelain. Li Zhao's Guoshibu (beginning of the 9th century) records "Neiqui white porcelain ware” 7, and is compared to Yue ware celadon in Lu Yu's Chajing. These and other documentary sources indicate that China's first true white porcelain kilns were established in this region in the 8th to 9th centuries. Using white body clay with low iron content and a highly transparent feldspar glaze as basis, they were able to reach true porcelain hardness by firing at around 1300 degrees Celsius. The neutral white glaze without any bluish tinge was described as "like silver", "like snow". However the Xing kilns declined from the Late Tang through the Five Dynasties, and the lack of good quality materials, the appearance of Ding ware, and the worsening production environment due to war and disruption meant that production had essentially stopped by the early Northern Song dynasty. Then, in place of Xing ware, Ding ware produced in Quyang prefecture, Hebei province, became the central form of northern white porcelain. The Ding kilns began producing white porcelain in the Late Tang (9th century) (pl. 3), and in the Five Dynasties

250

period the kilns were positioned as producing white-porcelain inscribed guan (pl. 4) for official use. With the beginning of the Northern Song dynasty, the kilns developed into major scale operations servicing a wide array of demand from that of the imperial court to the general populace. The latest stratigraphic research about wares bearing xinguan (新官), literally new official, inscriptions, provides a real sense of the correlation between the changing political systems and ceramic procurement systems of the time. While guan inscriptions were used across a long period, from the Late Tang through the mid-Northern Song dynasty at various kilns (Ding kilns, Xingzhou kilns, Yaozhou kilns, Yuezhou kilns), essentially almost all xinguan inscriptions appeared on Ding white porcelain, and have been excavated clustered in an extremely short time span, from the late Five Dynasties (Later Zhou) through the beginning of the Northern Song dynasty (Taizu and Taizong eras).8 Ding ware white porcelain glaze is based on a lime glaze, but because of its relatively large amount of magnesium oxide, it is highly viscous during fusing and thus created an even, smooth glaze surface. The glaze color differs from the neutral white of Xing ware, and instead is a slightly warmish toned, yellowish-tinged, ivory white. This coloration was produced by the minute amounts of iron and titanium in the body clay, as well as the subtle modulation of the firing environment. Ding ware was not the only Song dynasty white porcelain, with other kilns producing white porcelain across a broad range, from an area in northern China to far to the south. The Dangyangyu kilns of Xiuwu prefecture, Henan province, achieved an all the whiter coloration in precisely modulated white porcelain (pls. 52 –55) that resembles that of late Northern Song Ding ware thanks to their use of refined raw materials that included extremely tiny amounts of iron and titanium. Their production period was extremely short, ending due to the wars that broke out at the end of the Northern Song dynasty. Cizhou kilns white ware was created by applying a white slip over grayish white body clay, topping all with a transparent glaze, and thus was part of a different materials lineage than that of the pure white porcelain produced at the Ding kilns and the Dangyangyu kilns. Thanks to their development of adorning the white slip with black pigment designs they broke ground on a unique realm of commercial kiln white ware. The white porcelains of the Jingdezhen kilns (pl. 51) have previously been overshadowed by the attention paid to the kilns' qingbai wares. However, close to pure white forms of white porcelain have been excavated from the early Northern Song strata of the Hutian kilns, and their production experience using just porcelain stone formed the basis for the later Yuan dynasty shufu glaze and Ming dynasty tianbai glaze. The Dehua kilns of Fujian province were a southern white porcelain kiln group

251

which began producing white porcelain in the Song dynasty. While it is not the pure white of later blanc de chine, they used good quality porcelain stone with little iron to produce a warm, no bluish toned white. These wares were primarily consumed along the Fujian coast, with some exported to Southeast Asia. As seen above, the development across the Tang and Five Dynasties, the official kiln production system of Yue ware miseci works, the refining of court tastes for celadon via tribute diplomacy, the technological transfers from the Yue kilns to the Yaozhou kilns, and the shift of central white porcelain production from the Xing kilns to the Ding kilns, all formed the technological and systematic basis for the development of the early Northern Song dynasty's ceramic production.

Chapter 1: Establishment of the Northern Song Imperial Kilns – Ru Kilns and Northern Song Imperial Kilns

Section 1: Before Ru Ware – Early Northern Song Celadon Reception The reception of early Northern Song court-use celadons developed from the basis of the miseci wares presented as tribute by the Wuyue kingdom. After the 978 absorption of the Wuyue kingdom into the Song dynasty, the production of Yue ware court-use celadon rapidly decreased. Ding white porcelain and Yaozhou celadon primarily met the court's needs. During the reigns of Renzong to Shenzong, the literati began a revivalist aesthetic that idealized latter half of the Tang dynasty Yue ware celadon, and there was growing dissatisfaction with the bare-mouth rim (mangkou 芒口) found on Ding ware white porcelain whereby the mouth rim remains unglazed during inverted firing. During the Southern Song dynasty Lu You's Laoxuean Biji (老学庵筆記) and Ye Zhi's Tanzhai Biheng (坦斎筆衡) both mention the issue of dissatisfaction 9, and demand for a new form of celadon was born at this intersection of the criticism of Ding ware and idealization of Yue ware.

Section 2: From the Establishment of Qingliangsi Ru Kilns (Tribute Kilns) to the Setup of the Northern Song Imperial Kilns (Jingshi Imperial Kilns)

1. The Nature of Tribute Kilns as a Court-use Precinct

The Qingliangsi kilns, established in the Late Tang dynasty to Five Dynasties period, were at first primarily a local commercial kiln mainly producing white ware. From the

252

mid Northern Song dynasty onwards, an increased amount of celadon was produced, and the glazes used stabilized. By the late Northern Song dynasty they matured into a high-grade kiln group, producing a commercial form of Ru celadon whose glazes were known as douqing (豆青) or doulu (豆緑). The precinct producing imperial use wares (excavation site 4), which fired tianqing glaze Ru ware (fig. 5), appeared from the basis of this advanced commercial kiln. This was not an "imperial kiln", restricted to supplying wares solely for the imperial household. Rather, along with the revisions of the late Northern Song dynasty court and official use procurement system, these were "official tribute kilns" (貢御窯), which the court established in a specific assigned zone and commissioned to produce wares -- in other words, a contract based handicraft workshop. The works which were rejected by the official procurement process were then offered for sale in the open market. In this regard the kilns differed systematically from the Jingshi imperial kilns, which were absolutely prohibited from selling their products to the general populace. These kilns also had imperial kiln characteristics, such as the intensive disposal of defective products, as done during the mature period of the Ru ware kilns. Zhouhui's Qingbo Zashi stated that, to paraphrase, Ru wares were "produced in the palace at restricted kilns, with some glaze with an agate component". This shows one aspect of the court contributions to this official supply area.10

2. From Establishment Period (Shenzong Era) to Mature

Period (Zhezong to Huizong Eras) Ye Zhemin, one of the discoverers of the Ru kilns, surmised that the mature period of Ru kiln tianqing glaze celadon for imperial court use extended from 1086 (Yuanyou 1)

Fig. 5 Celadon Basin, Northern Song dynasty, Mouth Dia. 11.6 cm, excavated from the Qingliangsi Ru kiln site, Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology. Photos: Degawa Tetsuro (supr.), Northern Song Ru Ware: Recent Archaeological Findings, 財団法人大阪市美術振興協会, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, 2009, pl. 39.

to 1125 (final year of Xuanhe era). In other words, the reigns of emperor Zhezong and Huizong, a dating range which basically accords with archaeological dating. The excavations of the Qingliangsi Ru kilns in 2000 found a yuanfeng tongbao

253

coin in the early period stratum of the fourth precinct (official use precinct), indicating that the official use precinct was established during Shenzong's Yuanfeng period (1078-85).11 That early period stratum contained mainly white porcelain and blueish-green glaze celadon, with as yet very little tianqing glaze celadon. The stratum directly above the site of the yuanfeng tongbao coin find revealed more than 99 percent tianqing glaze wares, and thus was

the kiln's mature stage. These finds indicate the dramatic changes which occurred during Zhezong's reign. All of the vessel forms of the traditionally handed-down Ru kilns celadon were excavated from the mature period stratum, in other words, the period which focused on tianqing glaze Ru ware (figs. 6, 7). Vessel shapes which emulated ancient bronzes were also

found in that stratum. As tianqing glaze celadon firing technology matured, they plastered fire-proof soil on the saggar exterior surfaces, and used tiny pointed spurs. They established an official kiln style of destroying defective works en masse. The Ru kilns were "tribute" kilns during the Shenzong era, but the court involvement in the kiln increased during the mature period, which began during Zhezong's reign.

3. The Setup of the Northern Song Official Kilns (Jingshi Imperial Kilns) and the Ruzhou

Zhanggongxiang Kilns -- The Huizong Zhenghe Era According to textual sources, after this Ru ware maturation period, emperor Huizong established a separate imperial kiln in Jingshi (present-day Kaifeng). Ye Zhi's Tanzhai Biheng states that, "The court established its

own kilns and began production during the Zhenghe era, and it was named the official kiln". Gu Wenjian's Fuxuan Zalu also states that this kiln was established "during Xuan and Zheng", in other words, from Zhenghe to Xuanhe (1111-1125).12 Both books were written during the Southern Song dynasty, and are the oldest extant texts regarding the establishment of the Jingshi imperial kilns. A lower limit gap

Fig. 6 Celadon Oval Basin, Northern Song dynasty, Longest Mouth Dia. 26.0 cm, excavated from Qingliangsi Ru kiln site, Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology. Photo: Degawa Tetsuro (supr.), Northern Song Ru Ware: Recent Archaeological Findings, 財団法人大阪市美術振興協会, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, 2009, pl. 61.

emerges between the "during Xuan and Zheng" and "during Zhenghe" chronological ranges, but they both agree on an upper limit of Zhenghe

254

Fig. 7 Celadon Narcissus Basin, Ru ware, Northern Song dynasty, Longest Mouth Dia. 23.1 cm, National Palace Museum, Taipei. Photo: NPM Open Data.

period. The imperial kilns described in these documents were kilns directly operated by the imperial household, producing works solely for use at court, and not allowing works to flow to the general populace. The previously noted "tribute kilns" (Ru kilns imperial use precinct, court use precinct) were based on commercial kilns, and there was some room for sales of their products; thus the Jingshi kilns had a fundamentally different institutional nature. The establishment period of the Jingshi imperial kilns strongly aligns both chronologically and philosophically with the Huizong reign ritual system reforms (the ritual system bureau was established during the Zhenghe era) and the epigraphy-based antiquarian revival movement (namely the collecting and recording of ancient bronze vessels, as seen in Lu Dalin's edited and annotated Kaogutu and Xuanhe Bogutu). The vessel shapes seen in imperial kiln celadons that emulate Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties bronze and jade vessel shapes, such as gui, zun, gu and cong), were not simply chosen as favored designs, they were premised for actual use as ritual vessels in national rites, such as sacrifices to heaven and earth and the imperial ancestral temple, and thus as politically orthodox stage settings.

255

It must also be noted that the flooding of the Yellow River and other factors meant that the Kaifeng kiln site location has not been archaeologically confirmed, and all product information regarding the Jingshi imperial kilns is limited to traditionally handed-down works. When the Ruzhou Zhanggongxiang kilns were discovered, a theory also arose that they were the Northern Song imperial kilns. However, the stratified findings indicate that, during the Jin dynasty, the Zhanggongxiang kilns produced high-grade celadon and destroyed defective products en masse, both imperial kiln characteristics. These characteristics suggest the probability that those kilns were the Jin dynasty imperial kiln (figs. 8, 9).13 From the many celadon shards excavated -- including celadons shaped like bronze vessels found in the Chongxiu Xuanhe Bogutu and other forms -- more than 1,000 works have been reconstructed, and connections with Northern Song imperial wares noted. Moreso than the opaque tianqing glaze Ru wares, the glaze colors and other features clearly tend to resemble

Fig. 8 Celadon Bowl, Northern Song–Jin dynasties, Mouth Dia. 16.5 cm, excavated from the Zhanggonghang kiln site, Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology. Photo: Degawa Tetsuro (supr.), Northern Song Ru Ware: Recent Archaeological Findings, 財団法人大阪市美術振興協会, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, 2009, pl. 94.

