CHR, 1 by Institut d'Estudis Catalans

Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona

Contents

Number 1

2008

Presentation

Antoni Riera

James I and his Era. Brief Analysis of a Major Political and Cultural Inheritance

Josep Tarrús

La Draga (Banyoles, Catalonia), an Early Neolithic Lakeside Village in Mediterranean Europe

Tomàs de Montagut

Barcelona, a Society and its Law: 11th-13th Centuries

Josep Maria Ruiz, Albert Soler

Ramon Llull in his Historical Context

Eulàlia Duran

The Borja Family: Historiography, Legend and Literature

Eva Serra

The Treaty of the Pyrenees, 350 Years Later

Santiago Riera

101

The Mechanical Engineering Industry in Catalonia

Francesc Fontbona

113

The Modernist Visual and Plastic Arts in the Catalan-speaking Lands

Conxita Mir

133

The Francoist Repression in the Catalan Countries

Maria Teresa Ferrer

149

Commemoration of the Eighth Centenary of the Birth of James I: Conference Organized by the History and Archeology Section of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in Barcelona

157

Catalan Version

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Catalan Historical Review Number 1 / 2008

2008

Salvador Giner

Catalan Historical Review

Institvt d’Estvdis Catalans • Barcelona • Catalonia

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Catalan Historical Review

Catalan Historical Review Number 1 / 2008

Free online access via http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Aims and scope The Catalan Historical Review, the international journal of the History and Archeological Section of the Institute for Catalan Studies (IEC), aims to enable the current state of knowledge about the history of the Catalan-speaking lands − Catalonia, the Valencian Country, the Balearic Islands, and other lands related to them − to be known throughout the world. It will achieve this by publishing articles of synthesis dealing with ongoing research into major topics of political, social, economic, legal, literary and artistic history of all periods, from the most ancient to the most recent, on the basis of bibliography published in recent years. Copyright Submission of a manuscript to the Catalan Historical Review implies: that the work described has not been published before, including publication on the World Wide Web (except in the form of an abstract or as part of a published lecture, review, or thesis); that it is not under consideration for publication elsewhere; that all co-authors have agreed to its publication. The corresponding author signs for and accepts responsibility for releasing this material and will act on behalf of any and all co-authors regarding the editorial review and publication processes. If an article is accepted for publication in the Catalan Historical Review, the authors (or other copyright holder) must transfer to the journal the copyright, which covers the —non-exclusive— right to reproduce and distribute the article, including reprints, translations, photographic reproductions, microform, electronic form (offline, online) or any other reproductions of a similar nature. Nevertheless, all articles in the Catalan Historical Review will be available on the internet to any reader at no cost. The journal allows users to freely download, copy, print, distribute, search, and link to the full text of any article, provided the authorship and source of the published article is cited. The copyright owner’s consent does not include copying for new works, or resale. In such cases, the specific written permission of the Catalan Historical Review must first be obtained. Authors are requested to create a link to the published article on the journal’s website. The link must be accompanied by the following text: ‘‘The

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original publication is available on LINK at <http:// revistes.iec.cat/chr/>. Please use the appropriate URL for the LINK. Articles disseminated via LINK are indexed, abstracted, and referenced by many abstracting and information services, bibliographic networks, subscription agencies, library networks, and consortia. Disclaimer While the contents of this journal are believed to be true and accurate at the date of its publication, neither the authors and the editors nor the publisher can accept any legal responsibility for any errors or omissions that may be made. The publisher makes no guarantee, expressed or implied, with respect to material contained herein. Subscription information ISSN print edition: 2013-407X ISSN electronic edition: 2013-4088 Legal Deposit: B. 14914-2009

GUIDELINES FOR AUTHORS

be aware that, after electronic publication, they cannot withdraw an article or change its content. Any corrections have to be made in an Erratum, which will be hyperlinked to the article. Editorial Office Alfons Tiñena, Journal Manager Catalan Historical Review Institut d’Estudis Catalans Carrer del Carme, 47 E-08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU Tel. +34 932701629 Fax: +34 932701180 E-mail: cathistorical@iec.cat Editorial support Jacqueline Hall, Catalan-English translation. Cover illustration

General information Authors are requested to register and submit manuscripts to the journal directly through the journal’s web site. The author is asked to upload the item, and provide associated metadata or indexing information to facilitate online searching and for the journal’s own use. The author may also accompany the manuscript with supplementary files in the form of data sets, research instruments, or source texts that will enrich it while contributing to more open and robust forms of research and scholarship. The author can track the article through the editorial process — and participate in the copy-editing and proofreading of articles accepted for publication — by logging in with the username and password provided. Manuscripts should be prepared in accordance with the journal’s accepted practice, form, and content; they should be checked carefully to avoid the need for corrections in proof. The author should mark where figures and tables are to be inserted. The author vouches that the work has not been published elsewhere and that the manuscript has not been submitted to another journal. Format of manuscript Contributions should not exceed 30 printed pages, including tables, maps and figures. Manuscripts (including references, tables, etc.) should be 1½ spaced in standard A4 format. The first page of the manuscript should contain only the following:

1 issue will appear in 2008. The annual subscription fee (including handling charges) is 40.00 € (VAT not included).

1. Title of the article, containing keywords pertaining to the subject matter. No abbreviations should be used in the title.

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2. Names (including forenames) of the author and institutional affiliation. 3. An abstract not exceeding 200 words, summarizing the manuscript’s argument and major contribution. 4. Full name and postal address of the author to whom all correspondence is to be sent. Phone, fax, and email address should be included to speed up communication. 5. A list of abbreviations or acronyms used in the article, if they are not explained in the text. 6. A maximum of five keywords. Notes and bibliography Notes in the manuscript should be in the form of footnotes. (Articles published in the Catalan Historical Review appear with endnotes). Footnote numbers may be placed in the text in superscript after the punctuation marks. References and notes in the footer should match the following models: (a) Books: Eugene Genovese. Roll, Jordan, Roll: The World the Slaves Made. Vintage Books, New York 1976. (b) Articles: Kenneth Ledford. “German Lawyers and the State in the Weimar Republic”. Law and History Review, 13 (1995), pp. 317349. If the pagination of a periodical is continuous throughout the year, it is not necessary to give the number or season, only the volume and year. Articles that have appeared in electronic journals may be cited, provided access is unrestricted and the URL or DOI is supplied. (c) Chapters in edited books (citation of pages as for articles): Thomas Klug. “Employers’ Strategies in the Detroit Labor Market, 1900-1929” in On the Line: Essays in the History of Auto

Work. Ed. Nelson Lichtenstein and Stephen Meyer. University of Illinois Press, Urbana 1989, pp. 41-72. Tables, maps and figures, including photographs Tables, maps and figures must be numbered consecutively in the text with Arabic numerals and submitted separately at the end of the article. Tables may be edited to permit more compact typesetting. The publisher reserves the right to reduce or enlarge figures and tables. The acceptance of colour illustrations is at the publisher’s discretion. Proofs Proofs will be submitted to the author for the correction of printer’s errors. It is essential that author return the corrected proofs as quickly as possible with minimum alterations. Proofreading is the responsibility of the author. Only typesetting errors should be corrected at this stage. The corrected proofs must be returned by the date requested. Biographical details Each author should provide a short biography (maximum 300 words). It should include details of the autor’s affiliation and research activities. Authors are recommended to have the manuscript thoroughly checked and corrected before submission. The editors warmly appreciate the co-operation of authors in preparing papers in a manner that will facilitate the work of editing and publication. For further information, please contact the Editorial Office.

Catalan Historical Review Institut d’Estudis Catalans Carrer del Carme, 47 E-08028 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU Tel. +34 932701620 Fax: +34 932701180 E-mail: cathistorical@iec.cat Cancellations must be received by 30 September to take effect at the end of the same year. Change of address: allow six weeks for all changes to become effective. All communications should include both old and new addresses (with postal codes) and should be accompanied by a mailing label from a recent issue. Electronic edition An electronic edition of this journal is available at <http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/> E-prints of the articles may be published before distribution of the printed journal. Authors must

James I Valencia, 1427 Authors: Jaume Mateu and Gonçal Peris Sarrià Tempera on wood 56.5 x 45 x 4 cm Reproduced with permission from the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya (MNAC)

Printed in Catalonia

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Catalan Historical Review Number 1 / 2008

Institvt d’Estvdis Catalans • Barcelona • Catalonia

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Catalan Historical Review Free online access via http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

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original publication is available on LINK at <http:// revistes.iec.cat/chr>’’. Please use the appropriate URL for the LINK. Articles disseminated via LINK are indexed, abstracted, and referenced by many abstracting and information services, bibliographic networks, subscription agencies, library networks, and consortia. Disclaimer While the contents of this journal are believed to be true and accurate at the date of its publication, neither the authors and the editors nor the publisher can accept any legal responsibility for any errors or omissions that may be made. The publisher makes no guarantee, expressed or implied, with respect to material contained herein. Subscription information ISSN print edition: 2013-407X ISSN electronic edition: 2013-4088 Legal Deposit: B. 14914-2009

1 issue will appear in 2008. The annual subscription fee (including handling charges) is 40.00 € (VAT not included). Subscription orders should be sent to: Catalan Historical Review Institut d’Estudis Catalans Carrer del Carme, 47 E-08028 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU Tel. +34 932701620 Fax: +34 932701180 E-mail: cathistorical@iec.cat Cancellations must be received by 30 September to take effect at the end of the same year. Change of address: allow six weeks for all changes to become effective. All communications should include both old and new addresses (with postal codes) and should be accompanied by a mailing label from a recent issue. Electronic edition An electronic edition of this journal is available at <http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/> E-prints of the articles may be published before distribution of the printed journal. Authors must

James I Valencia, 1427 Authors: Jaume Mateu and Gonçal Peris Sarrià Tempera on wood 56.5 x 45 x 4 cm Reproduced with permission from the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya (MNAC)

Printed in Catalonia

30/6/09 11:24:50

Catalan Historical Review Number 1 / 2008

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF* Albert Balcells, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona

ASSOCIATE EDITORS* Manuel Ardit, Universitat de València Francesc Fontbona, Biblioteca de Catalunya Josep Guitart, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Josep Massot, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Tomàs de Montagut, Universitat Pompeu Fabra

EDITORIAL BOARD* Géza Alföldy, Universität Heidelberg Josep Amengual, Universidad de Deusto Xavier Barral, Université de Rennes Thomas N. Bisson, Harvard University Dolors Bramon, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Joan-Ferran Cabestany, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Jordi Castellanos, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Efrem Compte, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Dominique de Courcelles, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique Miquel Crusafont, Societat Catalana d’Estudis Numismàtics Núria de Dalmasses, Universitat de Barcelona Eulàlia Duran, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Romà Escalas, Museu de la Música de Barcelona Gregori (Francesc) Estrada, Institut d’Estudis Catalans

Georges Fabre, Université de Pau Eduard Feliu, Societat Catalana d’Estudis Hebraics Gaspar Feliu, Universitat de Barcelona M.Teresa Ferrer, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Barcelona Paul Freedman, Yale University Josep M. Font, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Joaquim Garriga, Universitat de Girona Joaquim Garrigosa, Societat Catalana de Musicologia Carme Gràcia, Universitat de València Miquel Gros, Societat Catalana d’Estudis Litúrgics Christian Guilleré, Université de Savoie Enric Guinot, Universitat de València Albert G. Hauf, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Jocelyn N. Hillgarth, Harvard University Nikolas Jaspert, Rurh-Universität Bochum Manuel Jorba, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Simon Keay, University of Southampton Giovanni Lilliu, Università di Cagliari Gabriel Llompart, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Henry de Lumley, Musée National d’Histoire Naturelle de Paris Tomàs Martínez, Universitat Jaume I Joan Mas, Universitat de les Illes Balears M. Teresa Matas, Amics de l’Art Romànic

Marc Mayer, Universitat de Barcelona Concepció Mir, Universitat de Lleida Joaquim Molas, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Anscari Manuel Mundó, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Olimpio Musso, Università di Firenze Alexandre Olivar, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Antoni Pladevall, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Olivier Poisson, Université de París Paul Preston, London School of Economics and Political Science Antoni Riera, Universitat de Barcelona Santiago Riera, Universitat de Barcelona Manuel Riu, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Josep Maria Salrach, Universitat Pompeu Fabra Joan Sanmartí, Universitat de Barcelona Eva Serra, Universitat de Barcelona Antoni Simon, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Jaume Sobrequés, Societat Catalana d’Estudis Històrics Narcís Soler, Universitat de Girona Robert B. Tate, University of Nottingham Eliseu Trenc, Université de Reims Jürgen Untermann, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Joan Vernet, Institut d’Estudis Catalans Jill R. Webster, University of Toronto Michel Zimmermann, Université de Versailles-Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines

* Members of the History and Archeological Section and Presidents of its Affiliated Societies of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans (Institute for Catalan Studies)

Institvt d’Estvdis Catalans • Barcelona • Catalonia

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Catalan Historical Review Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona

Contents

Number 1

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2008

Salvador Giner

Presentation

Antoni Riera

James I and his Era. Brief Analysis of a Major Political and Cultural Inheritance

Josep Tarrús

La Draga (Banyoles, Catalonia), an Early Neolithic Lakeside Village in Mediterranean Europe

Tomàs de Montagut

Barcelona, a Society and its Law: 11th-13th Centuries

Josep Maria Ruiz, Albert Soler

Ramon Llull in his Historical Context

Eulàlia Duran

The Borja Family: Historiography, Legend and Literature

Eva Serra

The Treaty of the Pyrenees, 350 Years Later

Santiago Riera

101

The Mechanical Engineering Industry in Catalonia

Francesc Fontbona

113

The Modernist Visual and Plastic Arts in the Catalan-speaking Lands

Conxita Mir

133

The Francoist Repression in the Catalan Countries

Maria Teresa Ferrer

149

Commemoration of the Eighth Centenary of the Birth of James I: Conference Organized by the History and Archeology Section of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in Barcelona

157

Catalan Version

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 7-8 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Presentation In 2007 the Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC), the Catalan academy of the sciences and humanities, celebrated the centenary of its foundation. For the first four years of its existence it was a centre for historical studies until enlarged by the addition of a Philology Section and a Science Section. Both commenced operation in 1911, alongside the older History and Archeology Section. Nowadays the IEC has five sections: in 1968 a Philosophy and Social Science Section was set up alongside the Science Section, and in 1989 the Science Section itself was divided into a Section of Biological Sciences and another of Technological Sciences. The very year of the Institute’s foundation, 1907, saw the publication of the first issue of the Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, a large-format publication with over six hundred pages per volume. By 1936 eight volumes had appeared. Copies can be found in university and academic libraries all over the world which were in existence prior to 1939. The Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans assured the dissemination of new advances in historical research about Catalonia, the Valencian Country, the Balearic Islands and other lands which at one period or another had links with them. The Anuari brought tangible evidence that Catalan was a scientific language, while illustrating the high standard already attained by historical studies in the Catalan cultural environment. The repression of the Catalan language and culture by the Franco dictatorship from 1939 onwards caused publication of the Anuari to be interrupted. It did not however prevent the IEC from issuing numerous monographs and miscellanea devoted to political, social, literary and legal history, despite the precarious conditions in which it subsisted until it gained official recognition once more in 1977. Now the IEC’s Section of History and Archeology has decided to resume dissemination, beyond its own linguistic and cultural sphere, of the progress accomplished there in the field of historical research. Though English will be its lingua franca, it will continue nonetheless to bear witness to the fact that most of its native contributors normally write studies dealing with the history of their homeland in Catalan. The quantity and quality of present-day historiography in the linguistic and cultural environment proper to the Institut d’Estudis Catalans fully warrants an annual publication such as the one we are launching today. The scale of the research conducted both inside and outside the universities by native and foreign historians alike renders the information offered by the Catalan Historical Review necessary.

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Catalan is in normal use in the social sciences. Yet undeniably, despite the fact that it is a Romance language, historical studies published in Catalan often have difficulty reaching the attention of those who are interested in the history of the Iberian peninsula. Hence the fact that the Catalan Historical Review is being published in English. This annual journal intends to offer appraisals and syntheses of various aspects of the history of the Catalanspeaking countries − at all periods − and of their relations with the rest of the world. It will be published in both electronic and hard copy format. Scholars in other countries, to whom this publication is primarily addressed, will undoubtedly find the summaries useful, and they will also be of interest to those who live and work in the very lands on which the Catalan Historical Review focusses its attention. The birth of this new journal takes place in the year devoted to the commemoration of the eighth centenary of the birth of King James I (1208-1276). James I belonged to the dynasty of the counts of Barcelona, who were also kings of Aragon from 1137 onwards. By conquering first the kingdom of Majorca and then that of Valencia from the Moors − with help from the Aragonese in the case of Valencia −, he laid the foundations of the linguistic and cultural community that comprises Catalonia − including Rosselló and the territories annexed by France in 1659 −, the Balearic Islands and the Valencian Country. Since James I represents a key period in Catalan history, a portrait of him, painted by Jaume Mateu and Gonçal Peris in 1427 on the basis of their own imagination, is reproduced on the cover of this issue. This work is currently in the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya. The IEC is contributing scientific input to the commemoration of James I. It has already published an annotated edition of the famous chronicle of his reign, which was dictated by the king himself. This document is of decisive importance because it was written in the vernacular − Catalan − instead of Latin. By the end of the reign of James I, Ramon Llull was writing his first books in Catalan, and a body of sea law to facilitate trade was beginning to be drawn up, also in Catalan. These laws were to evolve into the Llibre del Consolat de Mar, which became an international model of mercantile legislation from the 14th century onwards. Autonomous municipal institutions such as Barcelona’s Consell de Cent took shape and became established at the same period. King James I sought to enlist the support of the bourgeoisie to offset the power of the feudal nobility and this new political equilibrium was reflected

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8 Cat. Hist. Rev. 1, 2008

in the Catalan parliament, or Corts, which acquired legislative and tax-raising powers during the following reign. Thus a limited monarchy was born, the fruit of a sort of medieval constitutionalism that was characteristic of the Catalan tendency to favour compromise over conflict. The international conference organized in Barcelona from 31 March to 4 April 2008 by the president of the IEC’s Section of History and Archeology, Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol, was another upshot of the Institute’s participation in the year devoted to James I. The IEC also took part in the commemorative event organized by the Catalan Generalitat on 30 March 2008. On that occasion the Institute’s second vice-president, Antoni Riera i Melis, spoke about the reign of James I and the text of his address opens this issue of our journal.

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Salvador Giner

As President of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, I am delighted to greet the launching of this new periodical publication, the Catalan Historical Review, which will add its efforts to those of other prestigious IEC journals that are already striving to make our culture better known abroad, such as Estudis Romànics and Contributions to Science. The achievements of Catalan historiography, both past and present, have been attracting attention from the international community of historians for a long time and I am convinced this publication will be of great utility to them. Salvador Giner President of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 9-16 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.1 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

James I and his Era. Brief Analysis of a Major Political and Cultural Inheritance* Antoni Riera**

Institut d’Estudis Catalans Universitat de Barcelona

Introduction We have gathered here at Poblet, the solemn burial place of the royal houses of Aragon and Catalonia, to remember a birth, not a death, and to celebrate the first of several institutional events to commemorate the eight-hundredth anniversary of the birth of James I, one of the sovereigns who are interred here. James I, like his contemporaries Emperor Frederick II and Fernando III of Castile, was a major figure of the Mediterranean and Iberian Middle Ages. The scope of his achievements fully justifies the scientifically rigorous and forward-looking analysis of his work and inheritance being undertaken in 2008 by the peoples who were once part of the Catalan-Aragonese crown. For indeed, though some of his enterprises reveal insufficient foresight, a lack of vision of the future, much of what we are today in the demographic, economic, social, political and cultural spheres — and much of what we are not — was initially forged during his reign. Great personages, however, do not arise from nowhere or operate in a void: they are always the fruit of earlier ages and act within a particular context. Their powerful actions, moreover, produce an impact on their own era, causing it to evolve in accordance with their projects and building up a legacy. So what were the essential traits of the historical context of James I? When he occupied the throne, the final phase in the long period of demographic and economic growth fuelled by the feudal system all over the Western World was drawing to a close; a strong upsurge in trade was getting underway, closely associated with structural surpluses of farm produce caused by the reclaiming of barren land for two hundred years, increases in the amount of money in circulation and the availability of credit, and advances in technology and thought.

* Address given on 30 March 2008 in the chapter house of the monastery of Poblet, on the occasion of the inauguration of the events to commemorate the eight-hundredth anniversary of the birth of James I of Catalonia and Aragon. ** E-mail: ariera@iec.cat

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During the first two-thirds of the 13th century, the development of long-distance trading gave shape to western Europe along the Mediterranean and Atlantic seaboards and boosted the role of the bourgeoisie in economic, political and cultural life. It was a period of transition, during which the new Roman law vied with ancient feudal norms and the concentration of power in the hands of monarchs who no longer considered themselves merely the leading members of the nobility laid the foundations of the new territorial states. It was an age when sovereigns strove to make inroads into seigneuries that enjoyed immunity so as to recover jurisdictional and fiscal control over all the lands in their respective kingdoms; an age of rebellious nobles and administrative and tax reform, of the advance of ius commune over consuetudinary law. And it was then that curricula were renewed in the nascent universities, starting with law and medicine. While all these changes were taking place, the crusaders’ last enclaves in Holy Land were slowly waning under pressure from the Mamluks, the Mongols were advancing on eastern Europe, and Christianity was fast gaining ground at the expense of Islam in the western Mediterranean.

