musik bambu performed by a thirty-strong orchestra of children playing wind instruments; the guests then scattered to their assigned places on the platforms. These platforms were divided into several sections, each assigned to one of the children of the deceased.217 The welcoming ceremony would then immediately repeat itself with the next group of guests. The itinerary included buffalo fights, which took place late in the afternoon. The day closed with communal prayers interspersed with orations by various family members and later also performances of a number of choirs. Tuesday May 9, 2006 Fourth day of the funeral – the welcoming of guests Everything that took place over the course of the day was part of the ceremony of welcoming guests according to the rules described above. Three buffaloes were sacrificed, and in the afternoon, meat was divided from the bala’kaan tower. Wednesday May 10, 2006 Fifth day of the funeral – the welcoming of guests The Wednesday itinerary was identical with that of Tuesday; four buffaloes were slaughtered. Men (and also several women) danced the badong from the evening until four in the morning, drinking palm wine (mostly from glasses, but sometimes also from bamboo) and having fun. Thursday May 11, 2006 Sixth day of the funeral – the sacrifice of the remaining animals Outside of the house and in the rante area by the simbuangs, all the remaining buffaloes were slaughtered (see Figs. 14 and 15), this amounted to about thirty animals. All the remaining pigs were slaughtered too. Afterwards, the meat was divided among the guests. Friday May 12, 2006 Seventh day of the funeral – mass in the church and burying the deceased in a tomb The coffin was carried down from the lakkian (wooden tower) and placed on a sarcophagus, the pradula (which had already been used on Monday in the procession through the village), where the relatives – in all about two hundred people – took photographs for a long time. After that, they danced the badong for the last time; again, some women beat bamboo sticks against a wooden 217 Kitchens were attached to each of the platforms, providing victuals for the funeral guests several times daily. The meals were usually made of the sacrificed animals and were served with vegetables and rice.
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trough, the issong and all guests prayed before leaving To’ Pao. The procession which also featured the statue tau-tau first headed to the church, where a two-hour long requiem mass was served, officiated by the bishop and several priests, including the son of the deceased – Father Stanis. From the church, the sarcophagus was then carried to the tomb, the patane, where the husband of the deceased – Felix Dammen – was already interred. After sealing the tomb, the bereaved went to the house in Kalolu, where a final communal dinner was served. Afterwards the family with the bishop took photographs outside of the house. The funeral of Yohana Maria Sumbung that took place in To’ Pao in May 2006 lasted altogether eight days, and was attended by thousands of guests (the son of the deceased, Father Stanis, believes that there were up to ten thousand people). Around thirty buffaloes and hundreds of pigs were sacrificed.
3.3.2 The Shift in Meaning in Some Rites Practised by Christians As it transpires in some of the examples mentioned throughout the work, Christians have largely preserved many original indigenous customs and continue to practise them. Often, however, there has occurred a seminal shift in their meaning, and thus the reason why such rites are performed today has also changed accordingly. This section of my work presents insights and findings I gathered in this regard, mostly on the basis of several conversations held with the Father John in May 2006. As has already been stated, according to Aluk Todolo, the souls of sacrificed animals were to assist the soul of the departed on its journey to the realm of puya. Christians claim today that the animals are slaughtered solely to provide repast for the guests. I believe this is only partly true. The slaughter of buffaloes and pigs during a funeral rite is in fact so deeply rooted in the Toraja identity that it cannot be renounced, even after the adoption of Christianity. In former times, the man slaughtering the buffalo first had to strike the machete into the soil and recite a prayer asking the deity of the given area for permission to slaughter the animal on that site. Today, Christians pray to God to forgive them the killing of a living creature. In the past, the Toraja collected the buffalo blood218 which gushed from the throat of the animal as it was struck with the machete in a vessel made of 218 It was believed that blood has regenerative effects. During an Alukta ceremony held on the occasion of repairing a house, I saw one man daubing his thigh with blood in order to ensure good health. In the past, older fabrics were likewise smeared with blood so as not to lose their magical powers.
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bamboo. A small portion of this would then be cooked and used as one of the ingredients necessary for preparing the sacrificial pesung. Blood was also used to improve the taste of a dish named pa’piong, consisting of meat, vegetables and spices, a practice which has continued to this day (except in the case of the Pentecostalists – see section 3.4.4). In the past, it was customary to publicly announce the number and type of buffaloes sacrificed by the descendants of the deceased. Christians disapprove of this custom, just as they disapprove of dividing the property of the departed on the basis of the number of slaughtered animals. They regard the custom as unjust, and yet ever so often continue to practise it; their attitude to the distribution of the meat is similar. According to the rules of Aluk Todolo, when mounting the simbuang, people prayed to the deity of the given place to permit them to erect a stone or a tree in the given area. Christians today address their God during this rite, praying for success of the ritual. The men jumping with the coffin today represent merely a custom without any deeper meaning. A similar approach is taken to the ancient cloths which are displayed on the day of the funeral, and attached to the belo tedong and parangka adornments for the procession day. According to Aluk Todolo, these artefacts had a magical power, but today their function is reduced to that of a decorative accessory. At the time when society was still strictly stratified, certain activities were assigned to the slaves – for example carrying pigs to the funeral site. Today, nobody wants to undertake this task, and thus typically young boys are assigned to carry the pigs, or somebody is hired to do so. In some instances, such as with help in the kitchen, the problem is solved by employing others who will perform these duties. It might appear at first glance that there are no major differences between Christian and Aluk Todolo funeral rites. On closer scrutiny it becomes evident that the function and symbolism of the latter has been considerably modified so as to be in keeping with Christian principles and requirements. The cited changes aptly illustrate the visible shift in the traditional understanding of rituals.
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