Fig. 9 Celadon Shards, Northern Song–Jin dynasties, excavated from the Zhanggonghang kiln site, Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology. Photo: Degawa Tetsuro (supr.), Northern Song Ru Ware: Recent Archaeological Findings, 財団法人大阪市美術振興協会, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka, 2009, 2009, pl. 101.

256

the Yue ware miseci wares, which the Wuyue kingdom presented to the Northern Song court. The Northern Song imperial kiln workers may have produced the Jin dynasty imperial ware celadons at the Zhanggongxiang kilns under Jin dynasty rule. The report of the 2005 Ruzhou Donggou kiln site also notes that celadon bowls and Jun glaze bowls, which resemble those found at the Jin dynasty stratum of the Zhanggongxiang kilns, were excavated at that site, indicating that the Jin dynasty was the main period at the Zhanggongxiang kilns.14 Similar firing technology was used at the Ru kilns and the Zhanggongxiang kilns, but there were differences in their ideal concepts, such as vessel shapes, body clay composition and glazing color. Conversely, the items excavated from the Southern Song Laohudong imperial kilns are very similar to those excavated from the Ru kilns, clearly indicating a succession relationship, albeit not direct, between the Ru kilns and the Southern Song imperial kilns.

Section 3: Literati Officials Aesthetic and the Establishment of the Northern Song Imperial Kilns The change in Northern Song dynasty decorative arts aesthetics, particularly celadon, is inextricably linked to philosophical changes at the imperial court and among the literati. The classical literature revival movement that Han Yu and others began in the Mid Tang dynasty then crystallized in the 11th century Northern Song dynasty in the hands of such literati officials as Ouyang Xiu and Su Shi as an introspective, philosophical aesthetic. What they sought was natural beauty without artifice ( pingdan tianzhen 平淡天真) that erased all of the splendor and decorative quality found in the Late Tang. This search was underscored by "gaining a perfect knowledge of natural laws" ( gewu zhizhi 格物致知) that quietly discerns the true nature of things and phenomena. In the field of calligraphy, the artistic philosophy of Su Shi (1037-1101) paved the way for new expression, urging a change from "form and method" to "meaning and spiritual nature". This formed the groundwork for the search for "unadorned completion" in the decorative arts. Based on these intentions and the initiative of literati officials from the Shenzong era to the Zhenghe era, the official Ru ware kilns were established and flourished as tribute kilns. Ru ware's heavenly blue (tianqing 天青色) glaze color praised as "blue sky after rain has ended", and the extremely tranquil vessel forms which had been stripped of ornamentation to the greatest degree possible, can be seen as the personification of the aesthetic principles urged by the 11th century literati as mirrors of nature stripped of all artifice.

257

The deepening of this aesthetic principle in ceramics is also intricately linked to the changes in court painting during this period. The search for "the true life force of the subject" seen in Han Gan of the Tang dynasty was then refined into intricately rendered, magnificent spatial constructs that resonated with court spaces by Guo Xi (c. 1023 –c. 1085) at the height of the Northern Song dynasty. Nature's organic fluctuation and deep spirituality depicted by Guo Xi was in line with the opaque glaze of the Ru imperial kilns whose expression changed depending on light angle. The appearance of Li Tang (c. 1066 –c. 1150), who spanned the end of the Northern Song dynasty and beginning of the Southern Song dynasty, was meaningful for the establishment of paintings characterized by linear strength and firm compositions. This change from realism to sharp refinement in the history of painting can be seen as a parallel development to celadon's deepening and maturation of "sharpened vessel forms" and "the sense of material tension created by thin body/thickly applied glaze" that tracked from the Ru imperial kilns to the Northern Song imperial kilns and then to the Southern Song imperial kilns. The establishment of the Ru imperial kilns marked one pinnacle in the literati bureaucrat aesthetic. But then the last Northern Song emperor Huizong (r. 1100 –1126) took that philosophical stance one step further, establishing a unique form of absolute aesthetic imperial authority. Huizong himself established the highly stylized "slender gold script" in calligraphy, as well as the intricately detailed court academy style of bird and flower painting. He supervised the compilation of numerous antiquities, calligraphy and painting treatises, including Xuanhe Bogutu, Xuanhe Shupu and Xuanhi Huapu. The emulation of antique ritual vessels seen in imperial ware celadon sprang from the same source as Huizong's personal interest in and collection of antique vessels. Through his positioning of himself as the legitimate ritual successor to the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasty sage kings, we can understand his "imperial kilns" were for the production of wares that reflected his personal aesthetic transformed into national ideology. Emperor Huizong's intense aesthetics extended beyond the Ru kilns framework as tribute kilns functioning as official kilns whereby production was outsourced to commercial kilns. His aesthetics were the motive force behind the establishment of the Northern Song imperial kilns located in the capital of Kaifeng (Jingshi), which were imperial-use kilns under the emperor's direct control. The physical site and traces of the Jingshi guanyao kilns (京師官窯) described in literature have yet to be conclusively discovered. However, results from the excavations of the Zhanggongxiang kilns located in Ruzhou clearly convey the aesthetics of this transi-

258

tional period. Zhanggongxiang kiln products show a thin greenish-blue color that is all the brighter than the tianqing color of Ru ware. Their vessel walls are thin, and foot handling is also extremely refined. In terms of form, many of the vessel shapes correspond to those seen in the above-mentioned Chongxiu Xuanhe Bogutu, and undoubtedly the Zhanggongxiang product refined stylistic beauty draws upon the Northern Song Guan ware aesthetic progression that represented the highest achievement of emperor Huizong's aim for imperial court celadon. Extant documents state that when Kaifeng was destroyed in 1127 during the Jingkang Incident, the Northern Song dynasty's artisans were taken north by the Jin army. While Northern Song imperial kiln artisans were involved in the Zhanggongxiang kilns, some of the Ru kiln workers may have escaped to the Southern Song territories. During the early Southern Song dynasty those Ru kiln workers fired opaque glaze celadon (fig. 10), which differed from Northern Song dynasty Yue ware celadon, in the Dilingtou kilns of the Yue kiln complex and other kilns in the Shanglin Lake area, in response to the Southern Song court's ritual needs. This activity then continued and led to the formation of the Southern Song imperial kilns (established in the 1140s-1150s) at Xiuneisi in the Southern Song capital of Lin'an (Hangzhou) and the Jiaotanxia imperial kilns (1170s). This technology lineage further played out in the Longquan kilns of Zhejiang province, as seen in the dark body clay/thickly applied glaze Guan ware type celadon made at the Xikou kilns (1170s–1180s onwards) and the sophisticated kinuta celadons of the Dayao kilns which emulated the imperial kiln wares.

Section 4: Jun Ware – The Lineage of Yuebai Glaze (Moon White Glaze) and Yaobianhua Glaze (Flambé Glaze) The Jun kilns (pls. 108-113) -- developed by the Jin dynasty in the Shenhouzhen region of Yu prefecture, Henan province (present-day Yuzhou city) -- were counted as one of the Five Great Kilns of the Song Dynasty, along with the Ru, Guan, Ge, and Ding kilns. Jun ware porcelain's greatest characteristic is its pale blueish-white glaze color with opaque areas in the glaze, a glaze

259

Fig. 10 Celadon Opacified Shards, Southern Song dynasty, upper: Teabowl, Mouth Dia. 9.2 cm, lower: Surv. H. 9.9 cm, excavated from Dilingtou kiln site. Photo: Wenwu, Issue 4, 2019, figs. 57, 58.

type known as yuebaiyou (moon white glaze) and tianlanyou (sky blue glaze) that completely differs from the translucent monochrome glaze of Ru and Guan wares. By controlling the alumina/silica ratio in the glaze, two unmixed fluids in the glaze appear as finely dispersed effects within the holohyaline glaze. The essentially equal sized particles scatter light under visible wavelengths, and while the glaze itself is colorless and transparent, a bluish streaked, milky opaque color can be seen. This effect is based on a completely different color formation mechanism than the iron coloration of Ru ware.15 Early period Jun ware seen at the Linru kilns (such as the Dayu Donggou kilns)(pl. 17) can be confirmed at locations that stratigraphically cross reference with Ru kilns and the

Zhanggongxiang kilns, and thus are an important clue that shows the diverse development of celadon production in northern China from the late Northern Song dynasty through the Jin dynasty. The opaque aesthetic personified by Jun ware moon white glaze offers an opaque, weighty blue beauty, diametrically opposed to Ru ware's translucent heavenly blue tianqing glaze and, as noted later in this essay, was a direct reference point for the revival of

sky blue tianlan glaze (天藍釉) as one of the Kangxi era monochrome glazes.

Chapter 2: Development of the Southern Song Imperial Kilns, Xiuneisi-Jiaotanxia and Laohudong Kilns

Section 1: Historical Background of the Establishment of the Southern Song Imperial Kilns After the Jingkang Incident of 1127, emperor Gaozong (r. 1127-1162) was forced to move south, and there he established his capital at Lin'an (Hangzhou). Northern Song Ru ware firing techniques were picked up and continued in the early Southern Song dynasty at the Dilingtou kilns in the Yue kiln complex, resulting in the sudden appearance of a semi-translucent celadon. Emperor Gaozong set out to rebuild Northern Song court culture, and as one part of those efforts, he planned the establishment of new imperial kilns that would carry on the traditions of the Northern Song imperial kilns. That process was described by the Southern Song author Ye Zhi in his Tanzhai Biheng, "During the restoration of the Southern Song, the court crossed the Yangtze River and fled south. A person named Shao Chengzhang was the supervisor of the court gardens and workshops (back precincts), and those workshops were called shaoju (邵局). Shao Chengzhang continued the previous Northern Song capital Kaifeng's systems, and

260

established kilns at Xiuneisi and produced celadon. They were called the "inner kilns" (neiyao 内窯). ... Later a separate new set of kilns was built beneath the imperial altar ( jiaotan 郊壇) where the emperor prayed to the heavens. These kilns were also called imperial kilns

( guanyao官窯), but their product quality was greatly inferior to that of the Xiuneisi works."16 In other words, the world treasured the exquisite blue wares of the inner kiln at Xiuneisi that followed the old system in Kaifeng, but the works of the later new kilns set up in Jiaotanxia were far inferior to those of the old kiln. Textual sources indicate that the Southern Song imperial kilns developed in a two-step process at the Xiuneisi imperial kilns (inner kilns) and the Jiaotanxia imperial kilns.

Section 2: The Xiuneisi Imperial Kilns and Discovery of the Laohudong Kilns It was long surmised that the Xiuneisi imperial kilns were located near Fenghuangshan, Hangzhou, but that situation changed thanks to the 1996 –2001 excavation of the Hangzhou Laohudong kiln site (fig. 11).17 The Laohudong kiln site is located on the northeast foothills of Fenghuangshan. Two strata have been confirmed, the Southern Song strata and the Yuan dynasty strata. The celadon shards excavated from the Southern Song strata have a dark ash colored body made with zijin clay (clay with 8%–10% iron content). They display thickly applied powder blue fenqing glaze, crackle (kaipin) glaze appearance, and Cong, Gu, and Zun style ritual vessel-shaped works, as well as everyday use items such as bowls, dishes, and basins. These shards highly correlate with traditionally handed-down (fig. 12). Southern Song dynasty imperial kiln celadons in terms of their distinctive exposed body clay areas, which led to the term, purple mouth and iron feet zikou tiezu (紫口鉄足). From this correlation, it is extremely likely that the Laohudong Southern Song strata show the remnants of the Xiuneisi kilns. However, there is room for further discussion of whether or not Laohudong was the only kiln managed by the xiuneisi, namely, the court official who oversaw manufacturing and repair in the court, or whether other related kilns existed.