The Difficult Times of the King’s Minority and the First Phase of His Reign James I was born in Montpellier during the night of 1-2 February 1208, as the feast of Candlemas was dawning. He was the son of Peter ‘the Catholic’ and Mary of Montpellier, an ill-assorted couple who in effect had parted before he was conceived. The chronicles, notably the one written by the monarch himself, make no attempt to conceal these circumstances but they do surround his conception and birth with marvels and good omens that I refrain from mentioning here because they are already well known. He spent the first three years of his life, from 1208 to 1211, with his mother in the city of his birth. Thus the future king’s mother tongue was Occitanian. Languedoc in those days was a cultural giant and a political dwarf: the poetry of the troubadours and courtly love were cultivated there, but it lacked the coherent political

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structures and the native dynasty that could have formed the backbone of a strong state. This power vacuum made is easier for the two powerful neighbouring states, the Catalan-Aragonese crown and France, to encroach upon it by means of feudal ties. At the time of James I’s birth, the crusade launched a few weeks earlier by Innocent III to eradicate the Cathar heresy, with military support from the French monarchy and ideological support from the Dominican and Cistercian orders, had unleashed considerable tension. Simon de Montfort, a leading member of the nobility of northern France, soon distinguished himself among those who fought to defend religious orthodoxy. Unable to withstand the crusaders’ onslaught, the local nobility, headed by Raymond VI of Toulouse, asked Peter ‘the Catholic’, who was their superior lord, to intervene. The sovereign used delaying tactics to gain time: he negotiated an agreement with Simon de Montfort which included the marriage of the latter’s daughter Amicia to his own heir, and Prince James was handed over as a hostage to his future father-in-law to be brought up in Carcassone. South of the Pyrenees the situation was also changing fast: the decline of the Almohad caliphate had reduced the Muslims’ defensive capacity in the Iberian Peninsula. Two great battles waged against this complex backcloth changed the course of history on both sides of the mountains and were to affect the future orientation of the reign of James I. On 16 July 1212 a coalition of Christian Iberian forces with Gallic reinforcements defeated the Almohads at the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa, in which the count-king played an important role. Then one year later, on 12 September 1213, a Catalan, Aragonese and Occitanian force was defeated by Simon de Montfort’s army of crusaders at Muret, near Toulouse. Peter ‘the Catholic’ was killed in that battle. Battles alone do not determine the history of peoples but —as Antoni Furió has recently pointed out — they pace it and speed it up. The battle of Las Navas de Tolosa facilitated the southward and eastward thrust of the Catalan-Aragonese crown into the lands beyond the Ebro and the islands of the western Mediterranean. Muret, on the other hand, closed the door to another possibility: that of a great state straddling the Pyrenees and based almost exclusively on pacts of feudal allegiance. Shortly after Muret, Mary of Montpellier died in Rome. James I had now lost both his parents and was confined to Carcassone, where he had begun to receive the knightly, ultra-orthodox education of a crusader, in Occitanian and French. In January 1214 Innocent III, the superior lord of the Catalan-Aragonese crown, ordered Simon de Montfort to present the six-year-old James I to his Catalan and Aragonese subjects. The new sovereign was placed in the charge of Guillem de Mont-rodó, a master of the Order of the Temple, and taken to the securely defended castle of Monzón, right on the border between Catalonia and Aragon, where he was to complete his education in the company of his cousin Ramon Berenguer V of Provence, who was also an orphan.

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Antoni Riera

The programme of training to which James I was subjected by the Knights Templar is one of the darkest features of his life. In those days princes were educated by training them in the use of arms and techniques of combat rather than in the liberal arts. The child was brought up to be a warrior king,. Though certain 20th century historians have questioned his ability to write, a careful reading of the Llibre dels feits — the chronicle of his reign dictated by the king himself — reveals that at Monzón he learnt both Catalan and Aragonese, the languages in which he was to address his future subjects. His education also included Latin — though he never acquired a mastery of it −, ancient history, from the Bible to the Roman classics, and medieval history, or at any rate the chronicles and annals of Catalonia, Aragon, France and The Holy Land, the last two being territories frequented by the Knights Templar. Literary historians have identified numerous references in the Llibre dels feits to Greek and Latin history, classical mythology, the Arthurian tradition and the Bible. While the sovereign was growing up in Monzón, his kingdoms were administered by a regency council headed by his uncle Sanç of Rosselló, who took advantage of his favourable position to provide discreet support to the count of Toulouse and the rest of the Occitanian nobility to help them withstand the pressure of the French crusaders and the papal legates. Along the southern frontiers, towards al-Andalus, on the other hand, the situation remained stable. The attitude of the king’s uncle led Honorius III to advance the monarch’s coming of age. In 1218 he set up a royal council comprising Archbishop Aspàreg of Tarragona and two members each of the high Catalan and the high Aragonese nobility. Thus James I began to reign at the age of ten. As long as he was a minor the Catalan and Aragonese nobles tried to make up for the dearth of plunder due to the immobile southern frontier and the disintegration of feudal ties with Occitania by stepping up the pillaging of the royal patrimony, much of which had already been pledged under the careless administration of the young king’s father. As the sovereign recalled some decades later in his chronicle, “The land was destroyed and pledged to such an extent that we had nothing to eat!” (“No teníem de què menjar, tan destruïda i empenyorada estava la terra!”). The first eight years of his reign were difficult. The sovereign’s finances were at an extremely low ebb and he was obliged to make daring coinage mutations. He also found himself caught up in the struggles between the leading noble dynasties, which caused unrest in Catalonia and Aragon. The nobles, who demanded land, money and compensation for the losses they had suffered, kept the king prisoner till he gave in to their claims. However, with assistance from some of the Knights Templar and lawyers specialized in the new ius commune, he gradually managed to halt the flow of funds from the treasury, stabilize the coinage, forge closer relations with the bourgeoisie, and impose his authority on the aristocracy. Once he had succeeded in recovering the initiative from the nobility, his period of training was an at end.

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The Age of the Great Conquests The second phase of the reign of James I began in 1227 and was to be marked by expansion and rapidly advancing frontiers. During this time he strove to channel the nobility’s belligerence and demands for new revenues, and the bourgeoisie’s thirst for new markets, in an outward direction. The recent dismantling of the web of bonds of allegiance which Alfons ‘the Troubadour’ and Peter ‘the Catholic’ had woven to the north of the Corberes, and the agreement between the Holy See and the French monarch made it inadvisable to orientate military energies towards the north. The slow collapse of the Almohad caliphate, on the other hand, opened up much more favourable prospects to the south and east of the Catalan-Aragonese kingdom. So territorial expansion could be directed towards two fronts: the kingdom of Valencia and the Balearic Islands. Whereas for the Aragonese aristocracy the southward advance took precedence, the Catalan nobility and bourgeoisie considered it more profitable to expand to the east. Both the sovereign and his advisers were aware that conquering territory from the inhabitants of Al-Andalus was the great undertaking of his reign. James I’s entire chronicle, his entire life, one might say, demonstrates this. The Llibre dels feits is devoted primarily to military exploits. War, in 13th century feudal societies, dominated all else; it was a way of life, a veritable profession, not only for monarchs and the high nobility, but for knights and foot-soldiers, frontiersmen and adventurers of all types, who executed quick, devastating raids into enemy territory in search of booty and especially captives. They then demanded large ransoms for the latter, or sold them as slaves. The conquest of Majorca was a difficult enterprise calling for a fleet that was sufficiently well organized to be able to transport a powerful feudal army, complete with its horses and war machines, and to guarantee supplies during the campaign. Until the reign of James I, large naval contingents from the Italian cities of Genoa and Pisa had always taken part in the Catalans’ overseas conquests. However, in the last quarter of the 12th century and the first quarter of the 13th, the growth of Catalan trade had given shipbuilding in Barcelona, Cotlliure and Tortosa a boost. By 1227 the Catalan-Aragonese crown already had sufficient naval potential and experience to invade the Balearics with its own fleet. A few clashes between Catalan and Balearic ships in 1226 furnished the excuse for setting the project in motion. The objective, however, was no longer to destroy the pirate fleets’ bases but to vanquish and colonize a maritime enclave of great economic and strategic value. According to the chronicle, preparations for the venture commenced at a banquet in Tarragona towards the end of 1228. The host, Pere Martell, was a galley captain from Barcelona who had been to the Balearics several times and gave an enthusiastic report of the riches to be found there. However, contemporary documents show

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that the decision to launch the attack had been taken earlier on and the preparations, by this time, were already underway. Proof of this is the fact that the terms of the conquest were defined at a meeting of the Catalan parliament held in Barcelona around Christmas. The king undertook in writing to share out the lands, castles, towns, houses and moveable goods obtained in proportion to the military or monetary contribution of each participant. To pay for fitting out the fleet, the procurators of the three estates granted the sovereign a special subsidy that was raised by means of a new tax charged on each pair of oxen and known as bovatge. The fleet set sail on 5 September 1229 from Salou, Cambrils and Tarragona. The conquest, which proved considerably more complicated than expected, was carried out in three stages. During the first stage, from September 1229 to October 1230, the capital of the island and the region of El Pla were conquered. Ciutat de Mallorca1 was taken by storm on 31 December and the pillaging lasted a week. Only a few of the inhabitants managed to flee the city and take refuge in the mountainous zones of the island. The majority, basically unarmed civilians, were mercilessly massacred by the feudal Christian army. The royal chronicle describes the wave of violence in considerable detail: “They saw so many Moors dead in the houses, streets, gardens and farmyards that it was horrifying to see.” (“Van veure tants sarraïns morts per cases, per carrers, per horts i per corrals, que feia gran feredat de veure.”) The death toll was so high that systematic destruction of the corpses was organized to avoid an epidemic, as the chronicle also relates: “The archbishop and bishops granted a thousand days’ indulgence to anyone who removed a dead Moor from the city. And so the people willingly removed all the bodies from the city in order to earn the indulgence, dragging them away with horses, mules and nags. And then they collected large amounts of firewood and burnt them. And the Moors who died numbered fifty thousands, and thirty thousand were captured alive and taken prisoner.” (“L’arquebisbe i els bisbes donaren mil dies de perdó a tothom que traguera un sarraí mort fora de la ciutat. I així, la gent, de bon grat i per guanyar el perdó, amb cavalls, amb muls i amb rossins, arrossegantlos, tragueren tots els morts fora la ciutat. I després reuniren molta llenya i els cremaren. I foren cinquanta mil els sarraïns que hi moriren, i trenta mil els qui foren presos vius i foren captius.”) The value of the testimony contained in this passage from the Llibre dels feits is qualitative rather than quantitative: it demonstrates the scale of the slaughter, the matter-of-fact view taken of it, and the desire to exterminate which underlay the actions of feudal armies at the period and applied, not only to those who offered resistance, but to those who surrendered or fled as well. The second stage of the conquest, which took place in May and June 1231, aimed to flush the Muslims out of the

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island’s mountainous enclaves. The last pockets of resistance, located in a very poor area in the heart of the Serra de Tramuntana, were overcome between May and June 1232 during the sovereign’s third stay in Majorca. The conquest of Majorca yielded an enormous amount of plunder in the form of human beings, lands and other immovables. The Moors who that survived the fighting and the massacres were reduced to captivity: those who could pay a ransom were released and allowed to live on the island as free men, though nearly all preferred to emigrate to Minorca, Valencia, Granada or Barbary. Those unable to pay were shared out between the sovereign and the other participants in the campaign, who used them as labourers on farms and in craftsmen’s workshops, or sold them as slaves on international markets. Thus the defeated were not confined to areas of low strategic value and organized into segregated ethnic communities, such as those that already existed in lower Aragon and were soon to be created in Valencia. As Antoni Mas has recently remarked, “if there is one thing that characterizes the conquest of Majorca with respect to other earlier or contemporary Catalan-Aragonese conquests, it is its destructive nature”. What could have led the victors to treat the Muslim population of Majorca in this way? The wish to avert the danger of a ‘fifth column’ in an island enclave of great strategic value that was particularly hard to defend? The belief that the island, owing to its small size, could be colonized by Christian settlers in a few years? As time went by the captives, under pressure from the church hierarchy and attracted by the possibility of redemption, gradually converted to Christianity, adopted Catalan family names, and ultimately dissolved into Balearic feudal society. The commissaries in charge of dividing up the real estate carefully assessed the participants’ contributions to the campaign and assigned them to one of five groups headed respectively by James I, Nunyo Sanç (count of Rosselló), Berenguer de Palou (bishop of Barcelona), Gastó de Montcada (viscount of Bearn) and Hug IV (count of Empúries). The last four were members of the privileged Catalan estates. Each of these in turn was to share the property he had received with the other members of his group and his own vassals. The sovereign received half the buildings in the city and half the farms on the island; the four representatives of the feudal nobility received the other half of the capital city and the remainder of the island. To assure the defence of the island the grantee in charge of each group agreed to set up a permanent host and bear the cost of maintaining it. Each of the five portions arising out of the shareout out was assessed in terms of cavalle ries. These units, contrary to what has been believed until recently, were not compact fiefs but batches of real assets that were likely to generate a particular amount of revenue. An area of approximately 227 hectares on the average, spread over several rural districts, amounted to one cavalleria. For every 130 cavalleries the holder was under the permanent obligation to maintain one armed horse.

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As a result of these calculations, the sovereign had to contribute 43.6 horses while the other secular and ecclesiastical lords together had to contribute 59.7. The chief beneficiaries of the shareout did not settle in Majorca: instead — as is shown in the Llibres del repartiment (Books of distribution) — they chose to colonize their respective lots by letting them on emphyteutic leases or selling them. These settlers were also entitled to set up other farming families on the lands they had received. Each time the property was transferred, the assignee had to pay the assignor a down payment and an annual rent. Thus whereas cases of peasants being tied to the land or subjected to abusive practices were already documented by this time in Old Catalonia,2 the same did not occur in Majorca. This has led some Balearic historians to maintain that the resulting rural society was not feudal, but a new, more evolved frontier society, made up of free individuals. I do not share this view, though for lack of time I refrain from setting out my reasons here. In the second third of the 13th century, the light seigneurial dues attracted a gradual flow of rural manpower to Majorca. Applicants for land came mostly from Old Catalonia, Languedoc, Li guria and Provence, though a few Aragonese, Navarrese and even Portuguese are also recorded. Let us turn now to the other islands. Minorca submitted without resistance to Catalan-Aragonese sovereignty during James I’s second stay in Majorca. Under the terms of the Treaty of Capdepera, signed on 17 June 1232, the inhabitants of the ‘minor Balearic island’ declared themselves the subjects of the count-king and undertook to pay a specific tax in the form of cattle and grain. In exchange the sovereign agreed to respect their religion and political structures. He granted the fief of Eivissa and Formentera to Guillem de Montgrí, the archbishop-elect of Tarragona, Nunyo Sanç of Rosselló, and Prince Peter of Portugal, who conquered the islands entirely at their own expense in the summer of 1235. The archipelago became just another kingdom in the Catalan-Aragonese crown. Its legal regime was established in a Charter of Liberties inspired by those granted to Tortosa and Lleida. Under it the Usages of Barcelona were relegated to the status of supplementary law, to resolve cases not covered by the Charter. When analysed in detail, this first great legislative text of the age of James I can be seen to constitute a variant of a charter of settlement, designed to set a large city into motion again after a period of intense upheaval. A deliberate ambiguity underlies it, since in many of the articles the drafters failed to define the territory of application and the reader is left wondering if they refer exclusively to the city and its borough or to the whole of the island. This lack of precision, as Vicent Garcia Edo has recently pointed out, was to become one of the defining traits of the subsequent Majorcan legal system. While James I, with support from the Catalan nobility, clergy and bourgeoisie, was carrying out the conquest of Majorca, the Aragonese nobles — who were not very in-

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terested as yet in overseas undertakings — were launching local attacks against the northern districts of the emirate of Valencia from an area that stretched from the lower Ebro to the ranges of Teruel. In view of the success achieved by Blasco de Alagón in Ares and Morella in 1232, once James I had expelled the Moors from Majorca he felt he should assume the leading role that pertained to him in the conquest and colonization of the eastern Iberian peninsula. The operation was planned at a meeting held in Alcañiz at the beginning of 1233 between the sovereign, Blasco de Alagón and Hug de Forcalquer, a master of the Order of Hospitallers. Because of the size of the Valencian emirate and its population density, the conquest had to be carried out in stages. During the first stage, from 1233 to 1235, Borriana, Peníscola, Castelló and Borriol, the main localities in the emirate’s northern regions, were taken. The mountainous area of the Eslida range was left till later. The military and economic costs of this first phase were borne by the sovereign, the Order of Hospitallers, and a few members of the Aragonese nobility, such as Blasco de Alagón and Eximén de Urrea. Before tackling the second phase, the sovereign convened a joint meeting of the parliaments of Aragon and Catalonia at Monzón in 1236. The clergy, the nobles and the cities on either side of the River Cinca were well represented at the assembly, and agreement was reached about military and economic support for the campaign and the future distribution of land and booty. The active participation of all three estates from Catalonia shows that the sovereign felt the conquest and colonization of Valencia should no longer be an exclusively Aragonese enterprise. Outside support, meanwhile, was to be the Pope’s responsibility. In February 1237 Gregory IX granted the expedition crusade status. The Holy See had entrusted the French monarchy with the task of eradicating heresy in Languedoc, and the Catalan-Aragonese monarchy was given the mission of spreading Christianity along the Mediterranean coast of the Iberian Peninsula. The army assembled in the spring of 1237 in Teruel. The objectives of this second phase were the capital and the lands between valleys of the Palància and the Xúquer. The city of Valencia surrendered on 28 December 1238 and the emir, after being granted a seven-year truce by James I, abandoned the city and settled in Xàtiva. Finally, between 1241 and 1245, the lands between the Xúquer and Verd rivers were taken. The southern frontier of the kingdom of Valencia, which was renegotiated with Castile in the Treaty of Almirra in 1244, stretched from Biar, in the Iberic System, to Bosot, on the shores of the Mediterranean. During the early phases of the conquest, the sovereign made personal donations of land by granting charters. From 1239, following the fall of the capital, James I sought to attract settlers by increasing the number of donations, which were registered in the Llibre del repartiment. As in Majorca, many of the original grantees sold the land or

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buildings they had received and returned to their places of origin. At the same time the Moors who had surrendered to the conquerors and signed agreements with them won the right to remain in the new kingdom of Valencia. Thus many of the native inhabitants stayed on under the terms of the surrender negotiated with James I and were concentrated in Moorish quarters all over the Valencian Country. Contrary to what had occurred in Majorca, these Moorish inhabitants (Mudejars) obtained administrative, judicial, religious and linguistic autonomy in exchange for paying high taxes. Hence the imbalance between the extension of the lands conquered and the demographic potential of the conquerors led to the development of a twofold society in the country regions of Valencia: on the one hand families of Christian emphyteuticaries and holders of allodial land, who guaranteed the irreversibility of the conquest, and on the other, segregated communities of Muslims, who produced a substantial portion of the fiscal and seigneurial revenues. The only reliable data available on the origins of the settlers concern the city of Valencia, where 48.5% were Catalans, 44.5% Aragonese, and the remaining 7%, foreigners. These proportions varied, however, in each area of the countryside. James I decided not to attach the newly conquered lands to Aragon and Catalonia, as the nobles in both countries had expected. Instead he created a new kingdom, which would give the monarchy greater scope for action and be less subject to the ambitions of the great feudal nobility. Consequently he severely limited the size of the territorial concessions to nobles and knights, making them much smaller than in Majorca; he promulgated a Roman-type legal code known as the Furs, first for the city of Valencia and then for the entire kingdom; he created a new currency, the Valencian reial, distinct from the deniers of Barcelona and Jaca, which were in circulation in the Principality of Catalonia and the Ebro valley respectively; and he founded a representative and specifically Valencian parliament. These distinctive features would gradually endow Valencia with the singularity it acquired within the Catalan-Aragonese crown. In the twenty-six years between 1229 and 1245, James I added to the realm he had inherited from his father — the 84,324 km² of Aragon and Catalonia — the Balearic Islands and the kingdom of Valencia, another 24,791 km². The conquered lands amounted to an increase of approximately 30%, something never previously achieved in a single reign.

The Occitanian Dream is Definitively Relinquished: the Treaty of Corbeil The completion of the conquest of Valencia and the death of his cousin Ramon Berenguer V of Provence without male issue prompted James I and his advisers, in 1245, to renew his old political ties with Occitania, where the

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French had steadily been building up their power with firm support from the Holy See. In 1229, as the conquest of Majorca was getting underway, Raymond VII of Toulouse had been obliged to give the hand of his heir Joan, and the seneschalships of Beaucaire and Carcassone, to Alphonse of Poitiers, the brother of Louis IX. James I was aware that his hold over his newly-won territory in the Iberian Peninsula was too precarious for him to maintain an open war to the north of the Corberes range or break with the Holy See. He decided to maintain a low profile and attempted an unusual diplomatic operation: that of joining the lineages of Toulouse and Provence through a marriage between Raymond VII and Beatrice, the heir to the Count of Provence. The French monarchy and the Holy See, however, foiled the operation in 1246 by forcing the countess’s marriage to Charles of Anjou, another brother of Louis IX. This strengthened the French presence in the Midi and was highly detrimental to Catalan commercial and political interests in the western Mediterranean. Moreover, the first Mudéjar rising, led by AlAzraq, compelled James I to concentrate on the kingdom of Valencia. Not until 1258, after the revolt of the Valencian Mudéjars had been crushed, were James I and his counsellors in a position the resume the defence of Catalan-Aragonese interests in Occitania. But by now the situation had worsened. The French, with enduring support from the papacy, had acquired a firmer hold over Languedoc, where their intelligent marriage policy now enabled them to dominate the two main lineages: the counts of Toulouse and the counts of Provence. They had also wiped out the Cathar heresy. Thus the Catalan-Aragonese crown was obliged to acknowledge that the changes that had taken place in Occitania during the second quarter of the 13th century were irrevocable. After instructing his legal advisers to make a careful analysis of the situation, in 1258 James I accepted the new state of affairs. Under the Treaty of Corbeil, Louis IX of France severed the ancient ties of allegiance that had linked the counts of Barcelona to the kings of France since the days of Charlemagne; James I, in exchange, gave up all his remaining jurisdictional and feudal rights in Occitanian lands, except the seigneury of Montpellier, the enclaves of Carladès and Omeladès, and the Val d’Aran. Though this agreement has aroused much criticism among certain sectors of Catalan, Valencian and Aragonese historiography, in fact it attests to the prudent and realistic policy pursued by James I — now an old man — towards Occitania. He knew full well that if he were to resume a leading role in Languedoc, the result would be an open clash with France, the foremost military power and best administered State in the West, and with the Holy See, which punished any outside attempt to support the Occitanian nobility with excommunication. Thus the Treaty of Corbeil put an end to expansion beyond the Pyrenees and implied a conscious and resolute decision in favour of the moves already underway to increase Cat-

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alan-Aragonese influence across the Mediterranean and in Iberian Peninsula.

