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it is clear that he knew Pavel Stránský of Zhoř, with whom he argued over the etymological origin of the name Tábor.69 The second section is dedicated to the Reformation of the fifteenth century on the European mainland, with a chapter on missions in India and America. Only in the third section does Bruodin reach England, Scotland and Ireland, firstly describing the advance of the Reformation beginning with the reign of Henry VIII. The closing comprehensive twentieth chapter is devoted to martyrs for the faith who suffered from 1535 until the beginning of the reign of Charles I in the lands under the sceptre of the King of England. Charles’s reign, followed by revolution and the Cromwellian period, is described by Bruodin in the fourth section, ending with chapters on the Irish martyrs after the death of Charles I (literally “killed by rebels and regicides”) and on the death of Patrick Fleming in Bohemia, as quoted above. The end of the chapter on the Irish, however, is also connected to Bohemia, if not to the Franciscans. The Jesuit John Meagh who had studied in Italy, was sent to the college in Kutná Hora in 1638 to prepare himself for missionary work in Ireland. The following year, he and two confrères were ordered to go to the college in Jindřichův Hradec by the Kutná Hora rector, through fear of the Swedish forces under Johan Banér, but on the way they were killed by enraged villagers on 31 May 1639. Their bodies were buried in Kutná Hora.70 The fifth and final section concerns historical and contemporary Ireland; Bruodin appends to it a geneological survey of the O’Brien family, a list of the Irish kings and a list of the families of the Irish nobility. Bruodin was criticised for a number of errors, even by his contemporaries. In 1670, a work by Thomas Carve was published entitled Enchiridion apologeticum contra sordidorum mendaciorum faraginem R. P. Antonii Bruodini (An Apologetical Handbook against the Farrago of Sordid Mendacities of the Reverend Father Anthony Bruodin). It was not, however, simply a reaction to the factual inaccuracies, which could be explained by the fact that Bruodin had left Ireland in about his twenties and that his information on his contemporaries was inadequate, or at best second-hand. There was more to it than that. Behind it lay the antipathy of the old Irish (including Bruodin) towards the Anglo-Irish, the differing opinion of these groups on Irish history and the nuances in their conception of it, and with what kind of treatment and with 69 According to Bruodin, Stránský is lying if he claims that the name was not taken over from the name of the Palestinian biblical mountain and that it developed from the word “tábořiště” [camp] (in the original castrum). According to Bruodin, “castrum” is translated into Czech as “ležení” [camp] and those who belong to it are called “vojenští” [soldiers] (in the original castrenses); “tábor” [camp] is not even a Czech word. It would be better to use the expression “a sacred place” (in the original fanum), for which Bruodin gives the word “zbor” [corps]. Taborites would be then called “zborníci” [corpsmen]. See Propugnaculum, 110. 70 See Mathias Tanner, Societas Jesu usque ad sanguinis et vitae profusionem militans…, Pragae 1675, 112–114. According to Tanner, Meagh’s guides were called Martin Ignatius and Václav Trnoška.
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what legitimacy this history was presented. It also related to their view of the Irish bards, their fabulation and their way of portraying important events, a natural component of national culture, although difficult to translate into Central European terms. In Propugnaculum, in the chapter entitled De Carve, seu Carrani erroribus et imposturis (On Carve’s or Carran’s Errors and Impostures), Bruodin replied to Carve’s Itinerarium, published in three volumes in the years 1639 to 1646, and to his work Lyra hibernica, first published in 1666. He questions not only Carve’s distorted conception of Irish history (the assertion in Itinerarium that the Irish became civilised through contact and trade with the English must have seemed particularly abhorrent), but also the author’s character and the reasons for his departure from Ireland. A response might have been expected, but no preserved copy of the above-mentioned Enchiridion has yet been found (its title is known from Anatomicum examen). In 1671, Cornelius O’Mollony replied to Enchiridion in his Anatomy examination (Anatomicum examen, inchiridii apologetici ... quo Carrani imposturae, et calumniae religiose refutantur), published by the Jesuit printing house in Prague. Millett justifiably considers the otherwise unknown O’Mollony to be Bruodin’s pseudonym. For that matter, the writer was exposed by Carve himself, for whom his opponent’s choice of pseudonym was clear, Bruodin’s mother being named O’Mollony. O’Mollony-Bruodin reproached Carve for his poor Latin and the surreptitiousness of what he had done (according to the introduction to Examen, Carve’s work had been published without it being stated where and by whom it had been printed). Of course, Bruodin also strived to refute, step by step, each of his opponent’s assertions and defended himself, which gives today’s reader the chance to reconstruct the contents of Enchiridion; at the same time, Bruodin appended a list of Irish martyrs, which he had not included in Propugnaculum. Carve had the last word in the dispute in 1672, when he published in Sulzbach his Responsio veridica ad illotum libellum cui nomen anatomicum examen (The True Answer to the Foul Volume Entitled Anatomicum Examen).71 The core of the dispute was the false picture of Ireland as outlined by Carve. This, however, was quickly lost in the writers’ accusations and counter-accusations. Carve himself, despite his prejudices and his lack of critical feeling in relation to ancient Irish history, wrote well and objectively about events in contemporary Europe. Itinerarium originated, so to speak, in the 71
Millett, The Irish Franciscans, 245–246. Apart from this, Carve wrote a short work with the title of Epitome rerum Germanicarum … ab Anno MDCXVII ad XLIII. gestarum…, a critical new edition of which was published as late as 1760 in Leipzig. Unlike Bruodin’s critique of Carve’s Latin style, the editor praised Epitome as “graviter eleganterque scripta…”. On Carve (Carew), see M. MacCraith and D. Worthington, “Aspects of the literary activity of the Irish Franciscans in Prague,” 125–128, 130–131.
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Fig. 20 Armamentarium theologicum by Anthony Bruodin, the title page. Prague, 1676 (SK).
midst of battles and the author was clearly not too concerned with remote academic questions; in his later disputes with Bruodin he did not even try so much to defend his conception as to inveigh against his opponent. He had quite enough opportunities to do this, beginning with his family. Not only did he ridicule the possessions and seat of the Bruodins (described in Anatomicum examen), but he also ridiculed the head of the family, the bard
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