Section 3: Technological Advances at the Jiaotanxia Imperial Kilns and Southern Song Imperial Ware Aesthetics The Jiaotanxia kilns were located at the base of Hangzhou's Wuguishan mountain. Excavations were carried out there as early as the 1930s. Today the site forms the grounds of the Southern Song Dynasty Guan Kiln Museum. The site's climbing kiln is 40 meters in overall length. Thanks to temperature modulation inside the kiln, they were able to simultaneously create works with various different glaze appearances. The excavated works include

261

Fig. 11 Celadon Vase with Bow-string Design, Xiuneisi Guan ware, Southern Song dynasty, H. 25.8 cm, excavated from Laohudong kiln site, Hangzhou Museum. Photo: Degawa Tetsuro (supr.), Mystery of Southern Song Guan Ware – Archaeological Findings from the Kiln Site at Laohudong, Hangzhou, 財団法人大阪市博物館協会, 2010, pl. 5.

Fig. 12 Celadon Vase with Pear-Shaped Body, Southern Song Guan ware, Southern Song dynasty, H. 23.1 cm, Important Cultural Property, Idemitsu Museum of Arts. Photo: Idemitsu Museum of Arts.

not only superb examples of the ideal powder blue glaze; there are also numerous examples of works with ashy-blue glaze, or yellow-tinged beige glaze. These all indicate that even though it was an imperial kiln, the firing success rate was not high. In terms of technical characteristics, first, the kilns used dark body zijin clay. That clay is visible where the glaze thins at the mouth rim and where the glaze pour did not reach the foot or base of a work, resulting in a effect known as purple mouth and iron foot, zikou tiezu. This technical feature was then transformed into a stylized, aesthetic effect. Second, they developed a thickly poured glaze. The addition of plant ash to their lime-based glaze meant that the fusing temperature could be lowered, and several pours of glaze resulted in a thick glaze layer that reached 1–2 mm in thickness. The chemical structure of the glaze was 10 –14 percent calcium oxide and 3 – 6 percent potassium oxide, and the highly viscous glaze layer -- more viscous than that used at the Qingliangsi Ru kilns -- remained thick.18

262

The aesthetic ideal of Southern Song dynasty Guan celadon was based on and continued the philosophy heralded by Su Shi and others of the Northern Song dynasty, namely, natural beauty without artifice. The Southern Song's deepening interest in the Cheng-Zhu school of Neo-Confucianism led to the shunning of external gaiety, and instead, honoring an introspective, quiet spirituality. Although they set out to produce a material feel whereby light was encompassed in the work, reminiscent of jade, it was a clearly different effect than that of Northern Song Ru ware. The most striking aspect of their differences lies in their attitude towards crackle (kaipin). The Ru kilns made glaze color their highest priority, with crackle a secondary phenomenon that had to be suppressed. Thus they ideally sought a glaze surface completely free of crackle. Conversely, the Southern Song Guan kilns actively accepted crackle as an aesthetic effect and, further, crackle made up of two types of break lines, thin and thick lines known as golden thread and iron wire ( jinsi tiexian 金絲鉄線), was formalized as a decorative element. While the Ru kilns idealized "natural completion that surpassed human artifice", the Southern Song dynasty Guan kilns displayed a more complex aesthetic vision "elevating natural coincidence into human-made sublimity". This acceptance of crackle by the Southern Song Guan kilns was not simply a case of beautifying kiln failure. According to recent analysis of ceramic cross-sections (Shanghai Institute of Ceramics, Chinese Academy of Sciences, et al), the kiln workers precisely controlled the iron-to-silica-to-alumina ratios in the glaze (feldspathic) and zijin body clay and intentionally maximized the heat-expansion rate differences while also applying multiple layers of glaze. Thus they actively planned for the three-dimensional effect called "a hundred intermingling crackle lines" created by the multi-layered intersection of the minute, fine line crackling pattern that appeared between the coarser iron-like line crackling.19 This attitude deeply resonated with the Daoist "creation of nature" cosmology, in other words, after using human artifice, leave the final effect to the natural laws of heat and cold. Further, this Jiangnan style of Southern Song dynasty introspection that discerns the truth inside cracks (kaipin), thinning glaze and exposed body clay (purple mouth and iron foot) aligned with the Zen sect then flourishing in the Southern Song's capital Lin'an and its intense focus on incompletion. Thus it stands at a transitional point in East Asian aesthetics. Similarly in terms of vessel shape, Southern Song Guan wares include many ritual vessel forms copied from ancient bronze vessel types such as Cong-shaped jars, Gu, Zun, and Ge -shaped censers (fig. 13). These items reflected the Southern Song court's revivalist cul-

tural policies that sought to restore the legitimacy of the Northern Song and their intended positioning of ceramics not as simply utilitarian vessels but, rather, as ritual vessels that

263

reflected the traditional ritual and music systems. Also in terms of glaze color, while Ru ware has pale tianqing glaze, the Southern Song Guan kilns sought a denser fengqing glaze, approximately 2 –3 percent iron content. This coloration evoked

thoughts of the humid Southern Song climate and the landscape scenery of West Lake in Lin'an. Thus it could be said that this was a shift from the color of dry northern skies to the color of water in the Southern Song's moist-aired Jiangnan location. In terms of production systems, the Ru kilns (Ru ware official use sector) were established as the Northern Song's tribute kilns closely linked to the aesthetic philosophy of the Northern Song court officials, while the Southern Song Guan kilns were official kilns operated under the management of the national government institutions known as Xiuneisi and Jaiotanxia. This meant that throughout the Southern Song dynasty there existed a systematically stable production system. Ge ware is discussed as closely linked to Southern Song Guan ware golden thread and iron

Fig. 13 Celadon Vase with Cylindrical Lugs, Jiaotanxia Guan ware, Southern Song dynasty, H. 25.8 cm, Private collection. Photo: An Exhibition of Tang, Song and Goryeo Celadon, Sublime Celadon, Mayuyama & Co., Ltd., 2023, pl. 35.

wire crackle decoration. The Ge kilns are described in textual sources as a kiln of Zhong Shengyi in Chuzhou, and the ware's greatest characteristic was its mesh of two crackle line types, thick and

thin, golden thread and iron wire. A persuasive hypothesis suggests that the production period extended from the late Southern Song dynasty through to the Yuan dynasty. These factors suggest that the Southern Song Guan ware style was iconic within literati tastes and thus carried on. Ge ware crackle is more stylized and can be seen as an all the more acute crystallization of the Southern Song aesthetic, which styled coincidental cracking as decoration.

264

Overall Northern Song Ru ware aesthetic was based on the Taoist ideal of "nature surpassing human artifice" and reflected the longing for universal beauty. Conversely the Southern Song Guan ware aesthetic was the beauty of the "nature/human artifice conflict” that encompassed the incomplete and the coincidental, and reflects the Southern Song's will to build a cultural orthodoxy amidst the limited reality of a dynasty located in the south. More so that conflicting, these two are mutually complementary, and together they form the entirety of Song dynasty celadon, which became the classic standards referred to by later generations. The nature of the Southern Song Guan kilns is also underscored by what has been excavated at Lin'an (Hangzhou) court-related sites. Excavations began in 2001 on the ruins of Deshou Palace, the place known as "inner north beinei " (北内) where Gaozong lived after his abdication. In 2022 the site opened as the Southern Song Deshou Palace Ruins Museum. Ceramics excavated from the site include fragments of Longquan green-glazed hexagonal basins with seven tubes, brush washers with carved fish pair designs, Ding-style censers, Jingdezhen qingbai porcelain and Ding ware white porcelain, conveying the reality of high-grade ceramic consumption at the Southern Song court .20 Similarly, high-grade celadon wares, such as Guan ware and Longquan ware, have been excavated from court and bureaucratic office sites within the Lin'an castle grounds, including the Southern Song imperial castle, the imperial mausoleum and the Lin'an local government offices. While not excavated items, there are known traditionally handed-down examples of Ru ware vessels such as Zun with ridges and mallet vases which have " fenghua" (奉華) inscriptions added by Southern Song court jade artisans (fig. 14); an inscription referring to the Fenghuatang (奉華堂), a subsidiary building of the Deshou Palace. These works indicate that Northern Song Ru ware masterpieces were secretly owned and used in the Southern Song court. Many of these Ru wares were also later incised with poetry by the Qing emperor Qianlong. As indicated by Zhou Hui's comment in Qingbo Zazhi (清波雑志) that Ru ware had already become a rare and desirable form in the Southern Song dynasty, Southern Song tastes in ceramics were multi-faceted, combining Guan ware and Longquan celadon from their own period with traditionally handed-down items from Northern Song and later famous kilns.

265

Fig. 14 Celadon Washer, Inscribed "Fenghua(奉華)", Ru ware, Northern Song dynasty, Mouth Dia. 12.7 cm, National Palace Museum, Taipei. Photo: NPM Open Data.

Chapter 3: The Spread of Celadon – Yaozhou Ware and Longquan Ware

Section 1: Yaozhou Ware – Maturation of Carved Celadon Large-scale excavations of the Huangbao kiln site in the 1990s dramatically refined the known chronology of Yaozhou ware.21 The Tang dynasty (7th to 9th centuries) stands as the kiln's early stage, producing sancai, black glaze wares, and white wares. There is no discerned influence from Yue ware in the very few celadon wares found. During the Five Dynasties (10th century), Yaozhou was directly influenced by Yue ware miseci porcelains and produced high-quality celadon in a period called the Yue ware technology reception period. The early Northern Song dynasty (latter half of the 10th century through the first half of the 11th century) was a transitional period that saw the gradual shedding of Yue ware influence as the kilns sought their own unique Yaozhou direction. The mid-Northern Song dynasty (ca. mid-11th century to latter half of the 11th century) saw the development of carved celadon. The deeply carved peony scroll motifs and lotus flower motifs filled the entire surface of the works, and the varied glaze color intensity created a three-dimensional decorative effect. The glaze was an olive green-tinged deep green, and the Yaozhou kilns reached the pinnacle of northern celadon. From the late Northern Song dynasty to the Jin

266

dynasty (12th to 13th centuries) the kilns switched from reduction firing to oxidation firing, creating a glaze color change from bluish-green to moon white (pale, milky bluish-white) (pls. 100, 101). Influence from Jun ware is also indicated. Five Dynasties works incised with "guan" inscriptions and late Northern Song dynasty works incised "shang shi ju" (尚食局) have also been excavated from the Yaozhou kilns, indicating the existence of court procurement routes. It is thought that given the Yaozhou kilns' geographic distance from the court and the fact that they were not kilns under direct imperial control producing solely for the court, they had to become a practical government supply kiln working through the regional bureaucracy.