Towards a New Foreign Policy When one door shuts, another usually opens and James I put the fall-off in tension that followed the Treaty of Corbeil to good use by opening up new political scenarios and giving a fresh impetus to the Catalan-Aragonese crown’s mercantile and military influence in the Mediterranean. The area he chose was Sicily, an island in the midst of the ancient mare nostrum with a large grain surplus. The Sicilian market was of strategic importance to all merchants in the western Mediterranean and the island had been ruled since the death of Emperor Conrad IV in 1254 by the bastard Manfred, a member of the Hohenstaufen family who was acting as regent for the infant heir Conradin. Manfred had become the leader of the Italian Ghibelline party (which supported the German emperor against the pro-papal faction) and had consequently been excommunicated by the Holy See. James I, acting on the advice of Catalan businessmen, decided to take advantage of the weakness of the Sicilian court. The contacts initiated in Barcelona in 1260 culminated in Montpellier on 13 June 1262 in the marriage of Prince Peter to Constance of Sicily. Unsurprisingly, the alliance was viewed with alarm by France, Provence and above all the Pope, who was to enfeoff the kingdom of Sicily to Charles of Anjou a few years later. A new revolt of the Valencian and Murcian Mudéjars and the disadvantages of a possible excommunication prevented the Catalans and Aragonese from helping Manfred to ward off an attack from the Count of Provence. Charles of Anjou, with the support of France, defeated Manfred at Benevento in 1266 and Conradin at Tagliacozzo two years later. There was every sign that the Catalan-Aragonese crown, after relinquishing its ties with Occitania, was about to lose its opportunities in Sicily as well. But the count-king still had one card up his sleeve: on Conradin’s death, his inheritance and the leadership of the Ghibellines passed to Princess Constance, the wife of the Aragonese heir. However, family quarrels, Mudéjar rebellions and old age prevented James I from glimpsing the fruits of his last international undertaking.

The Kingdom of Murcia is Occupied and Returned to Castile Under the Alcaraz agreement of 1243, the emir of Murcia, Muhammad Ibn Hud, had become the vassal of Ferdinand III of Castile and promised to hand over to him half the taxes he raised. Thus Murcia had not been conquered or even occupied by the force of arms. The king of Castile’s prime objective was the effective incorporation of the Guadalquivir valley and he exercised only a type of

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protectorate over Murcia: he controlled the main fortresses, which he manned with Christian garrisons, but he was experiencing great difficulties in sending large contingents of peasants from the Duero, Tajo and Guadiana valleys to Murcia because they found the prospects offered by the distribution of land in Jaen, Cordova and Seville more attractive. In 1264 a major revolt of Mudejars was sparked off simultaneously in Castile and Valencia by discontent over the arbitrary way the new local authorities were enforcing the conditions of the surrender. The rising was on an unprecedented scale and had the resolute backing of the sultanate of Granada. Owing to the weakness of the Castilian occupation, the rebels in the Vinalopó and Segura valleys initially met with success. Alfonso X was unable to contain the revolt along all the fronts, so he concentrated his forces in Betic Andalusia and asked the Catalan-Aragonese crown to intervene in Murcia. James I, realizing what was at stake, called on his subjects to make him a extraordinary grant to finance a campaign to the south of the River Verd. The Catalans had misgivings over the undertaking but they agreed to apply the bovatge tax once more; the Aragonese on the other hand not only refused point blank to provide economic or military resources but seized the opportunity to demand satisfaction from the king over certain unresolved grievances and violations of their Fueros. While the army was being prepared, Prince Peter carried out two raids against the Murcian Mudejars. The royal campaign got underway at the end of November 1265 and culminated in the surrender of the Murcian capital at the beginning of February 1266. James I, considering that agreements were made to be respected and his kingdoms did not have sufficient surplus population to permit systematic colonization of any new territories, handed the kingdom of Murcia over to his son-in-law, Alfonso X of Castile, after partially settling it with Catalans. This show of political realism caused discontent among those who had taken part in the conquest. The population that settled in the Segura valley, however, was to facilitate the conquest carried out by James II forty years later.

Achievements as a Ruler James I was not only a warrior but a ruler, who endowed the Catalan-Aragonese crown with new administrative, fiscal, judicial and political structures. During his reign the municipal regime of the main cities was consolidated; the former assemblees de pau i treva (assemblies of peace and truce) evolved into the parliament, or Corts, following the incorporation of representatives of the cities and an increase in its attributions; and the old Curia Regis became the Royal Council. In Aragon the Fueros (regional laws and privileges) were compiled and the Justicia (royal magistracy) was established. In order to boost trade, overseas consulates were set up and the universitat de prohoms de Ribera — a council of distinguished citizens — in Bar-

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celona. This council, and the rules it drew up to regulate trade and maritime transport, were the immediate forerunners of the Consolat de Mar and the Llibre del Consolat de Mar, respectively.

Sharing out the Kingdoms No one, however, is without contradictions and errors, and James I was no exception. Though he had surrounded himself with forward-looking legal experts and had allowed Roman Law to influence some of his legal initiatives, such as the Valencian Furs (code of law) and the Majorcan Charter of Liberties, James I had a patrimonial conception of his domains: he did not consider himself a mere administrator of territories which could not be split up, but a lord with the right to dispose freely of his realms. This contradiction explains why, as his children were born, he began to plan how the Catalan-Aragonese crown was to be shared out. This anachronistic policy of successions gave rise to forty years of tension between James I, his immediate descendants, and the representative forces in each territory. Two of his sons died and another entered the church. That left him with two heirs: Princes Peter and James. Aware of the opposition the division of the kingdoms aroused in the entourage of his first-born son and certain social groups, first and foremost the experts in ius commune, he decided in 1262 to settle the matter once and for all by imposing an agreement between the two princes: Peter was to inherit Catalonia, Aragon and Valencia, while James received the Balearic Islands, the Pyrenean counties of Rosselló and Cerdanya and the seigneury of Montpellier. The distribution was rather uneven: nearly 90% of the territory, in a single compact block, was to go to the first-born, while the second son had to be content with the remaining 10%, made up of several scattered units which were, however, of great strategic value. Besides sowing the seeds of future disputes −for neither heir was satisfied with his portion of the inheritance−, the shareout reduced the military and political capabilities of the resulting two kingdoms at an especially inauspicious time, when all the adjoining states were acquiring new territories and increasing their coercive potential. France was rounding off the incorporation of Languedoc, Castile was absorbing Betic Andalusia and the kingdom of Murcia, and Provence was being attached to the kingdom of Sicily. History was soon to confirm that the solution adopted by James I with regard to his succession was his greatest mistake.

Assessment of a Reign The overall results of James I’s sixty-six year reign were positive. To the 84,324 km² in Aragon, Catalonia and the seigneury of Montpellier which he inherited from his fa-

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ther, he added 24,791 km² in the Balearic Islands and the kingdom of Valencia, thereby increasing his realms by 30 %, an unprecedented figure for a single reign. This growth was not achieved without cost, however: it caused much bloodshed, primarily among the vanquished, many of whom, especially in Majorca, lost not only their property but their lives. But many of the victors also died in battle or while stifling the intermittent revolts of the Valencian Mudejars, who were exasperated by the arbitrary action of the new local authorities and the pressure of rising taxes. James I displayed great political realism in deciding to give up the unstable feudal ties on which the expansion into Occitania had been based, along with the mirage of a multinational state extending from Nice to Oloron, and from Orlhac to Teruel, with its hub in the Pyrenees and its seat of government in Barcelona. He deliberately set his sights on the Iberian Peninsula and the Mediterranean, two areas where the Catalan-Aragonese crown, and especially its merchants, could expand at lower military, economic and ideological expense. Thus the outward thrust of his reign arose from of a careful analysis of profitability and not unsuccessful diplomacy. The decision to respect the frontier agreed upon with Castile in Almirra and not to annex the kingdom of Murcia are further evidence of the realism shown by an old king who had discovered that military conquest is worth little if the territory cannot be colonized. The inadequate flow of settlers from north of the Ebro made it necessary to permit large groups of Islamic inhabitants to subsist all over the kingdom of Valencia. This gave rise to a dual society made up of the families of Christian emphyteuticaries and freeholders on the one hand, who ensured that the conquest would be a lasting one, and separate Muslim communities on the other, who yielded much of the revenue in the form of taxes and seigneurial dues. As long as this situation continued, any new territorial advance by a powerful neighbouring Christian kingdom into an area densely populated by Muslims had but slender chances of success. James I created a composite state stretching from Montpellier to Ariza and from Salses to La Vila Joiosa and endowed it with a highly decentralized political organization by setting up autonomous units, each with its own jurisdiction, administrative and representative institutions, currency and measurements. It was complicated to manage, but highly efficient, since it did not interfere with the economic, human and cultural ties between the different territories. It also had drawbacks however: it delayed the concentration of power in the hands of the sovereign in an age when the monarchies in the states bordering on the Catalan-Aragonese crown were increasing their ascendancy, with the support of Roman law, at the expense of the feudal nobility.

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Antoni Riera

James I reorganized the Chancellery and encouraged the use of registers, in which copies of all the documents emanating from the court were kept. With the help of a few Knights Templar, churchmen, laymen and burghers, he put the management of the royal patrimony in order. At public events he addressed his subjects in the language of each territory: Catalan, Aragonese or Occitan. When it came to writing his chronicle, however, he chose Catalan, producing an unusual text with considerable ideological contents. In it he voiced a high degree of selfsatisfaction, surrounded his persona with mythical elements borrowed from the classics, justified his achievements and silenced his mistakes, and presented himself as a maker of peoples and a creator of dynasties. Many Valencians and Majorcans still regard James I ‘the Conqueror’ as the founder of their people, the creator of their collective identity and their national feeling. His legend had fed the collective imagination of successive generations and materialized into numerous popular constructions such as traditional tales, songs, the Festes de l’Estandard and ‘giants’.3 For all these reasons, and many others which I have not time to set out here, it is especially opportune, as I said at the beginning, that academic and political institutions throughout the lands that made up the former CatalanAragonese crown should be undertaking new research into James I and his era. This will enable us, not merely to achieve a more thorough understanding of our common past, but to position ourselves better with regard to the present and the immediate future. These endeavours will yield ideas of benefit to us all. The legacy of James I undoubtedly has a future, providing that, together, we are able to manage it properly.

Notes [1] [2]

[3]

Ciutat de Mallorca is the traditional name of the city now known officially as Palma de Mallorca. It is still in widespread use today. The term Old Catalonia refers to the territories originally reconquered and settled by the Carolingian dynasty, which lie north and east of a line extending approximately from the Llobregat and Cardener rivers to the Montsec massif, north of Lleida. The Festes de l’Estandard (Festivals of the standard) are held each year in Palma de Mallorca to commemorate the entry of the troops of James I into the city. ‘Giants’ are bigger-than-lifesize human figures made of wood and papier mâché which are a feature of popular parades in many localities. Some of them represent King James I.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 17-33 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.2 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

La Draga (Banyoles, Catalonia), an Early Neolithic Lakeside Village in Mediterranean Europe Josep Tarrús*

Museu Arqueològic Comarcal de Banyoles, Girona

Abstract The site of La Draga is located on the eastern shore of the Estany de Banyoles (Lake Banyoles). The excavation work carried out so far has lasted from 1990 to 2005. It was coordinated by the Museu Arqueològic Comarcal de Banyoles and the Centre d’Arqueologia Subaquàtica de Catalunya. Three different areas were investigated: the upper area, or Sector A; the lower area, beside the Lake, or Sector B; and the Neolithic lakeshore, or Sector C, which is now under water. Appropriate methods of excavation, including extraction pumps and underwater divers, were applied to each sector. La Draga is an early Neolithic village (Cardial-ware phase) which dates from the end of the 6th millennium BC. Its material culture is similar to that found at other contemporary sites in southern France, Catalonia and Valencia. One feature, however, makes it unique in the Iberian Peninsula: the remains of large rectangular huts with oak posts, numerous wooden and basketry items, and vast quantities of animal bones and cereal grains have been preserved there. Two monographs about the site have been published so far, one in 2000 and the other in 2006. It has been the subject of many papers given at conferences and published in specialized journals in Catalan, Spanish and French. This is the first text of any length to be published directly in English.

Key words: village, Neolithic, Banyoles lake, prehistoric Catalonia

La Draga: an Unusual Discovery A village dating from the early Neolithic was found at La Draga (Banyoles, Pla de l’Estany) in April 1990. The discovery, which was the result of work being carried out to turn the area into a park, was considered a minor archeological revolution.1 For the first time a prehistoric site in a lakeside environment had been found in the Iberian Peninsula and if, as seemed likely, wooden tools, handles and other objects similar to those found in chronologically comparable habitats in Alpine Europe were disinterred, this could contribute substantially to our knowledge of the early Neolithic. After eighteen years of research and archeological excavations many of our initial expectations have been amply fulfilled. However, despite all these efforts, we still have only an rough idea of certain important aspects, such as the shape of the houses and the urban layout.2

* Corresponding author: Josep Tarrús i Galter. Museu Arqueològic Comarcal de Banyoles. Plaça de la Font, 11. 17820 Banyoles, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 972572361. E-mail: joseptarrus@telefonica.net

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All this work has been carried out thanks to the joint efforts of the Museu Arqueològic Comarcal de Banyoles (MACB) and the Centre d’Investigacions Subaquàtiques de Catalunya (CASC), which comes under the Museu d’Arqueologia de Catalunya. The project directors are Àngel Bosch, Júlia Chinchilla and Josep Tarrús (MACB) and Xavier Nieto, Xim Raurich and Antoni Palomo (CASC). The settlement of La Draga was located half-way along the eastern side of Lake Banyoles. The Lake has a figureof-eight shape and the village stood at the narrowest point, on the white chalk shore that lined that side of it. In topographical terms the area was a peninsula at the end of the 6th millennium BC, when the Neolithic village stood there, and the ground sloped steadily from east to west and from north to south. A stream flowed out of the Lake to the south of it, marshland lay to the east, and the waters of the Lake stretched away to the north and west, giving it virtually the appearance of an island. As a dwelling place this location had numerous advantages, because it was easy to defend (Fig.1). The altitude is 170 m above sea level, and the geographical coordinates are as follows:

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Latitude: 42° 7' 41" north Longitude: 2° 45' 33" east of the Greenwich meridian UTM: 48 01 04 m east 46 64 097 m north Nowadays the site is divided in two by a 19th century dike running along the eastern shore of the Lake which is a used as a promenade. One part, comprising the Neolithic shoreline, lies beneath the waters of the Lake, but the most extensive area of the village is still on dry land. In Neolithic times the whole settlement was out of the water, though the huts that stood right on the edge of the Lake must have been subject to frequent flooding. It has been claimed that the first Neolithic inhabitants of lakeside areas in Europe were usually drawn there by defensive considerations, perhaps because their status as newcomers to the area demanded it. In the case of La Draga, however, this explanation seems unlikely, since no sites belonging to the last surviving Mesolithic huntergatherers — who still existed in the early 6th millennium BC — have been found in the immediate region and it is impossible to estimate their numbers.

Figure 1. Location of the Neolithic village of La Draga (Banyoles, Catalonia)

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Josep Tarrús

The site must originally have occupied over 8,000 m2 but archeological investigations have concentrated on an area of 3,000 m2 located on the northern side of the settlement, which is the best preserved. This area has been fenced off and has gradually been converted into an archeological park devoted to everyday life in a Neolithic village and designed on the basis of the data yielded by the site itself. In its heyday the original village stretched for over 100 m along the Neolithic shoreline, in a north-south direction, and approximately 80 m inland towards the east. The excavations have shown that it was occupied during a single period of the early Neolithic, though there are several superimposed layers of activity, sometimes separated by a flood stratum, and a final layer displaying the unmistakable signs of severe fires at the time the village was abandoned. Field research was first carried out in 1990 to verify the site’s importance and state of preservation. Then a project got underway for the excavation of the area on dry land, which continued until 2005. In 1994 work began on the underwater part of La Draga. The year 1996 was again devoted to exploration round the inner rim of the Lake — in search of other prehistoric sites — and on land, to define the Neolithic topography (Fig.2). During these years research has been conducted in three sectors and a total of 726 m2 have been excavated. In the first sector — Sector A —, which measures approximately 284 m2, investigations went on from 1991 to 1995. It is located in the eastern zone, which is also the highest and where the water table is approximately 70 cm below the archeological level. In the second sector — Sector B —, an

Figure 2. Internal layout of the village, according to 1996 data

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Cat. Hist. Rev. 1, 2008 19

Figure 3. The methods of excavation used in the dry-land and underwater sectors

area of 126 m2 was excavated between 1997 and 2005. Sector B lies in the western zone, right beside the present-day lake-shore promenade. It is lower than Sector A and here the water table is approximately 40 cm above the archeological level. The third sector — Sector C — lies along the Neolithic shoreline. Here an area of 310 m2 was excavated by the CASC between 1994 and 2005. This area is now submerged because the dikes built round the eastern side of the Lake raised the water level 1.5 m above that of the Neolithic lake. These variations in the groundwater level have affected the conservation of the Neolithic objects. Thus in Sector A no wooden tools have been recovered, though the tips of the posts from the huts were found about 70 cm below the archeological level, where the water table had remained unchanged during the intervening 7,200 years. On the other hand, in Sector B, which is also on dry land, and Sector C, which is now below water, the archeological relics have remained below the water table ever since the village was abandoned. Consequently the discovery of wood and basketry artefacts and posts and beams from Neolithic constructions, which had collapsed onto the archeological layer or been driven into it, has been a constant feature of the excavations and has enriched them enormously. However, the presence of these objects made of perishable materials caused the excavation to progress much more slowly than if the Neolithic village had been found on dry ground. Taking charge of these wooden Neolithic tools was a great responsibility and we had to work on small areas — approximately 25 m2 on the average on dry land and 40 m2 in the underwater sector in latter years —

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to make sure that the laboratories where they were sent for restoration were able to analyse them without difficulty. At the very beginning, between 1995 and 1997, such objects were entrusted to Beat Hug, the director of the laboratory of restoration at Laténium. Parc et Musée d’Archéologie de Neuchâtel (Switzerland), one of the foremost European experts the use of lyophilization in the treatment of objects saturated in water. Since 1998 the CASC’s own restoration laboratory (Anna Jover and Cati Aguer) has been able to take over the work, which is of vital importance to La Draga, and has achieved very good results. Needless to say, the excavation methods have had to be adapted to the particular characteristics of each zone, though the system for recording the data has always been the same: it is based on Cartesian coordinates and the individualized study of each structure discovered. In Sectors A and B, which are on dry land, we initially worked with a Well Point diesel-powered water pump (19912002). This powerful drainage pump lowered the water table in the area under investigation and enabled us to work there almost as though we were on dry ground. The snag was that it considerably dried out the archeological level and this could affect objects made from organic materials. Later, between 2003 and 2005, we were able to use an electric drainage pump. This drew water from a well sunk into an area that had already been emptied, next to the area currently under investigation. In this way the archeological level was kept slightly moist and wood and basketry items were preserved in better conditions until they could be removed.

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In Sector C, the Neolithic lake shore which is now under water, the CASC has always worked with underwater divers, who have had to adapt to the excavation methods used on prehistoric sites, which differ widely from the methods they normally used to deal with ships from Greek, Roman, medieval or modern times. Team work with these specialists has been very rewarding and mutually instructive (Fig. 3). There is no doubt that La Draga belongs, culturally and chronologically, to the end of the impressed Cardial-ware phase in the Western Mediterranean. Both the relative data provided by the archeological record (ceramic pots, tools made from bone or horn, chipped and polished stone implements, ornaments and sumptuary items, tools with wooden handles) and radiocarbon dating enable us to assert this. The numerous C-14 datings obtained from charcoal from the hearths, cereal grains, animal bones, posts from huts and wooden tools point to a period situated, very roughly, in the second half of the 6th millennium BC (5,400-5,000 BC). If, in order to attain greater precision, we select the most reliable carbon dates — from the items with the shortest life span —, then the period from 5,300 to 5,150 BC seems the most likely. In any event our estimates always fall within the Cardial cultural context, not the Epicardial. This is especially obvious from the richly decorated ceramic pots, in which shell impressions predominate, and the wide array of bone tools and sumptuary items. We are unable to offer an absolute dating for La Draga on the basis of the tree-ring analysis carried out by Patrick Gassmann, the director of the dendrochronology laboratory at Laténium. Parc et Musée d’Archéologie de Neuchâtel (Switzerland), because the Alpine dendrochronological curve cannot be used to study the rings in the oak-wood posts. Despite this, it has been possible to determine that the lifespan of the village was not more than a hundred years, which leaves us with a very short timeline for the entire archeological sequence at La Draga. Dendrochronology does however reveal different phases of building and rebuilding. It is worth recalling that the first dendrochronological results from the village of La Marmotta, on Lake Bracciano some 40 km north of Rome — the only European lakeside settlement with the same chronology (the second half of the 6th millennium BC) and the same cultural context (impressed Cardial pottery) as La Draga — revealed a duration of 139 years.3 The abandonment of La Draga was associated, as in many other cases, with a fire that affected some or all of the huts in the settlement. There could have been various other causes: the resources of the nearby fields and woods may have been depleted; social changes may have made easily defended lakeshore settlements unnecessary; or perhaps the inhabitants preferred to set out to conquer other lands further inland, in river valleys where the agricultural land was more fertile. However, the existence of another settlement somewhere on the lakeshore at the

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Josep Tarrús

same period cannot be ruled out, though none has yet been discovered.

The Natural Environment: Lake Banyoles during the Neolithic Palynological and anthracological analyses and data from the study of the 892 trunks, stakes and building timbers unearthed at La Draga between 1991 and 2005 enable us to reproduce the Neolithic plant environment quite accurately. It should first be pointed out, however, that La Draga belongs to the beginning of the Atlantic period, when the climate was cool and damp with frequent precipitations. It seems clear that lakeside forests grew on either side of the site. The species found there are characteristic of this type of woodland: hazelnut trees, ash trees, alders, poplars, elms, willows, laurels, dogwoods and elders. We know, from the basketry items discovered, that the aquatic plants that grew in the wetland areas included sedge and possibly rushes. Further inland well-established oak forests were predominant (downy and sessile oaks, Quercus pubescens and Quercus petraea) with accompanying species typical of humid Mediterranean climates, such as hazelnut trees, box, juniper, blackthorn, maple, yew, linden trees and wild fruit trees (pomaceous species). The occasional presence of holm oaks, pines and strawberry trees shows that dry Mediterranean mixed woodland was already beginning to

Figure 4. Roll of wild clematis (Clematis vitalba), Sector B, 2001

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La Draga (Banyoles, Catalonia), an Early Neolithic Lakeside Village in Mediterranean Europe

develop alongside the oak forest. This pattern matches the construction materials perfectly — trunks, stakes and fallen timbers — since the immense majority were made from deciduous oak, except for a few instances of holm oak or poplar wood, and one case of maple wood. The palynological data studied by Francesc Burjachs (Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona) indicates that some distance from the habitat there was a higher woodland belt, probably on nearby highlands such as the Rocacorba or Bassegoda. In these forests fir trees grew in vast numbers, along with beech trees, silver birch and Scots pines, which were unlikely to be found in the immediate vicinity of the village.1 The way the wood from these trees and shrubs was used varied according to the purpose to which each was put, and this involved deliberately and carefully selecting the right species. Thus we can see that the inhabitants basically preferred oak timber for building, whereas they used either oak, laurel or box as firewood. For wooden implements, on the other hand, they employed an astonishing variety of species, each suited to a particular function: box wood is by far the most widespread for making handles for all kinds of tools, yew is used almost exclusively for bows, while arrow shafts and heads were mostly made from willow or dogwood. Other items were made from oak, pine, holm oak, maple, laurel, elder, hazel, juniper, strawberry tree or apple wood. A form of wild clematis (Clematis vidalba) was used for binding, and ropes were made from linden bast (Fig. 4). Most of the objects from La Draga were made out of materials from the immediate surrounds: wood, plant fibres, bones and horns of animals, clay and stones from the beds of nearby rivers. However some raw materials — including stone for polished stone implements (types of schist and hornfels), shells for beads and pendants, and flint to be chipped into tools — had to be brought from more distant places, such as the Cap de Creus (stone and shells) and the area around Narbonne (flint). Only a few very special items, such as those made from marble (a pot, a brooch and bracelets), seem to come from very far away (Sardinia and the Lipari Islands). They may have reached La Draga by being bartered, from one village to the next, over a period of many years.

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On the Neolithic site of La Draga, which was built on damp ground, most of the posts driven into the ground have been preserved, as have the beams and parts of the walls that collapsed onto the archeological layer. One would expect it to be very easy to define the shape of the huts in these circumstances but nothing could be farther from the truth. The sheer number of posts — sometimes as many as five per square meter — makes it impossible at first sight to discern any precise or definite shape. We must bear in mind that the tips of 345 posts were recovered in an area of 284 m2 in Sector A. This amounts to a density of 1.2 posts/m2. In Sector B, 459 posts were removed from an area of 132 m2, a density of 3.5 posts/m2. In Sector C, the density was lower, with 88 posts preserved in the 310 m2 excavated, or 0.28 posts/m2. If we distribute the 892 impaled posts disinterred at La Draga over the total excavated area of 726 m2, we obtain an average density of 1.23 posts/m2. Since the huge number of posts recovered makes it difficult to define the shape of the huts, dendrochronological analysis ought to enable us to attain the same objective, as it does at most Alpine lakeside settlements. Unfortunately, though we enlisted the services of one of the foremost

Building the Village: Huts, Granaries and Hearths In an open-air prehistoric settlement on dry ground one usually finds a few post holes, often with stone wedges but invariably without the timber. By drawing a line from hole to hole, one can define the shape of the huts, which can be rectangular or oval. If the walls were made of stone blocks, the ground plan is usually oval and the post holes only indicate the central row of trunks that supported the thatched roof, which was made of heather or straw and rested on beams and rafters.

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Figure 5. Posts and dendrochronological reconstructions of Sector A, 1995

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Josep Tarrús

in A and B on at least one particular occasion (reconstruction 4). Furthermore, at a slightly later date (reconstruction 3), we have evidence that building activity was taking place throughout the village, from the shore (Sectors C and B) to the higher part (Sector A). Other by no means negligible details have come out of the dendrochronological study of La Draga. These concerns a long palisade in Sector A, which zigzagged in a east-west direction, and two triangular constructions located beside two of the communal fires, also in Sector A. There has been speculation that these were wooden stands or platforms on which large earthenware storage jars containing cereal grains for roasting were placed (Fig. 5). Dendrochronological analysis has not yet been able to afford precise data about the village’s true lifespan. Many of the posts recovered so far at La Draga were made from the trunks of young trees (10-35 years) and a few from the trunks of old trees (35-95 years) and effective correlation is impossible until specimens of intermediate age appear. So how long might the Neolithic settlement of La Draga have been there before the final fire broke out? If we compare La Draga to middle-late Neolithic villages in the Alpine zone built around large and small lakes, a short lifespan of around forty years would seem most likely. This is the known average duration of this

Figure 6. Stone paving of the granaries, hearths and refuse areas in Sector A, 1995

specialists in the field, as already mentioned, the first results failed to produce a conclusive answer. All we know is that the huts at La Draga were rectangular, because a dendrochronological reconstruction of four posts in a straight line in Sector B indicates that this was so. Moreover in Sector C, which is under water and has considerably fewer posts per square meter, we can observe the fronts of rectangular huts, but since they are made from poplar trunks, this cannot be confirmed by dendrochronology. From these data it would seem likely that there were at least two rows of huts along the edge of the Lake, and other constructions on the higher part of the site. Dendrochronology provided some very interesting data about the construction process nonetheless. There appear to have been at least six phases of building or rebuilding, in other words, six different times at which oak trees from the surrounding woodland were felled. Moreover, correlations between the six dendrochronological reconstructions so far carried out, which concern all three excavated sectors, enable us to state that huts, or other types of wooden structures, were erected simultaneously

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Figure 7. The archeological level in the southwestern quadrant of Sector B, 1998

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La Draga (Banyoles, Catalonia), an Early Neolithic Lakeside Village in Mediterranean Europe

type of settlement in Alpine Europe during the middle Neolithic and Chalcolithic (4,000-2,200 BC). If on the other hand we think in terms of other villages in Catalonia with long cultural sequences of between 300 and 500 years — early Neolithic villages such as Les Guixeres (Viloví, Alt Penedès) or Plansallosa (Tortellà, Garrotxa) and middle Neolithic villages such as Ca n’Isach (Palausaverdera, Alt Empordà) — then a more extensive time scale could be envisaged for La Draga. The fact is that radiocarbon data for La Draga, as mentioned earlier, suggest a fairly wide chronological range within the second half of the 6th millennium BC. So can datable archeological materials, especially decorated ceramic pots, help us to achieve greater accuracy? For the time being there are no clear indications of relics from outside the latter part of the Cardial phase, during which shell decorations still predominated. This, in any event, does not necessarily mean that La Draga had a relatively short lifespan of about 100 to 150 years, because the Cardial pottery has not yet been dated precisely,4 and so the true range could be shorter or even longer. These data, then, enable us to assert that the Neolithic village of La Draga comprised two clearly differentiated zones: one beside the Lake and the other in the higher, drier part of the site, towards the east. The first was probably the dwelling zone and the latter an area for storage and communal work (Fig. 2). Two rows of 8 to 10 huts each probably stood along the Neolithic shore and 30 m inland. The huts were about 1012 m long by 3-4 m wide and were raised slightly (approximately 1 m) above the lake chalk to prevent flooding

Figure 8. Posts and possible rectangular huts in Sector B, 2005

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Figure 9. Fronts of the rectangular huts in Sector C, 2002

when the level of the Lake rose. The floor was made of planks and logs, split down the middle or left round. Inside there was probably a small hearth, because relics of such hearths (pebbles and charcoals) have been found, upside down, between the posts driven into the ground. No doubt the hearths were thrown out from time to time, which is why we find them upside down, and then a new one was made (Fig.8). A ball of rope made from linden bast and a roll of wild clematis (Clematis vitalba) were also found in the archeological layer in Sector B. Both were ready to be used to lash the wooden frames of the huts together. Numerous wood fungi also appeared, and a few dog and pig coprolites (Fig. 7). The huts, which had an east-west orientation, perpendicular to the Lake, were probably separated by gaps, or streets, 3-4 m wide, as can be seen in the underwater Sector C (Fig. 9). This layout would have given the village an organized appearance. There were probably about sixteen to twenty huts, apart from the constructions that were erected in the higher zone during the first phase. From the density of construction it can be inferred that La Draga had a population of approximately one hundred at the end of the 6th millennium BC. During the first phase of building some small oval huts and other unidentified constructions were put up about 60 m farther inland, in the higher zone (Sector A). They

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all rested on the ground, directly on the lake chalk. The oval huts were paved with stone slabs inside, had posts round the perimeter, and one or two posts in the middle to support the thatched roof. We believe they may have been granaries, because the charred remains of many cereal grains (wheat and barley) and legumes (peas and broad beans) were recovered inside them. The long palisade running in a zigzag line from the eastern tip of Sector A in a westerly direction was probably also erected during this first phase. A stretch about 8 m long has been preserved. It may have served to protect the high, dry area that was used for grain storage and community work and separate it from the lower, damper area where the dwellings stood. During this initial phase a causeway approximately 1m wide and made of small stakes may have joined the two parts of the village. A structure of this type, made up of a vast number of parallel stakes, was discovered in 2000 in the southwestern part of Sector B, heading towards Sector A. This layout, featuring two areas allocated to different activities, is in fact quite common in Neolithic Alpine villages.5 The lake chalk round the huts would have been covered in a muddy sediment full of refuse that had been throw out of the houses and walking on it cannot have been easy. In the second phase Sector A was turned into a community work area. This is obvious from the fact that hearths and ditches containing food refuse have been laid on top of earlier posts (Fig. 6). The thirty-five hearths in Sector A were dug out of the lake chalk. They measured between 60 and 180 cm. Two seem to have been flat but most are shallow pits, always with an upper layer of quartz pebbles and a lower mass of charcoal or fragments of firewood (chiefly oak, but also laurel and box wood). Pit hearths of this type were used for ‘Polynesian style’ cooking, a method that involved surrounding the meat in hot pebbles until it was stewed. Food could also be cooked by dropping hot pebbles into water in an earthenware pot (always shaped by hand) to make it boil. The hearths also seem to have been used to roast grain (wheat and barley). Hundreds of thousands of grains have been found at La Draga. Possibly they were placed in large earthenware vessels standing on triangular platforms beside the hearth until the heat and smoke from the fire roasted them. Ditches for refuse, which in the second phase were fenced off by many of the posts of the buildings in Sector A, were irregular in shape and somewhat shallow. They contained mostly left-over bones from animals slaughtered for food and artefacts. The plentiful building materials retrieved in Sectors B and C — ends of pillars with forked tips, fragments of walls made of branches tied together, large beams and planks — enable us to imagine the method used to build the huts at La Draga: a rectangular structure with three or four rows of pillars and walls made of branches lashed together and coated in mud and straw would have support-

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ed a double-sloping roof, possibly made from sheaves of reeds.6 The posts were usually made of oak, 12-15 cm in diameter, and driven into the ground 80-90 cm apart. The upper end could be fork-shaped to support the main roof beams, which were 3-3.5 m above the ground. A large number of stakes, 3-5 cm thick, were driven into the chalk between the trunks to strengthen the walls, which were made of interwoven willow or hazel branches. The bark of the posts was always left on. The ends were single-bevelled, double-bevelled, multifaceted or conical. This enabled them to be driven into the lake chalk to depths of up to 2.7 m. The pillars were probably lashed to the beams and rafters with wild clematis, Clematis vidalba, which is common in oak woods, or with ropes made of plant bast. The rectangular huts at La Draga match the usual patterns for Neolithic lakeside villages, which are well known in the Alpine zone from the middle Neolithic to the Bronze Age. Rectangular wooden huts are the most suitable for lakeside environments where buildings have to be erected on chalk. The village of La Marmotta (Lake Bracciano, north of Rome) presents the closest affinities to La Draga, both chronologically and culturally, and here the first dendrochronological findings also point to rectangular huts. On the other hand, in Cardial settlements on the dry, hard, stony terrains characteristic of the western Mediterranean basin — Les Guixeres (Viloví, Alt Penedès), Barranc d’En Fabra, near Tortosa (Montsià), or Baratin (Courthézon, Provence) — the traditional pattern is invariably that of oval huts resting on a plinth of stone blocks with thatched roofs of sticks and heather, supported by a row of wooden pillars. Neolithic villages in the Alpine region7 comprise groups of ten to fifteen rectangular huts, arranged in one or two rows, which stood at right-angles to the lakeshore during the middle Neolithic and parallel to it from the late Neolithic and Chalcolithic to the Bronze Age. The huts were 12-15 m long, 4-5 m wide and 3-4 m high. This gave them a somewhat heavy appearance, which was accentuated by walls made of interwoven branches with a mud and straw daub.8 In the Alpine region, middle Neolithic huts — the oldest so far discovered date from the mid-5th to the mid-4th millennium BC — were built directly on the ground or were slightly raised.9 In contrast, during the late Neolithic and Chalcolithic (from the middle of the 4th to the middle of the 3rd millennium BC) and especially the early Bronze Age (late 3rd and early 2nd millennia BC), they were often built on platforms, but nearly always on the shore, not over the water. The true pile-houses are not found in the Alps until the closing stages of the Bronze Age or the early Iron Age (between the middle of the 2nd and the beginning of the 1st millennium BC). During this particularly violent period, it must have been necessary to build dwellings over water.

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Neolithic Implements: Clay, Stone, Bone and Wood The spectacular nature of the tools and other items made of wood discovered at La Draga tended, at least from 1995 onwards, to overshadow objects such as ceramics, implements made of chipped flint, polished stone and bone which are found on all early Neolithic sites in Catalonia, including La Draga. Yet some of these objects, notably pottery vessels, still afford vital assistance in defining the chronology of the settlement more precisely. Ceramic pots are always hand-modelled from local clay tempered with quartz and mica. In recent years some fairly large pieces with lavish cockleshell decorations have been found among the huts in Sectors B and C, in the lower part of the site. It is possible that they fell into the muddy sediment beneath the huts and were preserved there much better than in Sector A, where only small and rather badly eroded potsherds have been retrieved, often without any trace of decoration. The commonest earthenware receptacles at La Draga are small and medium-sized round pots (bowls and cooking pots), with or without a neck, subspherical or hemispherical in shape, and suitable for cooking. The second most widespread receptacles are large cylindrical jars. These too have convex bottoms but were used for storing food (Fig. 10). The decorations follow the usual patterns of the western Mediterranean Cardial-ware culture: cockleshell and comb impressions, moulding (smooth cords, nipple-like projections) and combed areas produced by dragging the edge of the shell over the surface. The closest equivalents, within the tradition of Cardial-impressed pottery, are those found at the Leucate-Corrège site,10 rather than on other sites on the central Catalan coast,11 the coast of Alacant4 or the western Mediterranean coastline in general.12

Figure 10. Ceramic pots with Cardial decoration from La Draga

Chipped stone tools were made basically from flint and quartz crystals. These materials were brought from outside the immediate area, because Banyoles lies in the midst of a lake basin and the only local stone is travertine. Tools made here included blades with a flaked edge which were inserted into the wooden handles of sickles or used

Figure 11. Bone spoon from La Draga, 1998

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Figure 14. Oak-wood vessel from La Draga, 2005 Figure 12. Bone arrowhead from La Draga, 2003

Figure 13. Ring made from horn from La Draga, 2003

Figure 15. Box-wood comb from La Draga, 2005

as knives; microlith arrowheads (in the shape of a trapezium or a segment of a circle); and piercers and scrapers set into handles made from deer antlers. The only polished stone items found at La Draga are adze blades (no axes have appeared so far). They are made from schist or hornfels from the Cap de Creus, on the Mediterranean coast, or the Pyrenees. It is also worth stressing that no wooden axe handles have been found in the village either, only adze handles. This is very strange and has led us think that we should check whether polished stone axe blades really existed in the western Mediterranean in the early Neolithic (the second half of the 6th millennium BC). Perhaps they do not occur until the middle Neolithic (the 5th millennium BC). As on most Cardial sites, implements made from the horns and bones of animals — chiefly deer, sheep, goats and bovines — are numerous and varied. The items recovered include burins, spatulas, long pins, a curved needle with an eye in the base, spoons, toothed spatulas for decorating earthenware, and tubes made from birds’ bones, the purpose of which is unknown (Fig. 11).

But one magnificent discovery made in recent years deserves to be highlighted: several arrowheads, some short and some long (7-12.5 cm), with single or double bevelling at the end that was attached to the shaft. They bear marked similarities to the famous assegais of the Upper Paleolithic and very few have been found in Catalonia in Cardial contexts. Points of this type could kill quite large animals (deer, roe-deer, wild boar, goats and wild bulls), whereas flint microliths seem suitable only for hunting birds or rabbits (Fig. 12). The bedstones of the hand-operated mills used at La Draga for grinding cereal grains are small and slightly concave. They are made from porous rocks such as basalt or coarse-grained rocks such as granite or sandstone. They were used in conjunction with oval grinders, and possibly pestles as well, made from similar stones. Large stone artefacts also included strikers for chipping flint and polishers for smoothing and burnishing pottery. Personal ornaments, some of them veritable sumptuary items, were made from seashells, polished stone, animal bones and horns. Many (dentalia for instance) were

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Cat. Hist. Rev. 1, 2008 27

used in their natural form, others were pierced (Columbella, cockle and scallop shells and animal teeth), while still others (beads for necklaces, rings and bracelets) were entirely carved out of stone (soapstone or marble), or bone, horn or seashells. Rings are especially plentiful, though few had previously been discovered on Catalan early Neolithic sites. They consist of a simple circle with one or two rounded protuberances. Several deer antlers have also been found with grooves that served as matrices for shaping rings (Fig. 13). The marble items are something of a novelty in the early Neolithic in Catalonia. Beads, rings and bracelets, both narrow and broad, have been found at La Draga, as well as a proximal fragment of a round-headed pin and a small tulip-shaped pot, all made out of marble. They were not made in the village itself because the marble is of foreign origin. They may have been obtained by bartering, travelling from hand to hand over long distances.

Figure 17. Adze handle from La Draga, 2001

Figure 16. Bottom of a basket from La Draga, 1997

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The preservation of organic materials is a unique characteristic of La Draga and endows it with special importance among prehistoric sites in the Iberian Peninsula. Thanks to the number and variety of the wooden objects found there, this early Neolithic village in northeastern Catalonia is an irreplaceable source of information on Neolithic implements made from perishable organic materials and has yielded the most important collection of finds from the period, both quantitatively and qualitatively. We will not devote much space to the description of each of the 168 wooden items found in Sectors B and C at La Draga between 1995 and 2005 because a monograph has already been devoted to them.2 The identification of the species used and the experiments to determine the manufacturing process were conducted by Raquel Piqué (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona) and Antoni Palomo (Arqueolític). Suffice it to recall that numerous household items have been unearthed here. Some are kitchen implements (bowls, ladles and scoops made from oak, a yew-wood stirrer, and two spatulas, one made from box and the other from hazel); others are for weaving (two combs and eight double-pointed needles or spindles, all made of boxwood). Numerous fragments of baskets — for carrying or

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Figure 18. Box-wood sickle from La Draga, 2005

storage — have also been found. They were made from aquatic plants, sometimes reinforced by hazel branches (Figs. 14-15-16). Box-wood wedges and adzes were used in the building of huts, household furniture and pirogues (Fig. 17). Ten adzes have been found to date, six of which were made of oak, one of juniper, one of boxwood, one of pine and one of yew. The platform to which the polished stone blades were fitted measured between 6.5 cm and 14 cm. One, however, measured 26 cm, which means that either the polished stone blade was enormous, or it was made of deer antler. As mentioned earlier, the beams were lashed to the wooden pillars with wild clematis and rope made from plaited or twisted plant fibres. One of the noteworthy items of furniture is an object we refer to as a hook. It consists in a thin, narrow piece of wood, with a hole at one end and a hook at the other, reinforced with two concave rims. Six fragments and one whole hook have been found. Three of the fragments are made of laurel, one of maple, one of holm oak, and one of apple wood. The complete hook is made of box wood. We assume they were either for hanging things on, or possibly bucranes, and that they were attached to the inner or outer walls of the huts. Farming tools are the most numerous and varied. Of special note are nine sickles (seven complete and two unfinished). Nearly all (seven) are made of box wood, but one is of elder wood and one of juniper. They were made by heating a branch and bending it until the distal end formed a right or obtuse angle, or by choosing two branches that were already joined at the desired angle (Fig. 18). The sickle had a curved end for catching the stalks, one or two slots for the teeth or flint cutting edges, and a cylindrical grip. The flint blades were inserted into one side of the tool, at right angles to the handle. The reaper hooked the curved end round the stalks just below the ears, and at a flick of the wrist the flint blade severed them. If the straw was needed, the same operation was repeated at ground level. The other essential farming tool at La Draga was the digging stick, which was used for sowing grain in furrows and the seeds of leguminous plants in holes. Of the twen-

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Figure 19. Long double-pointed digging stick from La Draga, 2001

ty-four sticks identified, twenty were made of box wood, two of apple wood, one of oak, and one of hazel wood. Five were short (23-31 cm) with a single conical tip, and fifteen were long (41.5-87 cm), with a conical pointed tip at one end and a bevelled tip at the other. We assume that those with two tips could be used to dig holes or furrows as required (Fig. 19). Under the heading of agricultural implements we include a few complex items with secondary branches or forks, which seem to have been used like a garden fork, to turn the soil over. We will not discuss the many other pointed sticks found at La Draga without the finishing touches that enable us to identify the digging sticks and which could be used for a variety of different crafts. We will however refer to a few items to do with hunting, a by no means negligible activity in this early Neolithic village. Six carefully smoothed or polished box-wood tips of shafts have been recovered and we have tentatively identified these as lance or javelin heads. The pieces are 12-52.3 cm long and 1.2-2.7 cm in diameter. One has a notch on the back and another has a thicker cylindrical portion at the base of the tip. The magnificently polished and sharpened points lead us to believe that they really are the distal ends of throwing weapons.