Section 2: Longquan Ware – from Succeeding Yue Kilns to Technological Exchange with Southern Song Imperial Kilns The Longquan kilns developed in Longquan city in southern Zhejiang province, with true celadon production begun in the mid-Northern Song dynasty (11th century). Early period Longquan celadon, Jincun type, features a Yue celadon-like yellowish tinged, pale olive green glaze color in a lime glaze with 15 –20 percent calcium oxide. The wares produced were traditional forms such as bowls, dishes, and jars, and were characterized by their simple incised decoration. These various features all tell the tale of how Longquan was the Yue ware celadon successor. During the early Southern Song dynasty the Xikou kilns fired black body celadon similar to Guan ware, and their connection to Guan ware is noteworthy. The Longquan's epoch-making developments occurred in the mid-Southern Song dynasty (latter half of the 12th century through the beginning of the 13th century). This was a golden age of wares with thick powder blue glaze and plum-green glaze, produced primarily in Dayao district kilns (pls. 79, 80, 82 –86). The core of this transformation was the shift from lime glaze to lime-alkali glaze. Early period Longquan ware ( Jincun type) has 15 –20 percent calcium oxide, and 1–2 percent potassium oxide, while the composition of

late Southern Song dynasty Longquan ware Dayao fenqing glaze was greatly changed to 8 –12 percent calcium oxide and 4 – 6 percent potassium oxide.22 The increased amount of potassium meant that the glaze had an elevated high-temperature viscosity, which preserved the thickness of the applied layer of glaze. Because minute air bubbles and crystalline elements were easily precipitated and had a light-scattering effect, the glaze had a jade-like opaque exterior appearance. It is hard to imagine that this technological change was fully developed solely within the Longquan kilns and, given that the glaze produced by the Southern Song Guan kilns (Jiaotanxia kilns) was also lime-alkali glaze with a similar chemical compound,

267

scientific analysis also supports the technological relationship between the Southern Song Guan kilns and the Longquan Dayao kilns. Fenqing powder blue glaze is a thickly applied pale blueish-green glaze. The glaze

surface with its countless tiny air bubbles has a semi-transparent opaque feel, and emits a soft, subdued luster. That coloration and material feel evokes a sense of jade, and it is one of the purest manifestations of the jade-like ideal sought by Song dynasty celadon. Plum-green glaze is a deep bluish-green plum-like color. It has a glassier luster and is more translucent than fenqing glaze and is fired in a highly reductive kiln at relatively high temperature (approx. 1280 degrees Celsius). In addition to Northern Song Yue ware types of bowls and dishes, vessel shapes during the Southern Song dynasty include ritual vessel types copied after ancient bronze vessels, such as Cong vases, Ge -shaped censers, phoenix lug jars, and jars with dragon and tiger designs. There are also numerous richly decorative works, such as dishes with applied fish pair designs and bowls with carved lotus petal designs. Even as the Longquan celadon aesthetic continued the Southern Song Guan ware's jade-like trend, they display a free and ample expression that is more decorative than Guan ware. There is a clear link between the fact that Longquan celadons were not the sole purview of the imperial court and were widely distributed among China's wealthy classes and overseas markets and the fact that they were free from Guan ware's strictly observed stylistic standards. During the flourishing Southern Song dynasty period the production scale of the Longquan kilns expanded, far outstripping that of the Northern Song. There are several hundred kiln sites, including Dayou and Xikou, located in a section of Longquan city. Most of the kilns were large climbing kilns, with many of those boasting an overall length in the dozens of meters and thus there was an array of large kilns. It is hard to explain such expansion solely on domestic consumption needs and, as such, the expansion speaks of the changes brought to the Longquan kilns production system due to the rapid expansion of overseas export markets. From the late Southern Song dynasty through the Yuan dynasty, Longquan celadon was the primary Chinese ceramics export product. Approximately 20,000 ceramic works were salvated from the Shinan shipwreck, a trading ship sunk in 1323 and discovered in Shinan Bay, South Korea, in 1976. Approximately 60 percent of those works were Longquan celadons.23 There was also a relatively high proportion of Longquan celadons among the ceramic cargo of two shipwrecks in the South China Sea, the Huaguangjiao One and Nankai One. The seaborne Asian distribution went beyond simple merchandise trade. In Japan kinuta celadons were favored by tea masters, Longquan celadon became status symbols for the

268

ruling class in Southeast Asia, and it also became architectural adornment in West Asia and East Africa. This cultural dispersal aspect, which differed by region, meant that in the 13th to 14th centuries Longquan celadons rivaled Jingdezhen qingbai porcelains as international trade merchandise. An eloquent expression of Longquan celadon's pinnacle period during the Southern Song and its domestic distribution can be found in the Southern Song hoard discovered in 1991 in Jinyu village, Suining city, Sichuan province (figs. 15, 16).24 The hoard no. 1, an oval

earthen cellar, approximately one meter under ground, was closely and orderly packed with vessels divided into four layers by fine, ash-colored sand. Ceramics, bronzes and stone items were excavated, totaling one thousand and several hundred works (including approximately 1,200 ceramics that were either intact or restorable). There were no decorative boxes or crates;

these ceramics all packed in dirt speak of the hasty burial conditions. The hoard is thought to have been a case of hiding assets when the Mongol army invaded Sichuan, during the military rebellion in 1236 (Duanping 3) when the Mongol army captured Suining. One of the excavated works, a plum-green glaze Longquan celadon jar with leaf-shaped lid which contained 99 qingbai-glazed small dishes, is renowned as a Southern Song Longquan celadon benchmark work. The presence of this work confirms that leaf-shaped lid jars and gourd-shaped ewers, which had previously been dated to the Yuan dynasty, already existed in the Southern Song dynasty. These and other factors make this hoard a definitive source for the chronology of Longquan and Jingdezhen ware vessel shapes during the late Southern Song dynasty.

Chapter 4: White Porcelain Lineages – Ding Ware and Jingdezhen Qingbai Porcelain

Section 1: Ding Kilns Production Structure and Official Use Procurement The Ding kilns were a major northern white porcelain kiln developed across a stretch between Jianci village and Beizhen village, Quyang prefecture, Hebei province, from the Late Tang to Yuan dynasties. According to excavations carried out from 1985 onwards by the Hebei Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics, there was an organic division of labor within the kiln district centered on Jianci village and the surrounding kiln districts, such as those in Yanchuan village.25 The division of labor by specialty structure saw the central kiln district produce high-grade white porcelain, while the surrounding kiln districts produced miscellaneous everyday items. Ding ware white porcelain glaze is a feldspar-based glaze,

269

with 5 –7 percent calcium oxide and 3 –5 percent potassium oxide. This glaze melted at a relatively low temperature (approximately 1280 –1320 degrees Celsius) and produced the distinctive Ding ware warm, ivory-toned white (pls. 18 –28, 102 –104). The body clay was refined from white clay (Lingshan clay 霊山土) sourced near Quyang prefecture and, given

its low 0.5 –1.0 percent iron content, it maintained its strongly white body color. The inverted firing method introduced in the mid Northern Song dynasty meant that the works could be stacked upside down within a saggar and fired all at once, thus greatly improved the Ding kilns production efficiency. However, because the rim of the work touched the saggar, the glaze had to be scraped

Fig. 15 Celadon Vase with Two Handles, Longquan ware, Southern Song dynasty, H. 32.0 cm, excavated at Jinyu village, Suining city, Suining City Museum. Photo: Degawa Tetsuro, Yuba Tadanori (suprs.), Newly Discovered Southern Song Ceramics, A Thirteenth-Century “Time Capsule”, The Asahi Shinbun Company, 1998, pl. 9.

off that area, leaving the mangkou (芒口) unglazed rim area. The imperial court covered these unglazed rims with gold, silver or bronze rims ( jinkou 金釦, yinkou 銀釦). However, during the Southern Song dynasty

Ye Zhi's Tanzhai Biheng states, "in this dynasty Ding ware white porcelain is deemed unacceptable due to its unglazed rims". Thus unglazed rims lowered the value of Ding ware white porcelain at court. In terms of decorative methods, incised designs started in the early Northern Song dynasty while stamped designs using ceramic stamps became fashionable during the mid-Northern Song, and this method allowed the mass production of the same design. The diverse range of depicted motifs included peonies, lotuses, chrysanthemums, and other flower motifs, as well as imaginary animals such as phoenixes, dragons, qilins, and children at play motifs. It is particularly Fig. 16 Celadon Covered Jar, Longquan ware, Southern Song dynasty, H. 30.2 cm, excavated at Jinyu village, Suining city, Suining City Museum. Photo: Degawa Tetsuro, Yuba Tadanori (suprs.), Newly Discovered Southern Song Ceramics, A Thirteenth-Century “Time Capsule”, The Asahi Shinbun Company, 1998, pl. 1.

noteworthy that the children at play motifs reflected the auspicious symbol tastes of Song dynasty secular culture.

270

Works incised with inscriptions such as "guan" and "xinguan" during the Five Dynasties to the early Northern Song dynasty and "shangshiju" (尚食局), "shangyaoju" (尚薬 局) and " fenghua" (奉華) during the late Northern Song dynasty through Jin dynasty have

been excavated at the Ding kiln. Shangshiju referred to the office in charge of meals in the palace, while the shangyaoju was the office in charge of medicinal materials. These inscriptions indicate that Ding ware white porcelain was produced for specific uses at court. The "guan" inscription is thought to be a general mark of court use and was frequently seen from the Five Dynasties through the beginning of the Northern Song dynasty. Ding ware white porcelain inscribed with this same "guan" inscription have also been excavated from burial sites within Liao (Qidan) lands, suggesting that Ding ware products moved internationally between the Northern Song and the Liao. The dated pagoda crypts of Dingzhou, Hebei province, sets the chronological standard for these inscriptions. Large numbers of early Northern Song dynasty Ding ware were excavated in 1969 from two unlooted sites, the base of the pagoda crypts at Jingzhisi temple (sealed in 977, Northern Song Taiping Xingguo 2) and Jingzhongyuan temple (sealed in 995, Northern Song Zhidao 1). In particular, a white porcelain small dish with paired butterfly motif 26 (fig. 17) excavated from Jingzhisi temple is inscribed "guan" and has a date inscription in black ink on the base exterior that reads "Buddhist relic worship in the fifth month of Taiping Xingguo 2", and thus is premier chronology reference material that establishes the absolute age of "guan" inscription Ding ware white porcelain. Along with the Famensi crypt (874), Song Castle at Julu (1108), and the hoard at Jinyu village, Suining city, this Ding ware data forms important chronology information for the understanding of Tang and Five Dynasties period to Song dynasty ceramic chronology.