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Since 1995 twenty-nine pieces of arrow shafts have been found at La Draga. Some belong to the medial part of the shaft, others to the distal part. The sharp head is carved out of the wood itself. The surviving fragments measure 5-15 cm in length, with diameters ranging from 0.6 to 0.9 cm. They are made of dogwood, willow or box wood. No distal tips have so far been found with a notch for inserting a trapezoidal flint head — many such heads have been found on the site — or for fitting the horn and bone assegai heads which have also been found there. On the other hand we have retrieved a cylindrical shaft tip made of solid box wood. Among Neolithic lakeside groups in Switzerland, where they are commonplace, these are considered to be arrows for bringing birds down without killing them. Of all the tools disinterred at La Draga, those that caused the greatest excitement were possibly two bows made from yew found in 2001 and 2003 respectively (Fig. 20). One is 105 cm long, 3.4 cm wide and 2.2 cm thick, with an oval cross-section. The surface is lightly polished and the tips to which the string was attached have not survived. The other is only 35 cm long, 2.8 cm wide and 1 cm thick and the cross-section is plano-convex. In this case one of the tips still bears the two notches to which one end of the string was fixed. The string was probably made of animal gut or plant fibres. These two Neolithic bows from La Draga — along with some from the Linear Pottery Culture of Central Europe, such as grave 704-706 at the

Figure 20. Fragment of a yew-wood bow from La Draga, 2005

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chwanfeld necropolis13 — are probably among the oldest in Europe.14 It seems likely that a very large proportion — possibly the majority — of the implements used by prehistoric populations from the upper Paleolithic onwards were made of wood. But their relative value depended on the ease with which they could be made and the length of their useful life. Some implements, such as sickles, adzes or bows, required painstaking preparation and often the whole surface was polished. This makes us think that their users were especially attached to them and their useful life could be a long one. On the other hand items such as pointed posts were fashioned with as few blows of the adze as possible, and some still bear the bark of the original branch. These objects were destined to perform a specific function for a short time. Undoubtedly the amount of specialization that existed is also shown by the different ways such items were made. We cannot rule out the possibility that certain objects which were made with special care (bows or sickles) were produced by artisans with some degree of specialization. However, there seems little standardization, generally speaking, in the method of working, so probably anyone good with their hands could make them. The discovery at La Draga of all these tools and other items made of wood and basketry is exceptional in the context of the Iberian Peninsula, especially in view of the fact that that they date back to the early Neolithic, the end of the 6th millennium BC. Some exceptional Neolithic and Bronze Age items made from plant materials have in fact been found in other parts of the Iberian Peninsula, deep inside caves where the unchanging, oxygen-poor environment has helped to preserve them. For instance, basketry items painted with geometrical motifs and esparto-grass shoes were found in the Cueva de los Murciélagos (Albuñol, Granada) at the end of the 19th century by Manuel de Góngora.15 More recently they have been studied by Carmen Alfaro16 and the team headed by Carmen Cacho.17 The last-mentioned study yielded three new radiocarbon datings which situate these items at the end of the Andalusian early Neolithic, between 5,200 and 4,600 BC. Another important find was made in Murcia. It dated from the second half of the 3rd millennium BC, which there belongs to the Chalcolithic. Grave offerings made from organic materials (a linen tunic, remains of a painted leather bag, an esparto-grass mat, an oak-wood vessel, and a wooden eye-idol) were discovered in the Cueva Sagrada in Lorca,18,19 where at least three persons were buried. Alongside these items four flint arrowheads and three copper burins were found. Radiocarbon analysis of the esparto grass dates this collective burial at 3,870 ± 100 BP which, when calibrated, means the 3rd millennium BC. Another find worth mentioning is the magnificent whole axe with a wooden handle and a polished stone blade which was found in the early 20th century in the Cueva de los Blanquizares at Lébor (Totana, Murcia). The date is

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uncertain — somewhere between the Neolithic and the Chalcolithic.20 If we continue into the Bronze Age — the 2nd millennium BC —, we can also refer to the curved sickle handle with numerous flint teeth found at the village of Mas de Menente (Alcoi, Alacant)21 or the grave offerings from tomb 121 at the Argaric site of Castellón Alto (Galera, Granada). The latter included a complete holm oak-wood adze with a copper blade, as well as pottery vessels, silver rings, bracelets and a copper dagger. All were recovered from beside the partially mummified remains of an adult and child.22 To conclude this section we recall that some prehistoric objects made of organic materials have been found on other sites not far from Catalonia: the Cova des Càrritx and Cova des Mussol (Ciutadella)23 and the Cova des Pas (Ferreries).24 All three are in Minorca and all date from the end of the 1st millennium BC, which on the island corresponds to the Bronze Age or early Iron Age. All these prehistoric finds, however, except those from the Cueva de los Murciélagos, belong to a period very far removed from La Draga. In order to find Neolithic objects made from organic materials comparable to those from La Draga we must focus on Mesolithic and Neolithic sites in the north and east of Europe, in addition to the Alpine sites mentioned earlier. Even so, the site of La Marmotta (Lake Bracciano, Rome) is the only one with the same time range — the second half of the 6th millennium BC — and the same cultural facies: the early Neolithic Cardial-ware phase. If we compare the collection of wood, basketry and rope items from La Draga with items found on European Mesolithic sites dating from the 6th millennium BC, we observe certain curious coincidences that are not repeated in early or middle Neolithic groups. The bows and arrows of the Mesolithic cultures of Denmark and northern Germany (the Ertebolle culture) are already well known, as are those found more recently on the Russian plain north of Moscow, where other important sites have been discovered in peat bogs, such as Vis-I and Zamostje-2.25 The simple bow with an oval or triangular cross-section is present on the first-mentioned site25 (see Fig. 4), while in Zamostje-2 many wooden lance and arrow heads and large baskets and paddles for pirogues have been discovered25 (see Fig. 36). These lance heads, notably, have not been found on any other European early Neolithic site except La Draga. If we now turn our attention to early Neolithic settlements from the second half of the 6th millennium BC, virtually the only possible points of comparison are La Marmotta (Lake Bracciano), north of Rome, ErkelenzKückhoven (Cologne), in north-western Germany, and the Schwanfeld necropolis in the Main valley near Frankfurt, which was recently studied by D. Gronenborrn (reference 13, p.178). The first of these belongs, like La Draga, to the Mediterranean Cardial culture and various wooden

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tools fulfilling similar functions to those found at La Draga (digging sticks, sickles and hoes) have been found there, underwater. They are of a quite different type, however (reference 3, pp. 12 and 22). The wooden sickles from La Marmotta usually consist of a handle and a semicircular blade fitted with several sloping flint flakes. Thus they differ considerably from the right-angled or obtuse-angled sickles found at La Draga, with cutting elements perpendicular to the shaft. Apparently at La Marmotta the sickle struck the stalk, whereas at La Draga it severed it just below the ear. We must recall, however, that some exceptionally fine early Neolithic finds were made at La Marmotta: earthenware models of pirogues (reference 3, Plates XVI and XVII) and a mother goddess carved in black soapstone (reference 26, p. 29, Figs.1-2), which was found during the latest excavations. Let us turn now to German sites of the Linear Pottery culture. Discoveries at Erkelenz-Kückhoven include hoes, spades and forks with several prongs suitable for turning over soft earth, a piece of a bow, and medial portions of arrows (reference 27, Figs. 6 and 8a ). In Tomb 704/706 at the Schwanfeld necropolis in southwestern Germany, which belongs to an early phase of the same cultural group, a skeleton was found in a crouching position holding a complete wooden adze with a polished stone blade, a complete bow, and several arrows with trapezoidal flint heads (reference 13, p. 178). But it is only when we consider the middle Neolithic sites in the Alpine area dating from the 5th and 4th millennia BC that we find truly striking resemblances to tools and other items found at La Draga. At the villages on the shores of Lakes Chalain and Clairvaux5,6,9,28 and the village of Charavines on Lake Paladru29 — all in French Jura —, at the sites in Switzerland belonging to the Cortaillod and Pfyn cultures,7,8,30 and those of the Horn culture on Lake Constance in southern Germany,31,32 the list of finds bears marked similarities to La Draga: pots, stirrers, ladles, spatulas, spades, needles, combs, baskets, ropes, rolls of wild clematis (reference 9, p. 156), wedges, adzes, sickles, posts, digging sticks, bows and arrows.

Food Production: Farmers and Herdsmen The studies carried out by Ramon Buxó (Museu d’Arqueologia de Catalunya) indicate that the agricultural production system at La Draga was fairly complex and varied. The inhabitants grew the same early Neolithic cereal crops as are usually found in the western Mediterranean: naked wheat, naked compact wheat, emmer wheat, naked and husked barley. Naked wheat is found in vast quantities; amounts of other crops are virtually residual.1 These crops must have been grown on the magnificent fields located on the broad plains nearby: the Pla d’Usall and Pla de Martís, half a kilometre north of La Draga. The grain was winnowed in the village itself and stored in large

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pottery vessels, which may have been kept in the oval, stone-paved enclosures in Sector A. Afterwards much of the grain was roasted on the hearths also located in Sector A so that it could be made into flour more easily or for immediate consumption. The triangular constructions identified in the dendrochronological study beside the two fireplaces in Sector A could well be small platforms on which the jars containing the grain stood while it was roasted. Broad beans and peas were also grown: large quantities of beans were recovered from the archeological level in Sectors A and B, and a small number of peas in Sector A only. This leads us to believe that leguminous crops were cultivated in the village itself, probably on the muddy ground near the edge of the Lake. There is ample evidence that fruits, nuts and berries were gathered in the nearby woods: hazelnuts, walnuts, acorns, pine nuts, blackberries, sloes, crab apples, wild pears, cherries and grapes are found in large quantities. Animal husbandry was widespread among the early Neolithic inhabitants of La Draga.1 The more than 22,000 fragments of dead animals recovered from the site constitute a sufficiently significant sample; indeed, research carried out by Maria Saña (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona) indicates that it is unquestionably the best sample from the Catalan early Neolithic. Bovines and pigs were numerous, alongside the usual sheep and goats. This was seldom the case on existing Catalan early Neolithic sites, most of which were located in caves, but since open-air settlements, such as the nearby Plansallosa settlement in Garrotxa, have begun to be excavated, it is becoming more frequent.33 The age scale of the animals indicate that they were used in two ways: they were raised for meat but also for milk and dairy produce (butter and cheese). Interesting, albeit scarce, traces of the presence of dogs have also been found, as on most other early Neolithic sites in the Iberian Peninsula and elsewhere in Europe. It has sometimes been suggested that the motive power of older oxen was used for dragging trunks, for instance, or for breaking up the soil, because of certain malformations that are detected in their limbs and occipital bones.34 The diet of the Neolithic inhabitants of La Draga also depended to a considerable extent on plant gathering and hunting wild animals. These activities assured a wide variety of foodstuffs, which were obtained from the sea, the Lake, the nearby forests and the mountains which formed the border of their supply area. That the villagers were fond of seafood is shown by the large numbers of marine mussel shells found round the hearths. These were brought from the closest Mediterranean beaches, located 50-60 km away as the crow flies. We can assume that the remains of a cormorant skeleton found in Sector B are also the result of an expedition to the coast. Probably the bird was shot so that its feathers could be used for arrows.

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Lakeshore woods (hazelnut trees and willows) and hinterland forests (oaks and firs) grew round about the village. Here the inhabitants gathered a wide variety of berries (blackberries and sloes), other fruits (grapes, apples and cherries) and nuts (acorns, pine nuts, walnuts and hazelnuts), which they kept in baskets or leather bags. These were a very necessary complement to a diet already quite rich in cereals, pulses and the meat of domestic livestock. On the other hand, the villagers obtained very little food from the Lake. The only signs of the exploitation of its resources are the numerous remains of fresh-water turtles (Emys orbicularis) retrieved from the hearths and the hut area, very small numbers of mussels from the Lake, the odd freshwater fish (eels, barbels, Leuciscus cephalus and Rutilus arcasii), and a single fragment of a goosander (Mergus merganser). The inhabitants probably went fishing on the Lake in pirogues, armed with harpoons and nets, but no relics of these have come down to us so little can be said on the subject. The dearth of finds to do with fishing, apart from the remains of the fish themselves (spines and jaws), is truly surprising, because such items are found in most lakeside habitats.35 Hunting36 was still a very important source of animal protein at La Draga, despite the relative abundance of protein from domestic livestock. It is interesting to note the clear and plentiful signs of the presence of wild oxen, and of wild boars, rabbits, deer, roe-deer and wild goats. Relics of the two last species show that the hunting grounds of the Neolithic inhabitants of La Draga extended beyond the woods of the immediate hinterland into the highlands surrounding the Lake basin. Remains of a few foxes and a small musteline indicate that certain species were hunted to obtain skins for winter clothing. All this shows that the diet of the Neolithic inhabitants of La Draga can be considered quite rich and varied, though the proportion of meat must have been far in excess of the figures available for medieval and modern Europe.

Final Considerations: Living and Dying round Lake Banyoles The discovery of the sites of La Marmotta and La Draga in 1989-1990, both located at the same latitude and near the western shores of the Mediterranean, brought about a major change in the study of Neolithic lakeside villages in Europe. Not only did they introduce Mediterranean settlements into the field for the first time, but they are, for now, the only early Neolithic sites belonging to the Cardial cultural facies which date from the middle or late 6th millennium BC. This has lent weight to the idea that the first Neolithic lakeside villages in fact sprang up near the Mediterranean and moved from there to the Swiss valleys, as the presence of groups with Cardial-style pottery in the Alpine zone already seemed to indicate.

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We can say little of the spiritual or religious beliefs of the inhabitants of La Draga. We know that in other sites from the same period, including La Marmotta, stone idols have come to light.26 The fact that most of these are steatopygous female figurines with exaggerated sexual attributes is a sign that the cult of the mother goddess, which started in the Upper Paleolithic, was still alive. This cult, with local variations, was to persist as least as far as the Chalcolithic (the end of the 3rd millennium BC). The few early Neolithic tombs discovered in Catalonia and adjacent zones indicate that this early phase of permanent settlements and food production was marked by a firm belief in the afterworld.37 Unfortunately no burial places (graves, cists or caves) have been found at La Draga itself or in the vicinity which could give us an idea of how they buried their dead. However about 4 km to the northwest, in some of the Serinyà caves — Cova d’en Pau, Cova de l’Arbreda and Cova de Mollet-III — a few archeological Cardial remains have appeared which may date from the same period as the La Draga site. Excavation work done in the mid-20th century revealed that all these caves contained human remains from different periods. It is possible, therefore, that one or more served as a necropolis for the inhabitants of the nearby Neolithic village. But we must also consider the possibility that many corpses were simply thrown into the Lake, ritually cremated, or buried in deep graves in the travertine, since any of these methods would make it almost impossible to locate them. It only remains for us to mention that remains of a human adult — an incisor and a phalanx from a foot — appeared among the animal remains found in Sector A of La Draga. Human remains — even skulls and a few long bones — have often been found mixed with the bones of animals that were eaten in Neolithic lakeside villages in Switzerland. Often this phenomenon is not reported because it is difficult to account for.8 In any case, these two isolated instances of human bones being found at La Draga could easily be explained as work accidents. To conclude this article we wish to express the conviction that, despite the seventeen years that have passed since excavations began, La Draga still has a tremendous amount to tell us about the early Neolithic in Catalonia and other parts of the Iberian Peninsula. Archeological work was halted in 2005 so that we could concentrate on publishing all the results obtained so far and put the finishing touches to the Parc Neolític de La Draga, where the general public can now find out what life was like on the shores of Lake Banyoles 7,200 years ago. We are confident that we will be able to resume excavations in the coming years with renewed strength and broader perspectives. This should enable us to clarify certain aspects that at present can only be guessed at, for lack of adequate information, such as the way the huts were arranged in the village and the purpose of some of the implements.

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Notes and References [1] [2]

[3]

[4]

[5] [6] [7]

[8]

[9] [10]

[11]

[12]

[13] [14] [15] [16]

A. Bosch, J. Chinchilla, J. Tarrús et al. El poblat lacustre neolític de la Draga. Excavacions de 1990-1998. Monografies del CASC, 2, Girona 2000. A. Bosch, J. Chinchilla, J. Tarrús et al. Els objectes de fusta del poblat neolític de la Draga. Excavacions de 1995-2005. Monografies del CASC, 6, Girona 2006. M.A. Fugazzola, G. D’Eugenio, A. Pessina. “La Marmotta (Anguillara Sabazia, R.M.). Scavi 1989. Un abitato perilacustre di età neolítica”. Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana, 84, new series II. Rome (1993), pp. 181-342. J. Bernabeu. La tradición cultural de las cerámicas impresas en la zona oriental de la península ibérica. Trabajos Varios, 86. Servicio de Investigación Prehistórica de la Diputación Provincial, Valencia 1989. P. Pétrequin, A. M. Pétrequin. Chalain & Clairvaux. 4000 ans d’habitat lacustre, Jura. Itinéraire 24. Ed. du Patrimoine du Franche-Comté, 2000. P. Pétrequin. Construire une maison 3000 ans avant J.-C. Ed. Errance, Paris 1991. J.L. Voruz. Le néolithique suisse. Bilan documentaire. Document du Département d’Anthropologie et d’Ecologie de l’Université de Genève, 16, Geneva 1991. D. Ramseyer. Cités lacustres. Le Néolithique dans le canton de Fribourg, Suisse de 3867 à 2462 avant J.C. Catalogue of the exhibition at the Musée du Malgré-Tout. Treignes (Belgium) 1992. A.M. Pétrequin, P. Pétrequin. Cités lacustres du Jura. Préhistoire des lacs de Chalain et de Clairvaux (4000-2000 ans av.J.-C.). Ed. Errance, Paris 1988. J. Guilaine, A. Freises, R. Montjardin et al. Leucate-Corrège, habitat noyé du néolithique cardial. Centre d’Anthropologie des Sociétés Rurales, Toulouse 1984. A. Martín Cólliga. Dinámica del Neolítico antiguo y medio en Cataluña. Aragón./Litoral Mediterráneo. Intercambios culturales durante la Prehistoria, 1990, pp. 319-333. J. Guilaine. “Premiers paysans de la Méditerranée occidentale” in J. Guilaine. De la vague à la tombe. La conquête néolithique de la Méditerranée. Ed. Seuil, Paris 2003, pp. 135-162. K. Mazurié. El origen del Neolítico en Europa. Agricultores, cazadores y pastores. Ed. Ariel Prehistoria. Barcelona 2007, p. 178. J. Junkmanns. Arc et flèche. Fabrication et utilisation au néolithique. Ed. Musée Schwab, Bienne 2006. M. de Góngora. Antigüedades Prehistóricas de Andalucía. Madrid 1868. C. Alfaro. Tejido y cestería en la Península Ibérica. Historia de su técnica e industrias desde la Prehistoria a la Romanización. Biblioteca Praehistorica His-

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La Draga (Banyoles, Catalonia), an Early Neolithic Lakeside Village in Mediterranean Europe

[17]

[18]

[19] [20] [21] [22]

[23]

[24]

[25] [26] [27]

pana XXI. Instituto Español de Prehistoria, CSIC, Madrid 1984. C. Cacho, C. Papí, A. Sánchez-Barriga, F. Alonso. “La cestería decorada de la cueva de los Murciélagos (Albuñol, Granada)”. Complutum Extra, 6 (I). Madrid (1996), pp. 105-122 MªM. Ayala. “Enterramientos calcolíticos de la Sierra de Tercia, Lorca, Murcia.Estudio preliminar”. Anales de Prehistoria y Arqueología, 3. Murcia (1987), pp. 9-24. MªM. Ayala. “Estudio preliminar del ritual fune rario calcolítico en la comarca de Lorca, Murcia”. Zephyrus, XLIII. Salamanca (1990), pp. 77-86. Ll. Pericot, J.C. Serra-Ràfols. “La cultura primitiva”. Historia Universal, Vol. 1. Ed. Instituto Gallach de Librería y Ediciones, Barcelona (1931), p. 63. B. Martí. El naixement de l’agricultura en el País Valencià. Del Neolític a l’Edat del Bronze. Secretariat de Publicacions, Universitat de València 1983, p. 96. Mª. O. Rodríguez-Ariza, F. Molina, M.C. Botella, S.A. Jiménez, I. Alemán. “Les restes parcialment momificades de la sepultura 121 del jaciment argàric de Castellón Alto (Galera, Granada)”. Cota Zero, 19. Vic (2004), pp. 13-15. V. Lull, R. Micó, C. Rihuete, R. Risch. La cova des Càrritx y la cova des Mussol. Ideología y sociedad en la prehistòria de Menorca. Consell Insular de Menorca 1999. Excavations carried out by the University of the Balearic Islands and the University of Barcelona at the Cova des Pas (Ferreries, Minorca) in 2005, under the direction of Manuel Calvo, Víctor Guerrero, Josep Mª Fullola and Àngels Petit. The cave is a collective burial site where human organic remains have been preserved along with the esparto-grass ropes and wooden stretchers that were used to carry the corpses down the cliff to the mouth of the cave. V. M. Lozovski. Zamostje 2. Guides archéologiques du “Malgré Tout”. Ed. Du Cedarc, Treignes (1996). M. A. Fugazzola. “La piccola «dea madre» del lago di Bracciano”. Bulletino di Paletnologia Italiana 91-92. Rome (2000-2001), pp. 27-45. J. Weiner. “Well on my back — An update on the Bandkeramik wooden well of Erkelenz-kückhoven”. News WARP, 16, 5-17. Wetland Archaeology

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[28] [29] [30]

[31] [32] [33]

[34]

[35]

[36]

[37]

Research Project, Fursdon Mill Cottage, Thoverton, Devon (1994). A. M. Pétrequin, P. Pétrequin. Le Néolithique des lacs. Préhistoire des lacs de Chalain et de Clairvaux (4000-2000 av. JC). Ed. Errance, Paris 1988. A. Bocquet, A. Houot. “Charavines il y a 5000 ans”. Les dossiers de l’Archéologie 199, Dijon (1994). J. Winiger. “Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Beils”. Helvetia archaeologica 12, Horgener Kultur. Antiqua 8, Publications de la Société Suisse de Préhistoire et Archéologie. Verlag Huber, Fraunfeld (1981-A). H. Schlichtherle. “Jungsteinzeitliche Erntegeräte am Bodensee”. Plattform 1/1992. Unteruhldingen (1992), pp. 24-44. H. Schlichtherle (coord.). Pfahlbauten rund um die Alpen, Archäologie in Deutschland. Sonderheft 1997. Ed. Theiss, Stuttgart (1997). A. Bosch, R. Buxó, A. Palomo, M. Buch, J. Mateu, E. Tabernero, J. Casadevall. “El poblat neo lític de Plansallosa. L’explotació del territori dels primers agricultors-ramaders de l’Alta Garrotxa”. Publicacions Eventuals d’Arqueologia de la Garrotxa 5, Olot (1998). J. Tarrús, M. Saña, J. Chinchilla, A. Bosch. La Draga (Banyoles, Catalogne): traction animale à la fin du VIè millénaire? in “Premiers chariots, premiers araires. La diffusion de la traction animale, en Europe pendant les IVè et IIIè millénaires avant notre ère”. Table Ronde de Frasnois, 12-15 June 2002. Ed. CNRS, Paris (2006), pp. 25-30. M.A. Fugazzola. Un tufo nel passato. 8000 anni fa nel lago di Bracciano. Soprintendenza Speciale al Museo Nazionale Prehistorico Etnográfico, Luigi Pigorini. Beta-Gamma ed, Viterbo 1996. A. Palomo, R. Piqué, A. Bosch, J. Chinchilla, J. F. Gibaja, M. Saña, J. Tarrús. “La caza en el yacimiento neolítico de La Draga (Banyoles-Girona)”. III Congreso del Neolítico Peninsular (Santan der 2003), 2005, pp. 135-144. A. Bosch, J. Tarrús et al. “La cova sepulcral del neolític antic de l’Avellaner: Cogolls, Les Planes d’Hostoles (La Garrotxa)”. Sèrie Monogràfica, 11. Centre d’Investigacions Arqueològiques de Girona, 1990.

About the Author Josep Tarrús i Galter (Girona, 1949) is the curator of the Museu Arqueològic Comarcal de Banyoles. He holds a doctorate in Prehistory and Ancient History from the University of Barcelona. His work as a prehistorian focusses on the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods in Catalonia. He is the author of several books on the topic and has published numerous articles in specialized journals. He has been in charge of the excavation of various sites and the restoration of megalithic monuments in Alt Empordà and other regions of Catalonia. He also excavated the Neolithic villages of La Draga (Banyoles) and Ca n’Isach (Palau-saverdera) and adapted the sites for visitors.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 35-46 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.3 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Barcelona, a Society and its Law: 11th-13th Centuries Tomàs de Montagut*

Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona

Abstract The legal system in Barcelona in the Lower Middle Ages — which we regard as a synthesis of rights (usages, customs, privileges, laws, and so on) and organization (municipality, universitat de prohoms, consulates, etc.)− had already attained maturity in the 13th century. It was first and foremost the outcome of the self-interested wishes of its leaders, the prohoms, or patricians, who directed the growth of Barcelona society, a development which was of clear benefit to them and enabled them to consolidate and perpetuate themselves as a social group by means of legal forms and formulas relating to the individual, family and society, which were suitable for and orientated towards their aim of assuming the political and financial leadership of the city. The considerable degree of autonomy achieved by Barcelona society in the 13th century thanks to its public and private legal institutions endured until the 18th century, when the new Bourbon dynasty abolished the municipal self-governing institutions.

Key words: Barcelona municipality, patriciate, market, loan, pàries, pledge, commerce, mortgage, comanda, merchant,

consulate

“Ubi societas ibi ius”: this aphorism, coined by a distinguished Roman jurist, tells us that all societies generate their own law. The correlative, however, is also true — “ubi ius ibi societas” — and reminds us that wherever we find law, it is because a society is in existence.2 In another article3 we undertook a more detailed analysis of the legal system in 13th century Barcelona, which was made up of customs, privileges and some incipient regulations which interacted with the city’s own political and administrative institutions. The latter took shape between 1249 and 1284 in the wake of a series of royal privileges setting up the municipality, or universitat, of Barcelona, endowing it with legal personality, and regulating the constitution and functions of its ruling magistrates and its consultative and governmental assemblies.4 However, the full significance of this legal system, which was specific to Barcelona, becomes clear only in the context of the society that produced it. The summary offered in this article will be based on a succinct overview of the valuable contributions made by Professor Stephen P. Bensch in his fundamental work Barcelona and its ru-

* Corresponding author: Tomàs de Montagut. Departament de Dret. Universitat Pompeu Fabra. Trias Fargas, 25-27. 08005 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 935421646. Fax: +34 935421646. E-mail: tomas.montagut@upf.edu

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lers, 1096-1291.5 His book remains to this day a seminal study of the history of Barcelona from the 11th to the 13th century by virtue of its insightful, penetrating approach, the relevance of the themes addressed, and its congruency and clarity of exposition.6 The legal system of 13th century Barcelona can be described, in essence, as primarily the fruit of the self-interested desires of its rulers. Bensch studies the origins of these rulers, or patricians,7 the role they played in directing urban expansion, which was of benefit to them, and how they consolidated and perpetuated their own social group by means of family forms suited to their aspiration to assume the social leadership of the city. The basic clues for interpreting the entire process of formation and evolution of the Barcelona patriciate are to be found, of course, in the geographical, political and economic setting. The origins of Catalan Barcelona date back to 801, when the Carolingians conquered what was then a Muslim city. Soon the surrounding area under the city’s direct influence began to specialize in producing high-quality crops. This ultimately led to its being referred to as the horta i vinyet (garden and vineyard) of Barcelona. The rec comtal, a channel following the course of the ancient Roman aqueduct from the Besòs river, became the city’s first source of water power, while the narrowness of the coastal plain forced the townspeople to seek whatever resources

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the city lacked and the surrounding area did not provide from across the sea. From 801 onwards Barcelona was to remain united under a single public jurisdiction and the seats of both the civil authority (the count) and the ecclesiastical authority (the bishop) were in the heart of the city, the civitas or urbs. The count and the bishop each owned two of the four gates in the Roman walls still encircling the city, which were never split up into private fortresses. Barcelona’s weekly market was held beside one of the count’s two castle-gates. This market was a prime source of wealth for Barcelona’s foremost rulers. Merchants, moneychangers, craftsmen and shopkeepers generally carried on business in the suburbs, the areas alongside the walls, and the new towns that sprang up beyond the walls between the 11th and 13th centuries. To fortify and protect the new districts to the west, James I started building a second wall to bring the whole area as far as the Rambles into the core of the city. The interests of the comital dynasty of Barcelona and those of the city were not at odds: on the contrary, many points of convergence and contact were to arise and these afforded joint opportunities that were beneficial to the city, to Catalonia, and to the whole new kingdom of Aragon, which was formed in the mid-12th century. The population of Barcelona grew fast: the inhabitants numbered 1,500 in the year 1000, about 10,000 in 1200, and approximately 34,000 by 1365. The increase created supply problems which could only be solved by a policy of economic expansion into other parts of Catalonia and across the Mediterranean. In this regard the interests of the rulers of Barcelona and those of their count-kings were clearly in harmony and they acted in coordination. Barcelona offered the monarchy a seat of government and a source of revenue to finance its policies. In exchange Barcelona, by the end of the 13th century, had attained predominance over the other cities in the kingdom, though it never became the imperial capital. Bensch also analyses the basic problems that affected the organization and coordination of the community: the initial constitution of public authority in Barcelona (9th-11th centuries);8 the ensuing crisis (11th century);9 and the rebuilding of public authority, which the counts achieved through governmental proceedings (military and fiscal measures), by ‘grace and favour’ (granting privileges and making appointments to public office), and through justice (by validating concòrdies, or private settlements, and setting up the tribunal del veguer, the vicar’s court). It is important to stress that cooperation from the rulers of Barcelona had a considerable impact on the political constitution of the Crown of Aragon,10 Catalonia,11 and the municipality of Barcelona, a process which, as mentioned above, was headed by the count-king. The very first privilege granted to Barcelona by the Carolingians (801) acknowledged the count’s authority over the most serious matters (such as fires, murders and

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kidnappings) but respected local custom12 in other cases. The trend was later formally confirmed by an increase in the count’s power as military leader and protector of the possessions of free peasants. The concentration of governmental power in the hands of the Count of Barcelona, Girona and Ausona was confirmed by the Carolingians in 878. The spiritual power of the Bishop of Barcelona did not restrict the temporal power of the Count of Barcelona. The bishop’s legal and fiscal immunity did not extend to political immunity and the solution was found in an alliance between the count and the bishop in which the count’s jurisdictional pre-eminence was clear. Thus the bishop never had his own jurisdictional enclave in the city of Barcelona. Even so the counts’ authority was undermined by a power crisis in 1041-1059 when the viscounts, veguers and castlans (sergeants who administered castles) attempted to seize resources and fiscal rights for themselves. Though they were all officials delegated by the count, they tended to appropriate their public offices and their rights over the administration of justice, the mint, markets and utilities (mills, ovens and water).13 In the 11th and 12th centuries Ramon Berenguer III and Ramon Berenguer IV granted favours and undertook reforms which successfully maintained jurisdictional unity in the count’s hands and curbed the abuses committed by viscounts and veguers, which threatened the urban community that was protected by privileges. The veguers of Barcelona (who are mentioned for the first time in 1094) and the batlles (bailiffs) of Barcelona (mentioned in 1144) were to assist the count in the performance of his public duties, notably in the field of taxes and tributes.14 The first census of Barcelona was drawn up in 1145 for tax-raising purposes. It is possible to state that the Barcelona urban community was identified at this period by means of the quèstia, a tax on each family or its assets, which had to be paid to the count. The first instance in which the townspeople cooperated in the count’s projects for territorial expansion is found at this same period (1148), when eleven eminent citizens of Barcelona made him a substantial loan to finance the military conquest of Tortosa. Under this agreement for the financing of a public war, the burghers who put up the loan were to enter the city government and recover their capital and interest through the management of certain rights, taxes and public utilities which the count assigned and ceded to them as a pledge and guarantee of the agreed payments. Count Ramon Berenguer IV reformed the administration and in 1179 regular accounting procedures were introduced throughout the king’s domains. This enterprising conception of government, and the legal security it offered, stimulated burghers to invest their capital in the royal finances.15 Not only was the royal administration gradually becoming better organized and adopting wide

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executive powers, but the economic results achieved and the legality of its management were being submitted to periodical examination. In other words, the demand for accountability introduced the principle of the rule of law according to which the management of royal officials in Barcelona had to be assessed in the light both of traditional Visigothic law and of the privileges and norms that were part of the incipient usages and customs of Barcelona, which would eventually translate the common interests of the citizens into law.16 The mechanism for solving conflicts and litigation and the competence for doing this underwent a similar evolution in Barcelona and throughout Catalonia. Until the 11th century the administration of justice was under the exclusive competence of the public authorities and the precepts and procedures followed in each case were those set out in the book of Visigothic legislation (Liber Iudiciorum) and handed down since the 6th century. The case was heard by a public court under the chairmanship of professional judges. The proceedings commenced when the defendant was served with a writ and concluded when a sentence applying written law to the facts rationally proved in the case was published. The power crisis that occurred in the 11th century led to litigation being solved through pacts and agreements between the parties. Thus the sentence — a public legal document — was replaced by various private documents known as convenientia, concordia, evacuatio, definitio or arbitratio.17 When the post of veguer was created in 1094,18 public justice was reborn, for the vicar’s court was a public tribunal where suits were settled through the application of legal principles (laws and customs) and not through negotiation between the opposing parties. Nonetheless the citizens of Barcelona continued using the latter procedure by applying to the Consell de cònsols i homes honorables de la ciutat (Council of consuls and honourable men of the city — 1094-1140) or the Consell de prohoms or Consell de pròcers (Council of worthy men or of regional notables — 1140-1180). By virtue of their experience and knowledge of the traditions and customs of the city, both helped to establish precedents and to validate the local customs of Barcelona by offering normative criteria and assistance in reaching a negotiated settlement in the cases submitted to them. Barcelona evolved from a situation in which two systems of justice coexisted (the vicar’s public tribunal, or Cúria del Veguer, and the Consell dels Prohoms) towards the reinforcement of the jurisdiction of the royal veguer. Thus citizen justice was weakened and the attempt to institutionalize the consuls failed (1183-1219). The reforms introduced between 1249 and 1284 brought this process to a close. A permanent municipal council was set up in Barcelona at this time and the king ordered his veguer to take an oath before it, to seek the advice of the assembly, and to carry out the decisions of the municipality (to endorse the proposals of the munici-

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pal council), while observing due fidelity and obedience to the monarch and his jurisdiction. In this way Barcelona’s prohoms (probes homines, or worthy men) succeeded in securing the legal institutionalization of the de facto position of political and social authority which their families had acquired over a long period of time as a result of particular set of economic circumstances.19 In 985 Barcelona had been destroyed by Al-Mansur and its surviving citizens taken captive. This event was followed in the 11th century by an initial phase of urban expansion. Growth was fuelled by a lively land market created by the many properties abandoned by their owners and demand for land was fairly high because of the accumulated capital that needed to be invested. The market at the Old Castle, beside one of the count’s gates in the Roman walls, afforded an easy and profitable outlet for the specialized crops that grew on the Barcelona plain (horta i vinyet) and part of these profits were invested in land. Moreover, until the Almoravids reached Al-Andalus (1090), the disintegration of the caliphate of Cordova (1030) permitted the establishment of a tributary economy that was beneficial to the counts of Barcelona: the Catalan milites (professional warriors) carried out razzias (ràtzies) and launched military attacks (empreniments) against the Muslim taifas, obliging them to pay tributes in gold (pàries) to the Catalan counts in exchange for peace and protection. This caused a shift in wealth from Al-Andalus to Catalonia. However the warriors never joined forces with merchants in agricultural produce from the Barcelona marketplace to launch more far-reaching projects for external trade. When the Almoravids put an end to the payment of pàries, the Barcelona economy slumped (10901140). This had adverse effects on the real estate market, the volume of credit, liquidity and supplies of coinage.20 It was not the specialized crops of gardens and vineyards that gave rise to the second phase of urban expansion (1140-1160) but long-term loans secured on land. These loans, which aimed at obtaining income in kind through agricultural pledges, were motivated by the fluctuating value of coinage and psychological attachment to land as a source of wealth. This was how Barcelona’s first patrician families began to accumulate small amounts of capital. Thanks to the political action of the counts, these families were gradually to fuse into a specific composite group. The monarch, exercising his jurisdiction by ‘grace and favour’, maintained a balance between the families. By so doing he avoided the destructive effects rivalry could have had on the community as a whole and on the emergence of the new identity which was gradually being built up in Barcelona to fill the power void left by the departure of the urban nobility (1040-1140). The nobles voluntarily fled the city because they preferred to consolidate their private power over allodial land in the countryside rather than recognizing the count’s higher public power in Barcelona and obtaining hypothetical gains in the city that were subject to that authority.

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In the mid-12th century Barcelona’s prohoms did not yet constitute a stable, homogeneous group of pre-eminent burghers. As early as 1140, however, a significant group of them had begun to assert their leadership in the city and to define a set of common economic interests which were gradually evolving into usages and customs. Soon learned jurists, who had been taught the latest trends in Roman and canon law in the universities, were to help reinforce these new economic interests by introducing and disseminating the European ius commune they had studied. The introduction of new legal formulas in such fields as family and matrimonial law, real property law and commercial law was to afford effective protection to the new patricians, their families and assets.21 Later, in 1203, the first privilege granted by King Peter I was addressed to the “probis hominibus et habitantis Barchinone”,22 a formula that implied recognition of the prohoms as a group of distinguished citizens who exercised leadership in the city. The explanation for this significant political and social rise of Barcelona’s prohoms is to be sought in four main factors: (1) the production of artisans and control over it; (2) urban loans and their functions; (3) the royal finances and urban jurisdiction; and (4) trade and the protection of trade.23 The new activities pursued by craftsmen constituted a source of wealth which made it possible to attain a modest degree of prosperity. However, major property owners and investors strove to participate in the profits by renting workshops and stalls to artisans and offering credit. Members of the most important crafts sold their products on the local market (hides, iron and foodstuffs) or rendered services (joiners, tailors, innkeepers and butchers). Other equally important occupations, however, were associated with foreign trade (weavers, sailors, merchants and money changers) and flourished thanks to certain star products such as cloth, spices, silver and skins. In the course of their everyday business artisans developed a collective identity long before most of them formed officially recognized guilds (14th century).24 In the 12th century loans secured on pledges and mortgages were the two legal formulas that enabled creditors to seize encumbered land or receive interest in the form of produce from the land. Thus unpaid loans often became a much cheaper way of acquiring land than by purchasing it. Two phenomena which also appeared at the same period were the practice of discounting and transferring credit instruments and the creation of loan societies whose members spread out the profits and obligations amongst themselves. All these legal tools enabled citizens and prohoms to invest safely and profitably and encouraged their families to become dependent on one another. The prohibition of usury by the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) and the lack of professional bankers did not stop these privileged — and still limited — credit operations. The ban had to be

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dodged, however, by redrafting documents in such as way that the now illicit practice of usury was concealed beneath some licit form of business, which in fact was fictitious, simulated, or indirect. The royal finances were one of the chief fields of investment for the recently accumulated capital of Barcelona’s prohoms. In the 12th century the monarchs had raised the capital they needed to fund their policy of expansion into New Catalonia25 and Occitania from the military orders, churches and city financiers. These loans were secured on pledges of tributes, tolls and domains in New Catalonia. The reign of Peter I (1190-1213) marked the beginning of a new era in the field of credit because the vast scale of the monarch’s debts forced him to resort to international operations and raise collective loans for large sums of money. It was at this period that Barcelona’s financiers became a powerful political force thanks to income from these loans: not only were they paid interest but they took part in the ventures launched by the king and barons and acquired urban and seigniorial jurisdictions.26 Thus through the peaceable method of granting loans, Barcelona’s patriciate became a public, or jurisdictional, authority in the city. Guillem Durfort, a prohom of Barcelona and financier of Peter I, is a representative example of this trend. Durfort formed a society of moneylenders which raised large amounts of capital for the king and consolidated an emerging group of wealthy Barcelona merchants. However, whereas the victory of Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212 sparked off speculative enthusiasm, the defeat at Muret the following year (1213) triggered a large-scale financial crisis, for the monarchy was unable to meet its financial commitments to leading Barcelona families. The royal treasury did not recover from this collapse until about 1220.27 However, the patricians of Barcelona had now found a method for cooperating with the monarchy and did not renounce this method when it came to reinvesting the substantial profits they made through foreign trade thanks to the imperialistic policies pursued by the Crown of Aragon in the Mediterranean in the 13th century. Thus the expansionist policy of the comital dynasty and the commercial policy of Barcelona’s citizens were not two separate worlds: they were complementary and made Barcelona a part of Mediterranean mercantile circuits, a development which brought wealth and prosperity to the city’s merchants.28 A tributary economy fed by gains obtained by the force of arms (piracy and demanding tributes) is not incompatible with a market economy based on the law of supply and demand and on the price differential between the place where a product is bought and the place where it is sold. The trade protection privileges which Barcelona obtained as a reward for helping the monarchs in their policies of territorial expansion into New Catalonia and Occitania (12th century) and the Mediterranean (13th-14th

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centuries) show that the spice route and the route of the islands (the Balearics, Sicily and Sardinia) fulfilled two complementary goals: that of seeking safe routes for trade in lucrative products — with Languedoc, Ifriqiya, the Maghrib, Romania and Alexandria — and that of maintaining the inferiority, or subordination, of foreign military and commercial competition — from Genoa, Pisa and Toulouse — along these same routes. The overall goal was attained when the gains from foreign trade exceeded those generated by plunder and protection. From this point onwards the monarchs obtained much greater resources by indirect means, through the promotion of overseas trade, which also contributed to the affluence of Barcelona’s patricians. To help achieve this they set up an alfòndec (compound for foreign merchants) in the city, staged an annual trade fair in July, and granted permits to Barcelona’s main financiers for the development of the seafront commercial district of La Ribera.29 The most widespread legal formulas for international transactions and trade were the canvi marítim (cambium maris or sea loan),30 comandes (short-term fiduciary contracts)31 and societats (investment societies in which the partners contributed both capital and labour).32 Mediterranean customs and usages were destined to evolve into the rules that would facilitate the commercial activities of merchants, navigators and seamen. These rules began to be written down in Barcelona in the 13th century and the process culminated in the 15th century with the publication of the Llibre del Consolat de Mar.33 The first generations of Barcelona patricians who had made their fortunes by investing in crafts, royal finances or foreign trade wanted to perpetuate, consolidate and increase their lineage’s prosperity and the position of social leadership it had attained during this period (12th-13th centuries). To achieve this it was necessary to modify family structures and to guarantee specific methods of accumulating and handing down property through marriage and kinship. We will now consider the most significant aspects of this process: (1) the background; (2) the notion of kinship; (3) inheritance strategies; and (4) the situation of wives and widows with respect to family property.34 For lack of broader perspectives, previous European historiography failed to distinguish between urban family models in the Middle Ages and those of the rural nobility. The traditional view was that kinship structures and domestic institutions were overhauled from the 11th century onwards when a family system dominated by cognate kinship began to give way to a system of agnatic filiation. Under the latter system the line of descent is formed either by all the males, who together exploit the inherited property (land, offices, castles), or by a single male, or heir, who becomes the sole representative of the family and lineage in each generation. One reason for this change was the Gregorian reform launched by the Church, which conferred on marriage an