Section 2: The Birth of Jingdezhen Qingbai Porcelain and Southern Song Trade Areas Jingdezhen is located in northeast Jiangxi province, and produced qingbai porcelain (yingqing 影青) from the Five Dynasties period through early Northern Song dynasty (pls. 59 –73, 75). According to excavations in the 1970s through 1990s focusing on the central Hutian kiln site, both Yue ware type celadon and white porcelain can be found in the Five Dynasties stratum, while qingbai porcelain appears in the early Northern Song dynasty stratum.27 Qingbai glaze is a translucent feldspathic glaze with a minute amount of iron (0.5 –1.0 percent) that produces a slightly bluish-tinged clear glaze. This qingbai glaze is also known as raoyu, jade from Raozhou, given its evocation of jade-like properties. The qingbai porcelain works excavated from the Hutian kiln site in Northern Song dynasty stratum

271

are thin-walled melon shaped jars, bowls, dishes carved with lotus petal designs, and lion-shaped pillows. These forms all display a naturalist artistic sensibility consistent with Song dynasty decorative arts mimicking metalware and lacquer ware forms. During the late Northern Song dynasty stamped designs were also introduced, with Ding white porcelain-influenced peony scroll designs and children at play designs appearing. Geographic factors and its production system were the motive forces behind Jingdezhen's development. Materials were easily brought in by boats on the Chang River, and products shipped out the same way. Abundant supplies of good quality porcelain stone and fuel (pine brushwood) existed in surrounding areas. The kiln sites were divided into several regions, such as Hutian, Yangmeiting, and Huangnitou, with each part of the production process, from materials refinement to vessel formation, glazing, and firing established as a highly developed division of labor. Thus while these were Fig. 17 White Porcelain Foliate-Rim Dish with Incised Butterfly Pair Design, Inscribed 977 (Taiping Xingguo 2, Northern Song dynasty), Ding ware, Dia. 12.4 cm, excavated from the base of the pagoda at Jingzhisi, Dingzhou city, Hebei province, Dingzhou Museum. Photo: (Recto) Ye Zhemin, History of Chinese Pottery and Porcelain, Science Press Tokyo Co., Ltd., 2019, pl. 8-27, (Verso) Treasures from the Underground Palaces: Excavated Treasure from Northern Song Pagodas, Dingzhou, Hebei Province, China, Idemitsu Museum of Arts, 1997, pl. 71.

privately operated kilns, they were fitted out with a type of industrial production system. In terms of their technological achievements, of particular note is the high standard of their thin body vessel formation techniques. Some of the superb examples have translucent, less than 1 mm-thick vessel walls. The kilns also used the inverted firing method for mass production seen at the Ding kilns, while they also fired some with glaze remaining on the rim to avoid the bare rimmed mangkou effect. Along with Longquan celadon, Jingdezhen qingbai porcelain was a major product in trade ce-

ramics from the late Northern Song dynasty through

272

the Southern Song dynasty. Qingbai porcelain was distributed over a wide region, from East Asia (in Japan Hakata ruins, Kamakura and Hiraizumi, and on the Korean Peninsula the Kaesong Goryeo Palace); Southeast Asia (port city ruins in Indonesia, the Philippines, and Thailand); South Asia (trade cities on the east and west coasts of India); West Asia (Siraf on the Persian Gulf and Ar Raqqah in Syria), and East Africa (Lamu Islands of Kenya and Kilwa Island in Tanzania). The international ports of Quanzhou, Guangzhou, and Mingzhou (Ningbo) supported this distribution. In particular Quanzhou flourished as the largest trading port in Southern Song dynasty China. The Jingdezhen qingbai porcelains assembled there followed the South China Sea trading route as far as the Indian Ocean regions. The fact that Jingdezhen qingbai porcelains were approximately 50 percent of the ceramic cargo of the Nankai One that sank during the early Southern Song dynasty speaks of the massive scale of these export volumes.

Chapter 5: The Realm of Commercial Kilns – Cizhou Ware Type Ceramics and Black Glaze Tenmoku

Section 1: Cizhou Ware Technological System and Popular Aesthetic Tastes The Cizhou kilns located primarily in Ci prefecture, Handan city, Hebei province, were northern China's largest group of commercial kilns, spanning Hebei, Henan, and Shanxi provinces. In 1987, the School of Archaeology, Beijing University, and others excavated the Guantai kilns, which were the ware's central kiln site. These excavations confirmed continuous strata dating from the Five Dynasties through the Yuan dynasty, and show that four different periods of activity occurred at the site.28 The first period (Five Dynasties to early Northern Song dynasty) saw production consist primarily of simple white wares with white slip applied beneath transparent glaze, and very little black pigment decoration at that point. The second period (mid-Northern Song dynasty) saw the full development of white ground black pigment works (designs drawn in iron-based pigment on white slip), with motifs including peony scroll, and fish and water plants designs. The third period (late Northern Song dynasty to Jin dynasty) saw the diversification of decorative methods to include sgraffito, red and green pigment designs (So aka’e) and black glaze with rib designs. The fourth period (Yuan dynasty) saw the flourishing of large works and auspicious designs, such as dragons and phoenixes, as distribution also expanded to distant regions. Cizhou wares are characterized by the fact that they do not use refined body clay but rather create a

273

white surface by applying white slip over rough body clay, a method that allows for diverse decorative methods (pls. 29 – 44). White ground and black pigment designs were the most important decorative method at the Cizhou kilns. An iron rich pigment was used to draw designs on a white slip-coated vessel surface, which was then coated with a transparent glaze and fired. After firing the design areas turned a dark brown color, contrasting vividly with the white ground. The designs were extremely diverse, including birds and flowers, fish and water plants, children at play, landscapes and poetic inscriptions. This diversity contrasted with formally restrained designs on official kiln wares, developing as a free untrammeled expression rooted in the everyday lives of the people (pls. 93, 94). Poetry inscription designs which have one verse of a Chinese poem written by brush on the vessel surface, are one form of China's distinctive use of writing as decoration. They reflect the rise of literacy during the Song dynasty and the spread of popular culture (pl. 32). Sgraffito on white ground designs involves pouring black slip over the entire surface of a white slip-covered vessel and then scraping away the black paint design areas, thereby exposing the underlying white ground. This decorative method is said to have been influenced by carved lacquerware and inlaid metalwork and stands as a good example of the interchange between ceramics and other decorative arts. Red and green pigment designs (known as So aka’e) involve using red (oxidized iron) and green (oxidized copper) to paint designs on top of transparent glaze. Then the works are fired at a low-temperature (approximately 800 degrees Celsius). This decorative method flourished in the Jin dynasty and included peony, fish, and auspicious character designs (pls. 96 –99). This was the first systematic use of overglaze decorative methods in the history of Chinese ceramics and, as such, is extremely important in terms of technological history. While it cannot be called the direct model for later wucai and fencai overglaze enamel techniques, it was an epoch-making technique which was the first to display the potential for polychrome decoration via low-fired pigments. Red symbolizes auspiciousness and life force, while green symbolizes prosperity and harmony. This color-based decoration method exhibits a primary colored, vividly festive decoration that differs completely from the restrained aesthetic of official kiln monochrome wares. Much of the auspicious iconography that later spread throughout Chinese decorative arts—such as fu (福), shou (寿) and lu (禄) characters meaning good fortune and long life, and other auspicious characters, as well as fish (abundance year after year), peonies (wealth and honors), lotus (integrity and fertility), pomegranates (prosperity for descendants), and bats (good luck)—were systematically developed for use on Cizhou ware ceramic pillows and vessels.

274

Cizhou ware white ground black pigment decoration was not limited to works from the Guantai kilns in Ci prefecture, but, rather, was widely distributed across northern China, appearing at kilns such as the Hebi and Dengfeng kilns of Henan province, and Jiexiu and Huozhou kilns of Shanxi province. Cizhou ware type is the general term used for works produced at those sites. Even if each of those kiln sites had their own distinctive designs and vessel shapes, they all shared the basic white slip and iron pigment technology. These techniques were handed down and shared across a broad region in answer to the northern Chinese public's needs, and they formed one open commercial kiln cultural sphere. Their aesthetics are the polar extreme of the unadorned beauty and restrained beauty of official wares, and present another rich realm of Song dynasty ceramics, a realm characterized by a life force-filled decorative sensibility, free brushwork, and a straightforward desire for good fortune. The site of the Song castle in Julu, Hebei province, was the starting point for research on Cizhou ware (fig. 18). This prefectural castle and its entire town were buried by the flooding of the Yellow River in 1108 (Northern Song Daguan 2) and then accidentally discovered by villagers in 1918 when they tried to dig a well.29 Along with a large amount of white ground black design, sgraffito and iron pigment design commercial wares, a whole group of Ding ware white porcelain, Jingdezhen qingbai porcelain, and Longquan celadon was excavated from the site. Many of the works had ink inscriptions on their bases indicating

Fig. 18 Shapes of Vessel Types Excavated from the Cizhou Kilns in Julu (Chart from "Ciqi Tizi", Julu Songqi Conglu vol. 1. Photo: Hasegawa Gakuji (ed.), Cizhou Ware vol. 7 from the series Chinese Ceramics, Heibonsha, 1996, fig. 8.

275

when they were acquired and the names of their users, all conveying a vivid sense of urban life in the late Northern Song dynasty. Given that the burial date is clearly known, these works became chronology materials that establish an actual chronological benchmark (1108) for late Northern Song ceramics in northern China. Many of the excavated items then made their way to Europe, North America and Japan. The English scholar R. L. Hobson studied these works and in 1925 coined the term "Tz'u Chou type" as the name for the similar style of ceramics fired in Cizhou, and surrounding areas (Henan, Shanxi, Shandong, etc.) 30 and thus established the international understanding of the overview and names of this group of commercial kilns (pls. 34 –38, 42 – 44).

Section 2: Jian Ware and Jizhou Ware – Tea Culture and the Beauty of Black Glaze The Song dynasty was the golden age of tea culture, and black glazed teabowls (pls. 87, 88, 89) were the best at evoking the beauty of the white foam created in the diancha (点茶) method of whipping powdered green tea into a froth. Emperor Huizong's own text, Daguan Chalun (1107), states, to paraphrase, "A bluish black colored teabowl is prized, with

those with hare's fur patterns the best." 31 Based on such demand from the imperial court, the production of black-glazed teabowls developed in various regions, such as the Jian kilns of Fujian, the Jizhou kilns of Jiangxi, and the Tianmu kilns of Zhejiang. The Jian kilns located in Shuijizhen, Jianyang city, Fujian province, are known for their mid Northern Song dynasty to Southern Song dynasty pinnacle production of black glazed teabowls (Jian teabowls). Jian ware black glaze contains an extremely high percentage of iron (5 –8 percent) and was oxidized fired at a high temperature (approximately 1300 degrees Celsius) whereby iron crystals precipitated to the glaze surface, creating all

manner of design effects. Hare's fur type, where radiating thin lines of crystals appear on the glaze surface, is the most common Jian ware design effect, and this is what Huizong extolled as jade fur. Yuteki, literally oil spot, in which small silver or iridescent spots appear on the glaze surface is a rarer effect than hare's fur and is created when the glaze's iron content gets oversaturated and precipitates as tiny crystal grains. Yōhen type is an extremely rare form in which iridescent spots form on the glaze surface. There are only three known extant examples of this yōhen type, namely those at the Seikado Bunko Art Museum, Fujita Museum, and Ryōkōin temple.32 Some Jian ware teabowls were stamped with the characters gongyu (供御) and jinzhan (進琖), indicating that Jian wares were used as tribute items to

the Northern Song imperial court. Jian ware works were overwhelmingly brand goods, and as will be noted below, kilns in various parts of Fujian province produced their own black

276

glaze teabowls known today as tenmoku, including the Yulinting kilns of Wuyishan (pl. 90), Fuqing Dongzhang kilns, and Chayang kilns of Nanping. Along with the Jian kilns, the Jizhou kilns located in Yonghezhen, Ji'an city, Jiangxi province, were a major Song dynasty black glaze teabowl production site, but their works display a distinctive decorative method completely different from the iron crystal decorative effects of Jian ware. The jianzhi tiehua stencil cutout method uses paper stencils with cutout design motifs, which are attached to the surface of the glazed bowl which is then fired. The paper burns away in the firing process, and a chemical reaction occurs between the attached paper areas and the ground glaze, creating pale yellow or brown designs on the black glaze ground. The design motifs are varied, from plum blossoms to orchids, phoenixes, butterflies, and auspicious characters. This method represents the effective use of folk cut-out paper craft designs on ceramic vessels. Leaf design tenmoku (pl. 91) is a method of firing wares with an actual leaf attached to the vessel surface. As the leaf is turned to ash in the firing process, the delicate structure of leaf veins is burned into the vessel surface. Mulberry leaves were the most common type of leaf used for this method, and a single leaf appearing on the interior surface of a black-glazed bowl is imbued with a deep spirituality, standing as a symbol of Zen enlightenment. Ji ʼan, the site of the Jizhou kilns, was a flourishing Zen sect region during the Song dynasty, and the mulberry leaves of leaf type tenmoku were made a symbol of enlightenment in the Zen sect, while the stencil pattern plum blossoms and orchids were also favored motifs in Zen priest poetry and painting. The production of black glazed teabowls was not limited to just the southern Jian and Jizhou kilns. Various northern Chinese kilns also successfully produced hare's fur and oil spot type black glaze teabowls, starting in the Tang dynasty at the Hebi kilns of Henan province and the Zibo kilns of Shandong. In the Song and Jin dynasties, Cizhou type kilns included the Dangyangyu kilns of Henan, the Huairen and Hunyuan kilns of Shanxi, and the Yuxian kilns of Henan. These wares are grouped under the term "Henan tenmoku" (河南 天目) or "northern Chinese oil spot" (華北油滴), and while their body clay, glaze appearance

and spot formation mechanisms differ from those of Jian ware, they do speak of how tea culture spread widely in northern and southern China from the end of the Northern Song dynasty onwards (pls. 48, 49, 92). The Ding kilns also fired lacquer-like black ware, “ black Ding ware”, underscoring the diversity of black glaze teabowl production in northern China. Black tea wares such as Jian ware and Jizhou ware were originally commercial kiln products to meet the tea drinking demands of ordinary people. But then they were discovered by the aesthetically discerning eyes of Song dynasty literati and through their