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indissoluble, sacramental character, thus lending impetus to the nuclear family, defining and prohibiting incest, and legitimating paternity and the status of the heir. But the change also sought to avoid splitting up the rural properties of lords, which now provided the bulk of their revenue since hosts and cavalcades (armed forays) had ceased to be appreciable sources of wealth. It is by no means clear, however, that this aristocratic family model, which originated in the countryside and was a feature of societies elsewhere in Europe, was appropriate to the situation of patrician families in Barcelona. In Barcelona the reformulation of kinship ties described above does not appear to have taken place and awareness of a clear distinction between maternal and paternal relatives, their respective functions and the influence they exerted on the new nuclear family comprising a married couple and their offspring continued to exist. Significantly, many early 13th century notarial conveyancing documents establish the identity of the parties by referring, not only to the father, but to the mother as well. The very notion of family, or house, refers at the time to an unspecified set of persons, linked by blood, who make up a numerous and diffuse group of kin. As long as the assets of the family, or house, were not large, inheritance problems did not arise and the provisions of the Liber Iudiciorum sufficed to determine how the possessions of the poor were to be shared out after their death. The basic rules of this Visigothic tradition, which was still in force in Catalonia in the High Middle Ages, stipulated the following: that a very large portion of the estate devolved to the descendants; that descendants had precedence over ascendants; that all offspring (male and female) were entitled to an equal share in the inheritance; and that the father had the right to increase by onethird the rightful share that devolved to one of his children and the right to dispose freely of one-fifth of his property (the part de l’ànima, or portion of the soul). However, Professor Bensch, who has examined the wills made by two hundred and sixty-three lay persons in Barcelona between 1100 and 1290, notes significant departures in testamentary practice from the provisions of the Liber Iudiciorum. From 1100 to 1140 the strategy followed by testators was to keep family property united by means of joint, indivisible inheritances.35 Thus the principle of dividing the estate into equal shares favoured by the Liber Iudiciorum was rejected, though the principle of equality was maintained when establishing the indivisible shares. Towards 1200, when the monarch was offering the opportunity to make profitable investments in royal finances, the patricians of Barcelona tended to concentrate their most valuable family assets in the hands of a single heir so as to facilitate such investments, which were beneficial to the family. Joint, indivisible ownership did not disappear, however, but coexisted alongside the single heir formula. The first known testamentary heir was designated in 1227, and

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from then on this formula gradually became predominant. It was not a defensive reaction that led the Barcelona patricians to adopt the formula of the single heir, as in the case of the nobility elsewhere in Europe, for the heir’s patriarchal and financial powers were attenuated by the rights of his brothers and sisters to their rightful share in the inheritance and by the position of wives and widows with regard to the family patrimony. It is true nonetheless that each child’s legítima, or rightful share in the inheritance, was considerably diminished by custom until finally the privilege of Recognoverunt Proceres (1284)36 defined it as eight-fifteenths, instead of fourteen-fifteenths, of the total estate. The new conception of marriage as a sacrament introduced by the 11th century Gregorian reform viewed the union between husband and wife as part of natural law and considered its goal to be the procreation of new Christians, who were to save their souls within the Church and at the same time, of course, give life to it. Thus the nuclear family made up of parents and children had to be protected by positive law and above all a conjugal fund was needed to assure the family’s earthly viability and independence. This meant that from now on both partners in the marriage had to be taken into consideration. In the 12th century the first steps were taken to assure the economic protection of the nuclear family. This was done by modifying the provisions of Visigothic law, which set the dower, or marital assign, at one-tenth of the groom’s assets, an amount that was justified by the former brideprice paid by the groom to his future wife’s family. In the 12th century the male dower became the esponsalici, a guarantee or promise of the wife’s future maintenance. This esponsalici gradually evolved until the wife was granted extensive rights over the whole of her husband’s property, instead of the husband transferring specific assets to her. The woman’s contractual power, which entitled her to alienate or dispose of the dower or esponsalici, mortis causa, turned many widows of Barcelona into majores i senyores (domina et potens, 1192). This involved a degree of joint management of the conjugal fund and therefore of the husband’s property. As early as 1194 we find a contract in which the dowry is the bride’s contribution to the conjugal fund. Soon a mathematical relationship was defined between the bride’s dowry, or aixovar, and the groom’s esponsalici, or escreix (the latter term was in use by 1234) and it became usual for the ratio to be two to one. Thus the groom’s dower was considered to increase the bride’s dowry by one-half. It was not long before a single legal document was being drawn up to cover the assigns of both groom and bride.37 Often the bride’s dowry was deducted from the legítima (her rightful share in her father’s and mother’s estates),

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which she renounced. But sometimes the dowry was less than the inheritance to which she was entitled, and part or all of the amount still had to be paid by her family. The previously widespread custom whereby testators with children appointed their wives as executors and usufructuaries of their entire estate (senyores i majores) vanished from 1250 onwards because once the precise amount of the dowry and dower had been defined, it became easy to separate the two and return the corresponding portion to the widow or her family. From this time on, owing to the frequent designation of a single heir, it was the latter, instead of the widow-usufructuary, who became the head of the family and had the moral obligation to perpetuate the patrimony so as to ensure the biological continuity of the family and its social position in future generations. To achieve this, however, if the owner of the estate wanted to assure the future actions of new generations, he had to take into account and respect the position and rights of the women, since only with their contributions — both tangible (the dowry) and intangible (family contacts and influences) — was it possible to form a new independent couple capable of assuming the numerous and heavy burdens which were usually their lot. Barcelona’s patrician families preferred to seek alliances with other families rather than reinforcing direct patrilineal descent. Wills, dowries and marriage contracts were the legal tools that helped consolidate the patriciate as a social group, since they enabled them to perfect the formalization of the strategies for the social reproduction of their families.38 To conclude this section it remains to examine, as indicated at the beginning, how Barcelona’s patriciate consolidated and perpetuated itself in the period from 1220 to 1300 and to study the family formulas it used to fulfil its aspiration to exert social leadership in the city. It was during the reign of Peter ‘the Catholic’ (11961213) that municipal councillors began to attend meetings of the Catalan Corts (parliament). At the parliamentary assembly held in 1228 to prepare the conquest of Majorca, it was decided to finance the operation by levying a tax throughout Catalonia. This was to be done by putting an old tax known as bovatge — introduced at the earlier assemblees de pau i treva (assemblies of peace and truce) to protect the ‘peace of cattle’ — to a different use. Barcelona was to obtain its share in the division of the island as a reward for its contribution. Even more important, however, was the fact that the city’s inhabitants were to be exempted from commercial tolls on the island and from lleudes (taxes on the transportation of merchandise) throughout the Kingdom of Aragon. The conquest of Majorca was also to make it possible to dominate the trade route along the south coast of the Mediterranean and this diverted the thrust of maritime trade from Barcelona towards the south and east. The effect of the creation of Catalonia’s empire was a

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sharp rise in the country’s commercial prosperity. Barcelona was the city that benefited most, as can be seen from the steady economic growth that marked the entire period, the increase in population, and the emergence of new fortunes. All this gave rise to a new urban social stratification which took the form of three socially and economically differentiated estates, known as the mà major, mà mitjana and mà menor (the greater, middle and lesser ‘hands’).39 They are mentioned for the first time in 1226, though the old distinction between prohoms and ciutadans (citizens) did not disappear and the prohoms, or pròcers, retained the auctoritas they wielded as the social group of greatest distinction and repute. The social tension this growth triggered off was not due to friction between the conservative oligarchy (which monopolized municipal offices, lived from rent on urban property, and indulged in property speculation) and the enterprising merchants who were taking advantage of the growth of trade to become nouveaux riches. The struggle between artisans and merchants on the one side and the patricians who sat on the municipal council on the other was the reflection of rivalry between different patrician factions. The patricians, who constituted a very numerous social group, also took part in business ventures. But leadership among them was not easy to define and this sparked off internal clashes to determine which faction was to assume the social and political leadership of the entire community.40 Contracts for comandes and loans permitted the formalization of international commercial operations in which capital and labour joined forces to obtain maximum profits. The credit market gave rise to the concentration of money in banking associations, which paid interest in cash, not in the form of produce of the land. Following the prohibition of usury by the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), Jews played an important role in this field. Christians continued to take part in moneylending activities nonetheless, though income from this source was not officially revealed. Double accounting was already in use in the 13th century to conceal — and at the same time to keep track of — loans. Barcelona’s patrician families took part in trade, first with North Africa (the Maghrib) and later with Alexandria and Constantinople. In all these areas consolats (trade consulates) were set up to promote and assist in the exporting and importing of merchandise. Thus local products were exported from Barcelona (fustian and linen cloth, cereals, olive oil, wine, figs and leather), as well as goods from Languedoc (woollen cloth) and from the local black market (weapons, naval supplies and grain). Goods imported to Barcelona included local produce from the Maghrib (cumin, goat hides and fruit) and the East (ginger, cinnamon, pepper, dyes and alum). The Barcelona patricians also exported products originating in Valencia, Granada and the south of Italy (sugar, cotton and weapons).

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Around 1250, thanks to the existence of a complex network of routes made secure by the military and diplomatic protection of the kings of Aragon and the commercial and logistic assistance offered by the first consulates, Barcelona was one of the foremost emporia on the Mediterranean. Trade was beneficial to many entrepreneurs who were not members of the patriciate and to small investors who quietly amassed riches over a period of time. It should be pointed out, in this respect, that patrician houses adopted the strategy of seeking allies among the nouveaux riches, rather than excluding them. The latter were often individual merchants whose control over Barcelona’s trade networks was quite independent of the patrician families. Thus everyone in Barcelona — members of the mà major, mà mitjana, and mà menor alike — was in favour of the development of foreign trade. As trade flourished, property values in the city rose and demographic growth created keen demand for housing and business premises (workshops and stalls). This in turn caused the area beyond the walls to be built up and gave rise to the emphyteutic letting and sub-letting of property. The hierarchical division of the domain implicit in emphyteutic tenure allowed more people to share in the profits from realty while making premises available to those who needed them to live and work in. The legal formula of emphyteusis was already in use in Barcelona in 1196 while the lluïsme (see below) existed by 1210. Let us recall that the dominus (the holder of dominium eminens or “ultimate ownership” of the property) retained the following rights: (1) fadiga (fatica or right of first refusal in the thirty days following an alienation); (2) dret d’entrada (introitum, the down-payment made by the emphiteuticary on acquiring the dominium utile [or “useful ownership”] of the property as a result of the division or sub-division of the domain); (3) lluïsme (laudesimum, a percentage on the value of the property which was charged when the tenant’s rights were transferred to a third party); (4) the annual rent, called a cens or pensió.41 The emphyteuticary, or holder of the dominium utile, was entitled to the use, enjoyment and possession of the house and had the right to sub-let it. It was not long before the widespread use of emphyteutic tenure gave rise to a chain of holders of the dominium utile. This hierarchy of domains soon generated serious social tension between those who constituted the first and last links in the chain. Ultimately the artisan in his workshop and the labourer in his modest dwelling found themselves under increasing pressure from the ever growing charges they had to bear and could not pass on to anyone else. Thus in the last resort profits and income from property were derived from trade, but this was also conducive to the prosperity of artisans and labourers. Whereas in the private sphere emphyteusis was used by the patricians to generate valuable income which in the last instance arose from trade, in the public sphere insti-

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tutional mechanisms and new forms of taxation had to be found to raise the large amounts of public money needed by the monarchy to carry out its imperialistic policies. The predominant legal theory at the time42 was that no public duty (munus or commune) could be demanded without a just cause. Such causes were clearly defined under theological-juridical doctrine and the monarch’s hands were tied with respect to his power to raise taxes, which was by no means discretionary. Thus the king depended more heavily on irregular or extraordinary general taxes graciously granted by his subjects than on ordinary taxes and his own patrimonial revenue. The municipal regime bestowed on Barcelona under a series of royal privileges (1249-1274) arose from the need to legitimize the raising of large sums in tax from the city’s inhabitants. Paers (paciarii or ‘peace men’) were appointed in 1249 to serve as both city magistrates and royal financiers in charge of collecting large sums of money for the monarch.43 Thus from the outset the king endowed them with powers to levy a comú (comune or tribute)44 from the citizens of Barcelona, who were obliged to pay it because, formally, it was levied by the city council itself.45 In 1226, after the citizens of Barcelona had complained because the king had demanded a tax ‘without cause’, which they considered abusive, James I decided that the tax must be levied on the basis of a formal ‘just cause’, in other words, that the amount to be paid by each townsman must be proportional to his or her assets (per solidum et libram). This meant classifying the population according to wealth, not social status (mà major, mitjana or menor). Barcelona’s municipal regime was to become a tool for dovetailing the energies and resources of citizens, patricians and the monarchy in an era of economic and political expansion. The municipality was not a tool for keeping civic factions in check or reducing the de facto control of the patricians by setting up representative assemblies. The imperialistic projects of the Crown of Aragon in the 13th century, led by its monarchs, received staunch support from the Barcelona patriciate, who cooperated both de facto (from the beginning of the expansion) and de iure (from the formal creation of the universitat of Barcelona in 1249). However, the intermingling of different forms of mutual assistance (commercial, military, administrative and fiscal) makes it difficult to separate the public dimension from the private. Barcelona became the centre of naval armaments for the Crown of Aragon and the success of the commercial and political expansion across the Mediterranean led to the formation of a banking consortium through which the citizens of Barcelona could invest in foreign trade. In 1268 the monarch prohibited the establishment of foreign money-changing tables in Barcelona and after the conquest of Sicily (1282) he was able to pay his creditors with ease by granting them the right to import Sicilian wheat. Moreover in 1293 James II appointed one of the

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Crown’s chief bankers and moneylenders, the citizen of Barcelona Arnau ça Bastida, mestre racional to the court (chief accountant and auditor). This brought all the officials of the Crown of Aragon under the financial and administrative supervision of the major societies of moneylenders to the king.46 A clear alliance was forged between the king and the patricians of Barcelona. The patricians had confidence in the monarch and his policies and invested large sums in the royal finances in order to obtain his patronage. However the maintenance of such a widely scattered empire produced considerable fiscal tension. The strain became unbearable and the king was ultimately unable to satisfy his creditors in Barcelona. This triggered the first serious banking crisis (1300).47 This same alliance between the king and the patricians of Barcelona also accounts for the upheaval and the serious social conflicts, including outbreaks of violence, which occurred in the second half of the 13th century and the way these conflicts were solved. However the unrest owed more to rivalry between patrician families, who competed to exploit the new resources and gain access to the king, than to popular resentment over the lofty position occupied by the rulers. Thus the struggle for the control of trade and rents between patricians in the district of La Ribera was probably the main reason for the murder of the rogue landlord Bernat Marquet48 and the burning of his houses and property. When James I set up the new universitat de la Ribera in 1258, granted it jurisdiction over taxation, defence and urban development, and subsequently approved regulations governing commercial and maritime affairs, he was not legitimizing the secession of the merchant class, as maintained by Batlle49 and Font,50 but trying to stabilize an explosive social situation and to control the district. The violent incidents that took place in 1271 were also due to problems of kinship, neighbourhood and patronage, and not to ideological conflicts or economic interests. The municipal reforms introduced in Barcelona in the period from 1249 to 1274 aimed at achieving stability among opposing factions of patricians and were not the outcome, according to Bensch — who does not share Font’s point of view in this respect51 — of the natural, peaceable evolution of a privileged class of citizens. In 1285, however, Berenguer Oller staged a major revolt52 by stirring up the lower orders against the city’s rulers. The king showed his firm support for the patricians by crushing the rising and having Berenguer and his closest followers summarily executed. At the same time the rioting shed light on the control exercised by certain patrician factions over grain imports and the abusive practices of major landlords. Both these factors won support for the revolt from many different quarters. In the mid-13th century the patricians of Barcelona sought to perpetuate family identities and estates and to consolidate their influence by encouraging matrimonial

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unions between their respective houses. Thus by the end of the century all Barcelona’s main patrician families were linked by an intricate web of kinship and consanguinity; all their members were related, in one way or another. Each patrician family, moreover, was attached to its physical place of residence, or domus, which bestowed a common identity on all those who lived there. Cohabitation forged economic and emotional ties with the house and the moral duty to strive to preserve its unity. In the 12th century this duty was shared by all male kin, who cooperated to promote the family’s well-being, preserve its good name, and reconcile its overall interests with the private interests of each family member. In the 13th century patrician families were restructured in such a way that the father’s authority was increased and handed down exclusively to a single heir. To this end they enlisted lawyers and notaries (the theoreticians and/or practitioners of the new European ius commune)53 to provide technical advice over testaments, donations and marriage contracts. This effect of this was to stabilize their patrimony, but at the cost of reducing and limiting their former cooperation. The concentration of power in the family lineage was also reinforced by burying later generations alongside their ancestors in the family tomb in the parish cemetery or the church of some convent or monastery endowed by the family. Family identity was further consolidated by the religious cult of the ancestors (masses, votive lights, chapels, religious foundations, and so on).

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[5]

[6]

[7] [8] [9]

[10]

Notes and References [1]

[2] [3]

[4]

This study was conducted in the framework of two research projects entitled respectively: ‘Els drets històrics i l’autogovern dels pobles d’Espanya’ (funded by SGR, AGAUR, Generalitat de Catalunya Ref. 2005SGR00117) and ‘El derecho histórico en los pueblos de España: ámbitos público y privado (s.xii-xxi)’ (funded by the Ministerio de Educación y Cultura, Ref. SEJ2006-15051-C03-01). I wish to thank Professor Jaume Ribalta who read the draft and made critical observations which helped me to improve the contents. Francesco Calasso. “Medio Evo del Diritto”, Le Fonti, I, Milan 1954, pp. 26-27. Tomàs de Montagut Estragués. “Els orígens de la institució municipal barcelonina. Segles xi-xiii” (v.1000-1276), Història de l’Ajuntament de Barcelona, Ajuntament de Barcelona, Barcelona 2007. José María Font Rius. Cartas de Población y Franquicia de Cataluña, I, 1-2, “Textos. Introducción. Diplomatario. Presentación monográfico-local e índices”, Madrid-Barcelona 1969; II, “Estudio. Apéndice al vol. I”. Madrid-Barcelona 1983. Tomàs de Montagut Estragués. Estudi jurídic del «Llibre

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[11] [12] [13] [14]

[15]

Verd de Barcelona», facsimile edition, Editorial Base/Ajuntament de Barcelona, Barcelona 2004, pp. 59-98. Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona and its rulers, 1096-1291, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, 26, 1995. Catalan translation: Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents 1096-1291. Barcelona 2000.) The definitions and English equivalents of many terms specific to medieval Barcelona used in this article have been adapted from the original book by Stephen P. Bensch referenced in the preceding note. However, the page numbers quoted by the author of the article refer to the Catalan translation. Ibidem, p. 3. On this period see: [Several authors] Catalunya a l’època carolíngia. (Marc Històric. Territori), Barcelona 1999, pp. 19-119. Pierre Bonnassié. La Catalogne du milieu du Xè à la fin du XIè siècle: croissance et mutations d’une société. Toulouse 1975-76, 2 vols. Translated into Catalan as Catalunya mil anys enrere. Creixement econòmic i adveniment del feudalisme a Catalunya de mitjan segle x al final del segle xi. Barcelona 1979. On the political concept of the Crown of Aragon, which was to be part of the Hispanic monarchy for almost five centuries, see Jesús Lalinde Abadía. Depuración histórica del concepto de Corona de Aragón, in La Corona de Aragón y el Mediterráneo. Siglos xv-xvi, Coordinators E. Sarasa and E. Se rrano, Saragossa 1997, pp. 433-460. Ramon d’Abadal i de Vinyals. Catalunya caro língia, Barcelona, 1926-1950, Vol. II, first part, pp. III-XX. This often consists in Visigothic law (propria lex) embodied in customs. On feudalism in Catalonia, the phenomenon correlative to this crisis which affected the count’s authority, see Note 9 above. On the construction of the fiscal system in Catalonia, see Manuel Sánchez Martínez. El naixement de la fiscalitat d’Estat a Catalunya (segles xii-xiv), Capellades (Barcelona) 1995. With regard specifically to Barcelona Pere Ortí. Renda i fiscalitat en una ciutat medieval: Barcelona, segles xii-xiv. Barcelona 2000. Also well worth consulting is the collection of studies on the genesis of the fiscal autonomy of the municipality published in Barcelona. Quaderns d’Història, 2/3, 1996. Barcelona 1997, notably those by Pere Ortí. La construcció del sistema fiscal municipal a Barcelona, segles xiii-xiv, pp. 17-34, and Manuel Rovira; Sebastià Riera. Les ajudes concedides per la ciutat de Barcelona a Jaume II, 1314-1326, pp. 35-52. On this point see Thomas N. Bisson, Fiscal ac-

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[16] [17]

[18]

[19] [20]