277

praise in Huizong's Daguan Chalun they came to be used as tea ware at the imperial court. This process is a good example of the Song dynasty's aesthetic evaluation whereby "the common was elevated to the court". The beauty of black glaze differs from the search for a jade-like quality in official kiln celadons and white porcelains, and the accidental crystalline effects that appear on the glaze surface—whether hare's fur, oil spot, yōhen, leaf traces or stencil shadows—were beloved as "the beauty of natural traces". This aesthetic taste which values the singular phenomenon created by fire and materials resonated deeply with Zen's "action through non-action" (無作の作) and "spontaneity" (自然法爾) concepts.

Section 3: The Significance of the Lin'an Tenmoku Kilns – Black Glaze Production in the Southern Song Capital Region Recent research has advanced on the Lin'an Tianmu (Tenmoku) kilns scattered around Tianmushan mountain in the Lin'an district, Hangzhou city, Zhejiang province, as a production site for Southern Song dynasty black glaze teabowls. The 1991–2001 investigations by the Hangzhou Archaeology Research Institute confirmed numerous kiln sites, such as the Lingkou kilns and Shaolu kilns .33 Their proximity to the Southern Song capital of Lin'an (Hangzhou) was their major feature. Unlike the Jian and Jizhou kilns, which were distant from the capital, as capital suburb format kilns, they provided tenmoku teabowls to both the Southern Song imperial court and the capital city's marketplace. Their glazes are brown to dark brown in color, with some hare's fur occasionally seen, but not as distinctly rendered as those of Jian ware. Their body clay is finely milled ashy-white to light brown clay, and their vessel walls are thin. These features suggest the introduction of the white porcelain technologies of Ding ware and Jingdezhen qingbai porcelain as the basis for their black glaze ware production. There are no gongyu (供御) inscriptions confirmed and they were not clearly stated imperial use ware producing kilns, but given their location and high quality wares, some unofficial procurement route used by the imperial court and aristocratic class can be surmised. Tianmushan mountain was revered as a Zen holy site during the Southern Song dynasty. Visits to the area by numerous Japanese priests were an important background element of the coining of the term tenmoku, the Japanese pronunciation of Tianmu (first appeared in 1335). The Japanese tenmoku concept was then established as more than just Jian ware or specific production kilns, to cover all black glaze teabowls.

278

Chapter 6: Maritime Distribution of Song Ceramics – Shipwreck Archaeology and the Actual Conditions of Ceramic Cargo

Shipwreck archaeology findings are the most eloquent accounts of what actually happened in Song dynasty maritime trade. Nankai One, a sunken ship fully raised from the sea off Yangjiang, Guangdong province in 2007, was an early Southern Song dynasty (latter half of the 12th century) trading ship. More than 60,000 ceramic works were found on the ship. The ceramic cargo consisted of approximately 50 percent Jingdezhen qingbai porcelain, approximately 20 percent Longquan celadon, approximately 20 percent Fujianmade celadon, and other wares constituting approximately 10 percent.34 These numbers indicate that Jingdezhen qingbai porcelain and Longquan celadon were the two trade ceramics powerhouses. Conversely, Huaguangjiao One (early Southern Song) discovered in the sea off the Paracel Islands was primarily loaded with roughly made Fujian and Guangdong celadons and Jingdezhen qingbai porcelains. Overall that cargo was more roughly made than the wares found in the Nankai One cargo. It is surmised that these were products bound for mass market sale in Southeast Asian insular regions. This difference between sunken ship ceramic cargo grade and intended consumption area indicates that Song dynasty trade ceramics were not a single market construct but, rather, were produced and shipped for a multi-tiered market. Information from sunken ship archaeology to date shows that there are no confirmed examples of imperial kiln products, such as those produced by the Ru kilns or the Southern Song imperial kilns, found among the sunken ship cargoes. This fact indicates that as general rule imperial kiln products were for consumption within the imperial court, and only an extremely limited number of them flowed overseas as merchandise. On the other hand, many examples of high-grade commercial kiln products (superb examples of Jingdezhen qingbai porcelain and Longquan celadon) have been excavated from

Fig. 19 Celadon Bowl with Flower Design, Yuezhou ware, Five Dynasties period– Northern Song dynasty, Mouth Dia. 15.0 cm, excavated from the Kōrokan site, Fukuoka, Fukuoka City Archaeological Center. Photo: Fukuoka City Museum, Source: Hasegawa Gakuji and Imai Atsushi (eds.), Chinese Ceramics Excavated in Japan vol. 12 from the series Chinese Ceramics, Heibonsha, 1995, pl. 11.

279

upper class consumption sites in Southeast Asia and Japan. The distribution boundary between official and commercial kiln wares meant that Song dynasty distribution saw the highest grade products kept at court, while the highest grade commercial kiln products were aimed at the wealthy classes and distributed both in China and overseas. Low-grade commercial kiln products were offered to the mass market, a separation that speaks of the multi-tiered distribution construct. Results from excavations at consumption sites in the Japanese archipelago underscore this multi-tiered distribution construct. From the 9th century to the first half of the 11th century, Yuezhou celadon and white porcelain were imported to Japan via the Fukuoka

Kōrokan, a diplomatic facility and international trade portal (fig. 19).35 In the latter half of the 11th century the trading hub on Kyushu shifted to Hakata. Large amounts of superb Longquan celadon, Jingdezhen qingbai porcelain, tenmoku, and other wares have been excavated from the late Heian period to Kamakura period strata at various sites in Hakata. These works indicate that the Japan-Song trade served the aristocratic families, military gentry, and temple priests of Japan. The identification of these dates and production locales are supported by both the relative chronology based on excavation strata, and by scientific investigations, including chemical construct analysis of body clay and glaze via X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy, absolute age measurement by thermoluminescence, and production locale identification based on trace elements and rare earth elements found in the works. Specifically, materials salvaged from sunken ships have their own distinctive weathering from exposure to seawater, and thus different analysis is needed from that carried out on items excavated from kiln sites. The accumulation of this type of scientific analysis findings will reveal a more detailed understanding of production and distribution conditions than that based solely on textual sources.

Final Chapter: The Projection of Song Ceramic Aesthetics upon Kangxi Monochrome Glaze

The Qing dynasty not only accumulated Ming court inheritance items, they systematically collected major works from each successive period. Thus by the Kangxi era (r. 1661–1722), the imperial court's antique ceramics collection was of unprecedented scale, and

focused on the five great kilns of the Song dynasty, namely, Ru, Guan, Ge, Ding, and Jun

280

Fig. 20 Celadon Long Neck Vase, Guan ware, H. 18.0 cm, Sir Percival David Collection, British Museum. Photo: Private Photograph.

281

(fig. 20). According to records kept by the Qing court, emperor Kangxi himself contributed to the appraisal of antique ceramics, and by positioning those works throughout his palaces, enjoyed them on an everyday basis. Emperor Kangxi's antiquarian interests went beyond simple antique collecting. His acquisition of masterpieces of each of the Han people's successive dynasties was, in effect, to present them as visual evidence of his legitimate role as their successor. These ceramics stood as one element of his cultural strategies to legitimize the rule of the non-Han descent Qing dynasty. In his Tingxun Geyan (庭訓格言, Maxims of Court Instruction), Kangxi stated, to paraphrase, "I not only like antiquities for their oldness, I also seek out their reason for being".36 This scientific research attitude seeking "why they are as they are" is the reason his revival of monochrome glazes at the Jingdezhen imperial kilns was technologically driven. The reception of Song ceramics by the Qing court was not simply to emulate them, but to collect and display them. Emperor Qianlong made a systematic arrangement of traditionally handed-down masterpieces of Ru ware, Guan ware, and Jun ware within the Forbidden Palace, managing their placement by incising their bases with the names of different palaces such as Chonghuagong, Yangxindian, and Jianfugong. He also had inscriptions of his own poetry etched onto Ru ware works.37 Like the fenghua inscriptions made at the Southern Song court, the act of inscribing the palace name on a vessel reflected the secretly preserved court culture, linking famous wares with the legitimacy and authority of the dynasty. Emperor Kangxi's reign was a period of internal political stability after the suppression of the Sanfan Zhi Luan (Rebellion of the Three Feudatories, 1673 –1681), and the period in which the Jingdezhen kilns were completely restored after the destruction of the late Ming early Qing period. The kilns fully reopened as imperial kilns in 1681 (Kangxi 20), and with the dispatch of talented kiln supervisors, such as director Cang Yingxuan and Lang Tingji, the Jingdezhen kilns were propelled to the technical and artistic forefront of the day. One of the Kangxi official kiln guidelines of the time said to not depend solely on painted imagery but, rather, develop glaze colors that reflect Song porcelain monochrome glaze aesthetics. These experiments were not simply copying. Instead, they surpassed the intermittent antique emulation of the Ming dynasty Xuande and Chenghua eras, and indeed, were a redefinition of the classics accompanied by the most advanced technology (pls. 117–121). Ru ware tianqing glaze and Longquan fenqing glaze contained minute amounts of iron and were fired in strong reduction conditions, resulting in an opaque jade-like quality thanks to the light dispersal effect of fine colloid particles, an unstable, accidental beauty

282

swayed by kiln conditions. Conversely, the Kangxi imperial kilns precisely standardized the color-forming element distribution and, as such, were able to mass produce stable, even, clear blue glaze, as seen in tianlan glaze. Thanks to the purity of the glaze and high firing temperature, other monochrome glazes such as dongqing (冬青), langyaohong (郎窯紅), and jiangdouhong (豇豆紅) fully vitrified and escaped the mythical imitating-jade quality, transforming instead into independent artworks defined by controlled color and vessel shape alone. By necessity they reflected the Song aesthetic knowledge and science that depended on natural coincidences, but their attainment of pure artistic beauty was a cultural practice by the non-Han Qing dynasty understanding and surpassing Song dynasty aesthetics as a way to indicate they were the legitimate successor to Han-ruled China, as well as the personification of the most drastic structural change in the history of ceramics. The Kangxi era Jingdezhen official kilns were fully involved in the re-creation of the glazes used by famous Song dynasty kilns. Fangru glaze, fangguan glaze, and fangge glaze emulated, respectively, Ru ware tianqing glaze, Southern Song Guan ware fenqing glaze, and Ge ware gold thread and iron wire crackle glaze, and are the pinnacle achievements of Qing dynasty technical replication. However, Kangxi fangru glaze was based on Jingdezhen white glaze with modulated iron content and a minute amount of cobalt added, which resulted in the tianqing coloration. Thus it was not a faithful replication of Song dynasty Ru ware glaze, rather, it was a re-creation of Song porcelain aesthetic affects in the Qing official kiln technical lineage. Fangguan glaze was used not on zijin clay but, rather, on Jingdezhen white porcelain body clay, and thus they had to manually apply dark brown slip to the mouth rim and base of works to re-create the exposed clay zikou tiezu effect. These artificial efforts, in effect, conveyed the Kangxi official kiln's high degree of technical control. The Kangxi era Jingdezhen imperial kilns also produced fenqing glaze, dongqing (douqing) glaze emulating Longquan celadons, tianlan glaze referencing Jun ware tianlan glaze, as well as wujin glaze, fangyoudi glaze emulating Jian ware tenmoku, and fangding glaze emulating Ding ware. X-ray fluorescent spectroscopy shows that Kangxi fenqing has more potassium oxide and less iron oxide than Southern Song dynasty Longquan fenqing glaze, indicating that Qing dynasty artisans independently attained their own Song porcelain colorations via the use of different materials and technology.38 The important thing is that the Kangxi imperial kilns' reception of the Song dynasty porcelain aesthetic was not the entirety of actual Song dynasty ceramics but, rather, the selected, purified and idealized image of Song ceramics based on Qing dynasty aesthetics. Ru ware tianqing glaze, Guan ware fenqing glaze, Ding ware ivory white glaze, Longquan

283

meiziqing glaze, and Jian ware oil spot tenmoku were reorganized into a single category of

monochrome glazes as they sought the idealized form of each of these individual glazes. This creative replication based on interpreting and reconstructing lost technology represents the development of a new stage in the Song dynasty and onwards dual imperial/commercial construct.

Conclusion

The richness of Song dynasty ceramic history lies in the coexistence and mutual influence of two opposing aesthetic principles, namely, the restrained beauty sought in imperial kiln monochrome glaze and the decorative beauty and accidental beauty sought by such commercial kilns as the Cizhou, Jizhou, and Jian kilns. While imperial kiln celadon and white porcelain were the extreme of unadorned beauty, conversely, the commercial kilns flourished through the production of diverse expression that made use of accidental and specific materials, such as the iron pigment designs that utilize brush energy, stencil designs which use cut-paper crafts, leaf tenmoku with its fired-on tree leaves, and hare's fur and oil spot tenmoku, all elements that utilized accidental and material effects. This dual imperial/ private construct was the motive force that took Song dynasty ceramics beyond the simple framework of imperial court decorative arts and ushered in a wealth of material culture throughout society. This dual construct continued to function as the essential framework for Chinese ceramic history, as seen in how it was taken up and carried on in the Qing dynasty, which saw the revival of monochrome glazes at the Kangxi official kilns and diverse decorative forms at commercial kilns. The reception of Song porcelains encapsulated in Kangxi official kiln monochrome glazes was not simply a revival but, rather, was a technical re-creation of lost technology and, at the same time, stands as cultural evidence of the Qing dynasty emperors as the legitimate successors of Han culture. The strict, pure beauty sought at the imperial kilns, the freely dynamic expression seen at the commercial kilns. Between these two polar opposites Chinese ceramics had the accumulated product of the Tang and Five Dynasties period as their starting point, then reached one classic moment in the Song dynasty, and continued in a new form of creativity in the Qing dynasty.

(Degawa Tetsuro / Director Ementus, The Museum of Oriental Ceramics, Osaka)

284

Footnotes 1.

Lu Yu, Chajing, middle volume, "Sizhiqi [Four: Utensils]" section (ca. 760). Original text: "碗、越州上、鼎州・婺州次、岳州次、寿州・洪州次。或者以邢州処越州上、殊為

不然。若邢瓷類銀、越瓷類玉、邢不如越一也。若邢瓷類雪、則越瓷類冰、邢不如越二 也". Japanese translation by the author, English translation from his Japanese version.

Some verses may differ, depending on the edition.

2.

Famensi Museum (eds.), Report of Archaeological Excavation of Famen Temple, Cultural Relics Press, 2007. The Famensi underground palace was excavated in 1987, and the underground palace was sealed in 874 (Tang Xiantong 15). The Yiwuzhang 衣物帳 stele text states "seven miseci bowls (of which, two with silver rim edges), a total of six miseci dishes and small dishes. This accords with the excavated items, namely 13 pieces of Yue ware celadon (seven bowls, and six dishes/small dishes), as well as one octagonal pitcher of the same type.

3.

The relevant Xray fluorescence data is published in Zhang Fukang, Zhongguo Gutaoci de Kexue [Science of Ancient Chinese Ceramics], Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 2000 and Li Jiazhi, Chen Xianqiu, Zhang Fukang, et al., Zhongguo Gudai Taoci Kexuie Jishu Chengjiu [Achievements of Ancient Chinese Ceramic Science and Technology], Shanghai Scientific and Technical Publishers, 1985.

4.

Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, Cixi Shi Wenwu Guanli Weiyuanhui Bangongshi (eds.), Mise Yueqi - Shanglinhu Housiao Yaozhi Chutu Tang Wudai Mise Ciqi [Mise Yue Ware–Tang Five Dynasties Mise Celadon Excavated from the Shanglinhuhousiao Kiln Site], Cultural Relics Press, 2017. Excavations conducted in 2015-2017.

5.

According to the relevant sections (such as the "House of Wuyue" and "Treatise on Economics") of Jiu Wudaishi, Cefu Yuangui, Songshi and Wuyue Beishi.

6.

Shaanxi Provincial Institute of Archaeology (eds.), Tangdai Huangbao Yaozhi [Excavation of a Tang Kiln-Site at Huangbao in Tongchuan, Shaanxi], Cultural Relics Press, 1992. Strata excavations conducted in the 1990s.

7.

Li Zhao, Guoshibu, vol. 3 (published early 9th century). The phrase "Neiqiu baiciou" [Neiqiu White Porcelain Bowls] appears in the tea vessel section of this book.

8.

Some views differ from the dating (the theory that "xinguan" is limited to the late Five Dynasties period to the early Northern Song dynasty) presented in this essay in terms of the distinction between guan and xinguan and their chronological division.

9.

Lu You, Laoxuean Biji (Southern Song), and Ye Zhi, Tanzhai Biheng (reproduced in volume 29 of Yuan dynasty Tao Zongyi, Nancun Chuogenglu). Both texts mention the mangkou (芒口) of Ding ware white porcelain.

10. Zhou Hui, Qingbo Zazhi, vol. 5. Original text: 汝窯宮中禁焼、内有瑪瑙末為釉、惟 供御揀退方許出売、近尤難得. Some characters differ depending on printed book edition, 末 replaced by 沫, 釉 replaced by 油, 難得 replaced by 難及. 11. Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology (eds.), Baofeng Qingliangsi Ruyao, Daxiang Chubanshe, 2008. The sixth excavation (northwest corner of Qingliangsi village) conducted in June 2000 confirmed 15 kilns and determined the presence of a kiln area for the production of imperial-use tianqing glaze Ru ware. The excavation strata information for the excavated Yuanfeng Tongbao coin is also based on this report. 12. The original text of Ye Zhi's Tanzhai Biheng was dispersed at an early stage, and today the only extant version is its quotation in volume 29 of the Yuan dynasty text by Tao Zongyi, Nancun Chuogenglu. However, there are concurrent differing theories regard-

285

ing this transcription transmission, namely, one theory states that it was conveyed to the Yuan via Gu Wenjian's Fuxuan Zalu (see Li Huibing's Songdai Guanyao Ciqi zhi Yanjiu and others published in the Palace Museum publications), and the other theory states that Nancun Chuogenglu directly quotes Ye Zhi. Similarly, there are two concurrent dating theories: "Zhenghe period" (frequently seen in various editions of Nancun Chuogenglu) and "Xuan-Zheng period" (seen in some quoted passages). 13. Opinions are split regarding the dating and characteristics of the Zhanggongxiang kilns. However, at the academic symposium on Ruzhou Zhanggongxiang Kilns held in January 2026 in Ruzhou city, Henan province, numerous examples of vessel styles were presented that were similar to both in Ru ware and in the Chongxiu Xuanhe Bogutu images. They strengthened the theory that they were official kilns during the late Northern Song dynasty and Jin dynasty. 14. See the sections mentioning the 2005 Ruzhou Donggou kilns excavation report in Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology (eds.), Ruzhou Zhanggongxiangyao Yizhi 2000 nian–2012 nian Kaogu Fajue Baogao (Science Press, 2023). 15. Regarding color formation structures based on fluid and fluid separation effects, see The Chinese Ceramic Society (eds.), Zhongguo Taocishi, Wenwu Chubanshe, 1982, and the chapter regarding Jun ware glaze in Zhang Fukang, Zhongguo Gutaoci de Kexue, Shanghai People's Fine Art Publishing House, 2000. 16. Ye Zhi's Tanzhai Biheng (quoted in Tao Zongyi, Nancun Chuogenglu, vol. 29). However, there are character differences in the quoted text. 17. Du Zhengxian (chief ed.), Selected Ceramics from the Laohudong Kiln Site in Hangzhou, Cultural Relics Press, 2002. The excavations were conducted from 1996 -2001. 18. The glaze constituent chemical analysis data was published in Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology (eds.), Nansong Guanyao [Southern Song Imperial Kiln], Encyclopedia of China Publishing House, 1996. 19. Cross-section analysis by the Shanghai Institute of Ceramics Chinese Academy of Sciences and others. 20. Based on the brief excavation report published by the Hangzhou Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology regarding the excavation summary and excavated materials list for their excavations of the Deshougong palace site (excavations from 2001 onwards and the Site Museum opened in 2022). 21. Shaanxi Academy of Archaeology and Yao Bowuguan (eds.), Songdai Yaozhou Yaozhi [The Yaozhou Kiln Site of the Song Period], Cultural Relics Press, 1998. The chronology was established on the basis of the 1990s excavations of the Huangpu kiln site. 22. The chemical analysis of glaze constituents is published in Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, et al. (eds.), Longquan Dayao Fengdongyan Yaozhi [Longquan Dayao Fengdongyan Kiln Site], vols. 1 and 2, Cultural Relics Press, 2015 and Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, et al. (eds.), Longquan Yaozhi [Longquan Kiln Site], 2002. 23. Bureau of Cultural Properties, Ministry of Culture and Information (eds.), Relics Salvaged from the Seabed off Sinan, Materials Volumes. 1, 2, 3 and Comprehensive Volume, Dong Hwa Publishing, 1981-1988. The Sinan Shipwreck was discovered by fishermen in August 1975, the Bureau of Properties began formal scientific investigation of the site in 1976, and excavations were conducted from 1976 to 1984. While the number of works raised from the ship, and the proportion of Longquan celadons among those

286

findings are based on the totals listed in this report, depending on the source, the total numbers ranged from approximately 20,000 works to more than 24,000 works. 24. The 1991 preliminary excavation report on the Jinyu village hoard excavations by the Sichuan Provincial Cultural Relics and Archaeology Research Institute and others. 25. From 1985 onwards the Hebei Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics have conducted excavations regarding the division of labor structure at the Ding ware kiln sites. 26. Report on excavations of the Dingzhou Jingzhisi temple pagoda crypt conducted by the Hebei Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and others. The Jingzhisi temple pagoda crypt was sealed in 977 (Northern Song Taiping Xingguo 2), and discovered in May 1969, with excavations begun that year. The ink date inscription, "Buddhist relic worship in the fifth month of Taiping Xingguo 2" (供養舎利 太平興国二年五 月……) written on the bowl with butterfly pair design and "guan" inscription. 27. Jiangxi Sheng Wenwu Kaogu Yanjiusuo, Jingdezhen Minyao Bowuguan (eds.), Jingdezhen Hutian Yaozhi: 1988-1999 Nian Kaogu Fajue Baogao [Hutian Kiln Site in Jingdezhen: Excavation Report from 1988 to 1999], Cultural Relics Press, 2007. 28. Department of Archaeology, Peking University, Hebeisheng Wenwu Yajiusuo, Handan Diqu Wenwu Baoguansuo (eds.), Guantai Cizhou Yaozhi [The Cizhou Kiln Site at Guantai], Cultural Relics Press, 1997. Excavations were conducted in 1987 and a four-period chronology established. 29. The Julu Song Castle site was flooded by Yellow River inundations in 1108 (Northern Song Daguan 2), and the site was accidentally discovered in 1918 by residents digging a well. In 1920, site surveys were carried out by the Tianjin Museum, scientific excavations begun in 1921 by the National Museum of History and the Tianjin Museum published the Julu Songqi Conglu catalogue of Julu Song wares in 1923. 30. R. L. Hobson, The George Eumorfopoulos Collection: Catalogue of the Chinese, Corean and Persian Pottery and Porcelain, vol. III, London: Ernest Benn, 1925. Hobson coined the "Tz'u Chou wares" term in volume 3 of this catalogue. 31. Zhao Ji (Huizong), Daguan Chalun "Zhan" section, (written in 1107). The original text of the quoted passage is: 盞色貴青黒、玉毫条達者為上、取其燠発茶采色也. 32. While the three traditionally preserved yōhen tenmoku bowls (Seikado Bunko Art Museum, Fujita Museum and Ryōkōin temple) are widely known, recent debate has centered on whether or not similar shards or other traditionally preserved works exist. 33. The Hangzhou Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology conducted excavations at the Lin'an tenmoku kilns (Lingkou kiln site, Shaolu kiln site, etc.) from 1999 to 2001. 34. The complete salvation of Nankai No. 1 was completed in December 2007. The total number of recovered ceramics and the proportions of Jingdezhen qingbai porcelain, Longquan celadon and Fujian provincial celadon is based on the excavation reports and research by the Guangdong Provincial Cultural Relics and Archaeology Institute and others. As of 2019, approximately 180,000 cultural relics were found in the ship, and of those, approximately 160,000 were ceramic vessels. 35. See the series of excavation reports by the Fukuoka City Board of Education regarding excavation reports on the Kōrokan site (Fukuoka). 36. Emperor Kangxi, Tingxun Geyan (1730, Yongzheng 8, emperor Yongzheng's compiled and annotated version of the admonishments of emperor Kangxi). The original text of the quoted passage: 朕於古器、不惟好其古、而必求其所以然之故. The Japanese translation is by the author, and the English translation is based on the Japanese translation.

287

37. Regarding actual examples of the incising of palace names and imperial poetry on ancient ceramics by the Qing court archives and emperor Qianlong, see the catalogues and archival research related to Qing dynasty court ceramics collections compiled and annotated by the Palace Museum. 38. For a comparative analysis of X-ray fluorescence data on Kangxi fenqing glaze and Southern Song Longquan fenqing glaze, see Zhang Fukang, Zhongguo Gutaoci de Kexue [The Science of Chinese Ancient Ceramic], Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 2000, and related scientific analysis papers.

288

Bibliography 1. Overview, General History 1.

The Chinese Ceramic Society (eds.), Zhongguo Taoci Shi [History of Chinese Ceramics], Cultural Relics Press, 1982.

2.

Feng Xianming (chief ed.), Chinese Ceramics, Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House, 2001.

3.

Li Jiazhi (chief ed.), Zhongguo Kexue Jishu Shi: Taoci Juan [A History of Science and Technology in China: vol. Ceramics], Science Press, 1998.

4.

Ye Zhemin, Zhongguo Taoci Shi [History of Chinese Ceramics], SDX Joint Publishing Company, 2011.

5.

Geng Baochang, Mingqing Ciqi Jianding [Catalogue of Ming Qing Ceramics], Zijincheng Chubanshe, Liangmu Chubanshe, 1993.

6.

Fang Lili, History of Chinese Ceramics vols. 1 and 2, Qilu Shushe, 2013.

2. Tang and Five Dynasties Yue Ware Miseci 1.

Shaanxi Provincial Institute of Archaeology (eds.), Tangdai Huangpu Yaozhi [Excavation of a Tang Kiln-Site at Huangpu in Tongchuan, Shaanxi], Cultural Relics Press, 1992.

2.

Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, Cixi Shi Wenwu Guanli Weiyuanhui (eds.), Shanglinhu Yueyao [Yue Kiln Site at Shanglinhu], Science Press, 2002.

3.

Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology, Cixi Shi Wenwu Guanli Weiyuanhui Bangongshi (eds.), Misi Yueqi: Shanglinhu Housi'ao Yaozhi Chutu Tang-Wudai Misi Ciqi [Mise Yue Ware—Tang Five Dynasties Mise Celadon Excavated from the Shanglinhuhousiao Kiln Site], Cultural Relics Press, 2017.

4.

Shaanxi Academy of Archaeology, Famensi Bowuguan, Baoji Shi Wenwuju, and Fufeng Xian Bowuguan (eds.), Report of Archaeological Excavation at Famen Temple, vols. 1, 2, Cultural Relics Press, 2007.

5.

Wang Qingzheng (ed.), Yue Ware, Miseci Porcelain, Shanghai Classics Publishing Home, 1996.

3. Song Guan Ware, Ru Ware, Southern Song Guan Ware 1.

Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology (eds.), Baofeng Qingliangsi Ruyao [Ru Ware at Qingliangsi kiln, Baofeng], Daxiang Chubanshe, 2008.

2.

Henan Provincial Institute of Cultural Heritage and Archaeology (eds.), Ruzhou Zhanggongxiangyao Yizhi 2000 Nian –2012 Nian Kaogu Fajue Baogao [2012 Excavation Report on Ruzhou Zhanggongxiag Kiln Site], Science Press, 2023.

3.

Institute of Archaeology, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology (eds.), Nan Song Guanyao [Southern Song Imperial Kilns], Encyclopedia of China Publishing House, 1996.

289

4.

Du Zhengxian (ed.), Hangzhou Laohudong Yaozhi Ciqi Jingxuan [Selected Porcelains from the Laohudong Kiln Site in Hangzhou], Cultural Relics Press, 2002.

4. Yaozhou Kilns, Longquan Kilns 1.

Shaanxi Academy of Archaeology and Yaozhou Yao Bowuguan (eds.), Songdai Yaozhou Yaozhi [The Yaozhou Kiln Site of the Song Period], Cultural Relics Press, 1998.

2.

Zhejiang Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics and Archaeology et al. (eds)., Longquan Dayao Fengdongyan Yaozhi [Longquan Dayao Fengdongyan Kiln Site] vols. 1, 2, Cultural Relics Press, 2015.

5. Jingdezhen Qingbai 1.

Jiangxi Sheng Wenwu Kaogu Yanjiusuo, Jingdezhen Minyao Bowuguan (eds.), Jingdezhen Hutian Yaozhi: 1988–1999 Nian Kaogu Fajue Baogao [Hutian Kiln Site in Jingdezhen: Excavation Report from 1988 to 1999], Cultural Relics Press, 2007.

6. Chizhou Kilns, Folk Kilns 1.

Department of Archaeology, Peking University, Hubeisheng Wenwu Yajiusuo, Handan Diqu Wenwu Baoguansuo (eds.), Guantai Cizhou Yaozhi [The Cizhou Kiln Site at Guantai], Cultural Relics Press, 1997.

7. Scientific Analysis, Glaze Research 1.

Li Jiazhi, Chen Xianqiu, Zhang Fukang, et al., Zhongguo Gudai Taoci Kexue Jishu Chengjiu [Scientific and Technical Achievements in Ancient Chinese Pottery and Porcelain], Shanghai Kexue Jishu Chubanshe, 1985.

2.

Zhang Fukang, Zhongguo Gutaoci de Kexue [The Science of Chinese Ancient Ceramic], Shanghai People's Fine Arts Publishing House, 2000.

8. Historical Documents 1.

Tang text, Lu Yu, Chajing [The Classic of Tea], ca. 780.

2.

Song text, Zhao Ji (Huizong), Daguan Chalun [Grand Treatise on Tea], 1107.

3.

Song text, Ye Zhi, Tanzhai Biheng [Critiques from the Tanzhai Studio] from Yuan text, Tao Zongyi, Nancun Chuogeng Lu, scroll 29.

4.

Yuan text, Tao Zongyi, Nancun Chuogenglu [Retirement to the Countryside], Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 1959.

5.

Qing text, Lan Pu, Jingdezhen Taolu [Report on Jingdezhen Ceramics], Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House, 1995.

6.

Ming text, Cao Zhao, Gegu Yaolun [The Essential Criteria of Antiquities], Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2012.

7.

Ming text, Wen Zhenheng, Zhangwuzhi [Treatise on Superfluous Things], Beijing: Zhonghua Book Company, 2012.

8.

Song text, Zhou Mi, Wulin Jiushi [Ancient Matters from Wulin Garden], Beijing:

290

Zhonghua Book Company, 2020. 9. Bibliography related to Footnote Contents 9.

Tang text, Li Zhao, Guoshibu, early 9th century.

10. Song text, Zhou Hui, Qingbo Zazhi. 11. Song text, Gu Wenjian, Fuxuan Zalu [recorded in Tao Zongyi, Nancunchuo Genglu, Yuan dynasty]. 12. Qing text, Emperor Kangxi, Tingxun Geyan, 1730 (Yongzheng 8). 10. Excavation Reports and Overseas Publications 13. Bureau of Cultural Properties, Ministry of Culture and Information (eds.), Relics Salvaged from the Seabed off Sinan, Materials Volumes 1, 2, 3 and Comprehensive Volume, Dong Hwa Publishing, 1981-1988. 14. R. L. Hobson, The George Eumorfopoulos Collection: Catalogue of the Chinese, Corean and Persian Pottery and Porcelain, vol. III, Ernest Benn, 1925. 15. Hebei Provincial Institute of Cultural Relics (eds.), Dingzhou Jingzhisi - Jingzhongyuan Tajidigong Fajue Baogao.

291

2026 年 10 月 16 日 ( 金 ) 〜 11 月 1 日 ( 日 )

会場 / Venue

★

〒 104-0031 東京都中央区京橋 2-5-9 TEL 03-3561-5146 2-5-9 Kyobashi, Chuo-ku, Tok yo, 104- 0 031, JA PAN TEL 03-3561-5146 ★

https://w w w.mayuyama.jp E-mail: mayuyama@big.or.jp

AN EXHIBITION OF SONG CER AMICS 2026 宋磁 監 編

修：川島公之

集：田中成之、近藤雄紀、松本祐未子

発行：株式会社

繭山龍泉堂

発行年：2026 年 10 月

写真：田中成之、渡邉まり子（協力） 英訳：Martha J. McClintock

デザイン：株式会社 Studio Hart

印刷 / 製本：東洋美術印刷株式会社 繭山龍泉堂 © 2026

Supervised by Kawashima Tadashi

Edited by Tanaka Shigeyuki, Kondō Yūki, Matsumoto Yumiko Published by MAYUYAMA & CO., LTD. Published in October 2026

Photographs by Tanaka Shigeyuki, Watanabe Mariko (technical cooperation)

Japanese to English translation by Martha J. McClintock Designed by Studio Hart Co., Ltd.

Printed by ToyoBijutsu Printing Co., Ltd.

MAYUYAMA & CO., LTD. © 2026. Printed in Japan.

Published: October, 2026