[21]

counts of Catalonia under the early count-kings (1151-1213), London 1984. Cf. Notes 3 and 5 above: ‘L’ordenament jurídic especial de Barcelona I: el dret (costums, privilegis i ordinacions’. Joan Bastardas. “Dos judicis antics (s. IX i XI). La pràctica judicial en el període de la formació nacional de Catalunya”, Documents jurídics de la història de Catalunya, Barcelona (1992), pp. 23 -30. Jesús Lalinde Abadía. La jurisdicción real inferior en Cataluña, Barcelona 1966, pp. 55-56. Flocel Sabaté. El Veguer a Catalunya : anàlisi del funcionament de la jurisdicció reial al segle xiv. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Barceloa 1994. Flocel Sabaté. El territori de la Catalunya medieval : percepció de l’espai i divisió territorial al llarg de l’edat mitjana, Rafael Dalman, Barcelona 1997. See Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents 1096-1291, Barcelona 2000. Ibidem. In this regard it should be recalled that the Usage of Barcelona entitled ‘Alium namque’ already referred to the custom under which the count shared out pàries among the magnates of his curia, provided we accept the critical reading made in the 16th century by the humanist jurist Antoni Olibà, who considered that ‘pallias’ should be read as ‘parias’. The text of the usage can be found in: Usatges de Barcelona, Ed. Ramon d’Abadal i Vinyals-Ferran Valls Taberner, Barcelona 1913, Usatge No. 114. The text used by Olibà is in: Antonii Olibani civis honorati Barcinonae in albo conscripti et regii senatoris ac fisci patroni Commentarius, ad usat[icum] Alium namq[ue] de Iure Fisci, lib.10, Constit[utionis] Cathaloniae, Barcelona 1600, p. 21: Latina impressio Antiqua Alium namque supradicti Principes nobilem et honestum et utilem miserunt usaticum, quem illi tenuerunt, et successoribus suis tenere in perpetuum mandaverunt, scilicet ut tenerent curiam et magnam familiam, et fecissent conductum, et darent soldatas, et facerent emendas, et tenerent iustitiam, et iudicarent per directum, et manutenerent oppressum, et ocurrerent oppresso, et quando vellent edere, facerent cornare, ut nobiles et ignobiles venirent prandere, et ibi distribuerent pallias, quas haberent in magnatibus et in eorum familia, et ibi mandarent hostes, cum quibus irent ad destruendam Hispaniam et facerent novellos milites.’ On the introduction of ius commune in Catalonia see: José María Font Rius. “La recepción del derecho romano en la península ibérica durant la edad media”, Recueil de mémoires et travaux publié par la société d’histoire du droit et des institutions des anciens pays de droit écrit, fascicule VI, Montpellier (1967), pp. 85-104, and Tomàs de Montagut Estragués. “La recepció del dret tributari comú a la

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[22]

[23] [24]

[25]

[26]

[27]

[28] [29]

[30]

Corona d’Aragó”, in [Several Authors]. El territori i les seves institucions històriques. Actes. Ascó, 28, 29 i 30 de novembre de 1997, Fundació Noguera, Lleida (Spain) 1999, pp. 361-383. Llibre Verd de Montserrat, facsimile edition, Apographa Historica Cathalonia. Sèrie Històrica VIII, Barcelona 2004, f. 206: “Sit omnibus manifestum quod ego Petrus Dei gratia rex Aragonum et comes Barchinone bona fide convenio et dono in perpetuum vobis omnibus probis hominibus et habitantes Barchinonae…” Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents 1096-1291, Barcelona 2000. On this topic see: Antoni Riera. “La aparición de las corporaciones de oficio en Cataluña (1200-1350)” in Cofradías, gremios, solidaridades en la Europa Medieval, XIX Semana de estudios medievales, Estella 1992, Pamplona 1993, pp. 285-318. The term New Catalonia refers to the territories reconquered between the 9th and 12th centuries which lie south and west of a line extending from Barcelona along the Llobregat and Cardener rivers as far as the Montsec massif, north of Lleida. On the construction of public authority in Europe and the new legal formulae this entailed, see: Pietro Costa. Iurisdictio. Semántica del potere politico nella pubblicistica medievale (1100-1433). Giuffre’, Milan 1969 (re-published, Milan 2002). A contributing factor in this recovery was the introduction of a new coin, the doblenc, by James I in 1222. This generated large profits for the Crown’s finances, which at that time were managed by the Templars. Cfr. Jaume Ribalta Haro. Ordinacions d’en Sanctacília. Servituds, relacions de veïnatge i límits al dret de propietat en el dret (històric) català, doctoral thesis, Universitat de Lleida 2001. This is the conclusion reached by Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents 1096-1291, Barcelona 2000. This development undoubtedly raised various problems on account of the proximity of the new buildings to existing properties. The practical criteria used to solve these problems ultimately became customs. These and other customs were written down and compiled in the form of chapters which eventually gave rise to the compilation known officially as Consuetudts de la ciutat de Barcelona sobre les servituts de las casas e honors. On this point see: Jaume Ribalta i Haro. Ordinacions d’en Sanctacília. Servituds, relacions de veïnatge i límits al dret de propietat en el dret (històric) català, forthcoming; and Dret urbanístic medieval de la Mediterrània, Barcelona, Col·lecció d’estudis d’història del dret, 1. Barcelona 2005, pp. 33-38. Arcadi García i Sanz, Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol. Assegurances i canvis marítms medievals, Barcelona, 2 vols. Barcelona 1983, I, pp. 65-100.

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Barcelona, a Society and its Law: 11th-13th Centuries

[31] Josep Maria Madurell i Marimon, Arcadi Garcia i Sanz. Comandas comerciales barcelonesas de la Baja Edad Media. Barcelona 1973. [32] Arcadi Garcia i Sanz, Josep Maria Madurell i Marimon. Societats mercantils medievals a Barcelona. Barcelona 1986, I, pp. 373-422. [33] Germà Colón, Arcadi Garcia. Llibre del Consolat de Mar, Vols. I-IV. Fundació Vives i Casajuana. Barcelona 1981-1987. [34] Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents 1096-1291. Barcelona 2000, pp. 213-253. [35] Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents 1096-1291. Barcelona 2000, pp.221-236. [36] On this text and its meaning, see: Josep M. Font. Estudi Introductori in ‘Constitucions de Catalunya (1495): incunabulum, 1495, Barcelona. 1988, pp. CVCIX. The Catalan version can be found in: Recognoverunt Proceres, Versión medieval catalana del privilegio así llamado, Barcelona, 1927. [37] Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents 1096-1291. Barcelona 2000, pp. 237-249. [38] On all these formulas in the history of Catalan law, see Guillermo M. De Brocà. Historia del derecho de Catalunya especialmente del civil y exposición de las instituciones del derecho civil del mismo territorio en relación con el código civil de España y la jurisprudencia. Barcelona 1918, 1985, pp. 231-252 and 682-874. [39] See Carme Batlle i Gallart. Estudi Històric. El « Llibre del Consell »: font de coneixement del Municipi i de la societat de Barcelona del segle xiv, in Batlle, Ferrer, Mañe, Mutgé, Riera and Rovira, El ‘Llibre del Consell’ de la Ciutat de Barcelona. Segle xiv : les eleccions municipals. Barcelona 2007, pp. 11-47. [40] Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents 1096-1291. Barcelona 2000, pp. 253-258. [41] Ibidem, pp. 277-287. [42] Tomàs de Montagut Estragués. “La recepció del pret tributari comú a la Corona d’Aragó”. El territori i les seves institucions històriques, Vol. I, Barcelona 1999, pp. 361-383. [43] Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents 1096-1291. Barcelona 2000, pp. 287-298. [44] On the concept of the comú see Tomàs de Mon-

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[45] [46] [47] [48]

[49]

[50]

[51]

[52] [53]

tagut Estragués. “La Doctrina medieval sobre el Munus y los Comuns de Tortosa”, Homenaje al profesor Carlos Díaz Rementería, Huelva 1998. See Notes 3 and 14 above. Tomàs de Montagut Estragués. El Mestre Racional a la Corona d’Aragó (1283-1419), 2 vols.Virgili i Pagès, Lleida 1987, I, pp. 157-172. Stephen P. Bensch. “La primera crisis bancaria de Barcelona”. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 19, (1989), pp. 311-328. On Bernat Marquet and his family see: Maria Teresa Ferrer. “Una família de navegants: els Marquet.” in Batlle, Ferrer, Mañe, Mutgé, Riera, Rovira. El «Llibre del Consell» de la Ciutat de Barcelona. Segle xiv: les eleccions municipals. Barcelona 2007, pp. 135-267. Carmen Batlle Gallart. La crisis social y económica de Barcelona a mediados del siglo xv, I. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona 1973, pp. 71-72: “the aforementioned bid for independence by the merchants, artisans and sailors of La Ribera was by no means to the liking of the honorable citizens, who immediately opposed it.” Professor Batlle goes on to say, however, that “This antagonism is merely a hypothesis”. On this point see the benchmark study on the topic: José María Font Rius. “La Universidad de prohombres de la Ribera de Barcelona y sus ordenanzas marítimas (1258)”, Estudios de Derecho mercantil en homenaje al profesor Antonio Polo, Edesa, Madrid (1981), p. 209. However Font clearly bears in mind that “Such was the fundamental structure of the Barcelona municipality, which was the fruit, as we have just seen, of much thought and experimentation during the period from 1249 to 1274” (José Maria Font i Rius. “Orígenes del régimen municipal en Cataluña”, Estudis sobre els drets i institucions locals en la Cata lunya medieval. Barcelona 1985, p. 495.) On this point see also Carmen Batlle Gallart. La crisis social y económica de Barcelona a mediados del siglo xv, I. Barcelona 1973, pp. 65-75 On this popular revolt see Carmen Batlle Ga llart. La crisis social y económica de Barcelona a mediados del siglo xv, I. Barcelona 1973, pp. 36-44. See Note 21 above.

About the Author Tomàs de Montagut obtained a bachelor’s degree in law in 1975 and a second bachelor’s degree in philosophy and letters (section of medieval history) in 1977 from the University of Barcelona. In 1982 he obtained his Ph.D. in law from the same university. He began his teaching career at the department of history of law headed by Dr Josep M. Font i Rius, first as assistant professor (1976), then as associate professor (1982) and finally as titular professor. He won the chair of history of law at the University of Santiago de Compostela by competitive examination (1991) and was later awarded the chair at the Universitat Pompeu Fabra in Barcelona by means of a merit-based contest (1993). He is currently professor of the history of law and institutions at the Universitat Pompeu Fabra. Most of his publications and his activities related to research and thesis supervision fall within the following fields: history of the political and financial institutions of Catalonia and

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Tomàs de Montagut

the Crown of Aragon, history of the introduction of ius commune in Catalonia, and history of Catalan jurists and their doctrines. He is a full member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in charge of the field of history of law within the Section of History and Archeology (2001). He is also a corresponding member of the la Real Academia de Córdoba de Ciencias, Bellas Letras y Nobles Artes (2007).

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 47-61 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.4 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Ramon Llull in his Historical Context Josep Maria Ruiz, Albert Soler*

Centre de Documentació Ramon Llull, Universitat de Barcelona

Abstract In this article the life, thought and works of the Majorcan writer, philosopher and missionary Ramon Llull (ca. 1232-1316) are presented in the context of his time: politics, academia, spirituality and currents of thought. Llull has often been portrayed as an extravagant, eccentric character but here he emerges as a coherent personality whose actions and work were fully integrated into the world in which he was called upon to live.

Key words: Llull, Lullian studies, Lullism, medieval philosophy, interconfessional dialogue Llull, a Man of his Time Though Ramon Llull — alongside Antoni Gaudí — is probably the best known figure of Catalan culture the world over, it is extremely common to find him depicted as an extravagant character who undertook strange, foolhardy projects.1 For a long time Llull was seen, at best as a genius whose emergence is difficult to account for, and at worst as an incomprehensible lunatic. But modern Lullian studies have contribute decisively to putting him into context. Let us see how, concentrating on three basic aspects of his activity.2 In the first place the impulse that prompted Llull’s sudden, radical change of life, his decision to forsake his worldly life and family, and the determination he showed throughout the ensuing fifty years to spread his missionary message, must be related to certain spiritual concerns that became widespread among Christian laymen during the 12th and 13th centuries. Their desire to imitate Jesus and the apostles as they appear in the gospels developed into a personal vocation for holiness, whereas the type of spirituality that was confined to specialists — monks who cut themselves off from the world and interceded on behalf of the laity — left them feeling distinctly dissatisfied. Francis of Assisi (1181/82-1226) was the most significant product of this trend and the Church was keen to offer him as a model on account of his orthodoxy. Thus Llull was not the only Christian layman who felt he had been

* Corresponding autor: Albert Soler. Centre de Documentació Ramon Llull, Facultat de Filologia, Universitat de Barcelona. Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes 585, 08007 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 934035629. Fax: +34 934035698. E-mail: albert.soler@ub.edu <http://www.ub.edu/centrellull>

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called to dedicate his life to the propagation of the faith without giving up his secular status, in other words, without entering the religious life.3 Another contemporary example, who was close to Llull, was Arnau de Vilanova (ca. 1238-1240-1311), a man of great religious sensitivity. His preoccupation with spiritual matters began around 1288, when he was a eminent physician in the service of the Catalan royal household, and focused mainly on the imminent coming of the Antichrist. In anticipation of the end of the world and the tribulations the Antichrist was to bring, he exhorted the faithful and the church hierarchy to lead more evangelical lives and mend their ways, but his insistence and vehemence brought him into open conflict with the theologians.4 In the second place, it was exceptional for a layman without any formal education to produce such a fabulously ambitious and extensive intellectual output as Llull did (260 titles on the most diverse topics!). We should not overlook, however, that eagerness to attain knowledge hitherto reserved to the clergy — about philosophy, theology, health care, and the world — can be detected among laymen of all ranks throughout 13th century. There was a veritable breakdown of the barriers between the cultural training of different social groups. Translations of scientific works into vernacular tongues, which began to circulate at precisely this period, are a clear illustration of this trend. This use of the vernacular from the early 14th century to disseminate scientific and technical knowledge, in contrast to the official wisdom of the universities and the Church which was transmitted in Latin, help understand why Llull wrote part of his scientific and philosophical output in Catalan from very early on (starting in 1274): he was addressing the same audience of city dwellers, both burghers and aristocrats, who would soon be consuming

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Josep Maria Ruiz, Albert Soler

the technical tracts in prose about health, astrology and commercial practices that are known to us.5 In the third place, the pivotal place occupied by the conversion of non-Christians in Llull’s projects can be related to the fact that in the 13th century the newly founded mendicant orders had given a new dimension and a new impetus to missionary work and controversies with Jews and Muslims. This is why R. I. Burns has referred to the “13th century dream of conversion”. Ramon Llull’s repeatedly expressed desire to give his life for this cause is closely akin to the model of the Franciscan missions, which revolved around personal testimony and martyrdom. On the other hand, his life-long project of founding schools where missionaries could obtain language tuition and training is reminiscent of the policy followed by the Dominicans.6 Ramon de Penyafort (ca. 1185-1275), a master-general of the entire Dominican order (1238), encouraged the foundation of monasteries where missionaries could be taught oriental languages and study the Torah, the Talmud, the Koran and the Haddith. The first Dominican studium arabicum seems to have been established in Palma (Majorca) around 1232 and to have operated on a more or less regular basis until 1259. Many more were set up afterwards (in Xàtiva, Murcia, Valencia and elsewhere). The strategy consisted in studying the languages and basic texts of non-Christians so as to be able to point out the ‘errors’ they contained. Penyafort was also involved in organizing theological disputations between missionaries and representatives of other religions, notably the one held at the royal palace in Barcelona in 1263 in the presence of James I between the Jewish rabbi Moshe ben Nahman (Nahmanides) and the Dominican Pau Cristià, a converted Jew. These public debates, however, failed to yield any clear conclusions or concrete results: instead the Dominicans’ technique of basing their arguments on the authorities (texts and authors) used by their opponents led to endless discussions about how these authorities were to be interpreted.7 Llull summarized this very well in his Disputació de cinc savis (1294):

embrace another solely on the grounds of faith. It tells how a missionary succeeded in convincing the Sultan of Tunis that the Muslim faith he professed was in error, but the only thing he could offer him in exchange was belief in the Christian credo. The sultan was bitterly disappointed and the result was that the missionary not only failed to win over a new Christian but deprived the sultan of all faith. Llull emphasizes that infidels do not want to exchange one opinion for another: they want to exchange opinion for true knowledge. Consequently, “authorities” are of no use to them because what they want are “(necessary) reasons”.9 We also have evidence that a merchant by the name of Inghetto Contardo — a well documented personage who played a prime role in the economic and political life of Genoa — was holding disputations with Majorca’s Jewish community in 1286, shortly after arriving on the island. According to a later anonymous work recreating these debates, the Disputatio contra iudeos, the layman Contardo surpassed any missionary friar in efficacy and competence thanks to the dialectical skills he had acquired as a merchant and his theological training. There are clear parallels between Llull and Contardo who, moreover, were contemporaries and travelled in largely the same area (though there is no indication they were ever in touch). Llull, in his Liber per quem poterit cognosci quae lex sit magis bona, magis magna et etiam magis vera (1313), comments on the phenomenon of merchants whose activities brought them in contact with non-Christians and discussed religion with them, though Llull is referring to the ignorance of these laymen and the need to equip them with tools for defending the faith.10 Thus the ‘Llull phenomenon’ arose in the midst of a late medieval context marked by the spiritual, intellectual and missionary concerns of Christian laymen and this context helps to explain him.

[...] for one can interpret the authorities in different ways and have different opinions about them, so that words are multiplied and understanding turns to confusion.8

Ramon Llull was born in Majorca around 1232. In 1229 King James I of Catalonia and Aragon had occupied the island and made it part of his realm. Llull was the son of rich settlers from Barcelona who followed the king in his expansionist undertakings and for whom the newly conquered territory was an opportunity to prosper. Throughout Llull’s youth, Majorca was a motley and complex world, a land of contrasting faiths, interests, races and customs. It had been a Muslim land for three centuries and was now being colonized. Many Islamic inhabitants who had stayed on there were now living in servitude. Nor should we forget that Jewish communities existed in several towns on the island.11 This confluence of cultures was to leave its mark on Llull’s ideals in later years. Llull probably received the same education as other sons of middle-class families: basic knowledge of doctrine, rudiments of reading and writing (perhaps even in

Ramon de Penyafort was also behind the various works of apologetics and polemics produced by the Catalan Dominican Ramon Martí (1230-1284). These included Pugio fidei contra Iudaeos (1278), a vast manual on Judaism for the use of missionaries with a title clearly indicative of its harsh intentions (it means “the dagger of faith against the Jews”). Martí may also be the author of an Arabic-Latin, Latin-Arabic vocabulary known as Vocabulista in arabico, which is known to have been written somewhere in the Majorca-Valencia area in the 13th century. In several of his works Llull inserted an anecdote to show that the infidels refuse to give up one religion and

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A Mid-Life Crisis

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Latin), and the whole cultural and ideological background proper to the dominating class (customs, norms, legends, reading matter, and so on). Moreover the lack of clear structures in a recently conquered land implied certain limitations, though the nature of these is difficult to define. In his youth he was apparently connected to the royal household, though we have no way of being sure of this. He may even have held a post in the household of the second son of King James, the future James II of Majorca. His experience of court life (albeit in a very minor court) would have familiarized him with the world of politics and government. We do know for sure that he enjoyed a position of some prominence and affluence, for his family had considerable property on the island. Ramon Llull married a certain Blanca Picany and had children (the names of two of them are known: Domènec and Magdalena). He confesses several times in his works that he led a dissipated, disorderly life, devoting himself to worldly pursuits and spurning God. This was little worse than the usual lifestyle of the well-to-do layman.12 But then came his total break with the past. A contemporary document known as the Vita coetanea is an outstanding source of information about the life of Ramon Llull. It is a biography written by a monk from the Charterhouse in Paris and based on what Llull himself told him when he zwas about eighty years old (1311).13 The beginning of the Vita relates this change of lifestyle, which began with a supernatural event of the type that is characteristic of the lives of the saints. One night, while Ramon was writing a love song to a lady, he had a vision of Christ on the cross. Horrified, he stopped what he was doing and jumped into bed. He tried to forget the alarming sign, but a week later he had the same vision again, and then again, until he had seen it five times in all. All this apparently happened towards 1263, when Ramon was about thirty years old. Llull realized that God was asking him to make a radical change. In the Vita this change is called a “conversion to penitence”, which meant living in the manner of laymen who led exemplary lives, in terms of piety, sobriety, charity and penitence, and wore a distinctive type of religious habit, but without giving up their secular status (i.e. without entering the religious life).14 The life of Saint Francis provided a key model for Llull’s conversion, and one that was not very far off in time. Francis, a young burgher from Assisi, was also living a dissipated life when he felt the call to give everything up and live in total fidelity to the message of the gospel. Llull did indeed renounce the world: he left his wife and children, though we know that he always kept in touch with them, and he also gave up part of his possessions. In a document dated 1276, Blanca Picany complains to King James II of Majorca that her husband “has become so contemplative that he pays no attention to the management of his temporal possessions and, as a result, his possessions are being lost or destroyed” and she begs the king to appoint an steward.15 Llull then set off on a long pilgrimage to the shrines of Our

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Lady of Rocamadour (in southern France) and Saint James (at Compostela, in Galicia). Llull gradually defined his project for a life at the service of a threefold cause: he would devote his entire life to working for the conversion of non-Christians; he would write the best book ever written to denounce the errors of non-Christians; and he would promote the foundation of monasteries where missionaries could study the languages spoken by non-Christians. It is easy to see that the central importance of the problem of non-Christians in Llull’s triple plan arose out of a particular social situation: that of Majorca, a frontierland, where the existence of three different cultures (Christian, Muslim and Jewish) was a tangible reality.

A Self-Educated Man Llull was well aware of the limits of the education he had received. For one thing he was not sufficiently well versed in Latin, the language of culture and schooling, which brought with it, as we should bear in mind, a command of grammar and rhetoric. Nor did he have sufficient knowledge of Arabic, the language that anyone who wanted to communicate efficiently with the Muslims, the most numerous and powerful group of non-Christians, of necessity had to master. At this point, the Vita tells us, Llull had a conversation in Barcelona with Ramon de Penyafort (ca. 1185-1275), the former master-general of the Dominicans, who was also a counsellor to King James the Conqueror, a founder of missionary schools for his brothers in religion, and an eminent specialist in canon law in Rome. Llull discussed with him the possibility of his going to study in Paris at the most important university in the whole of Christendom. The Vita says that the Dominican advised him against this and persuaded him to return to Majorca. We do not know exactly how the meeting went. Perhaps Ramon de Penyafort could not quite fathom the strange Majorcan’s plans, but we cannot rule out the possibility that Llull used this episode and the Dominican’s prestige to justify his lack of an orthodox academic background.16 Whatever the truth of the matter, his decision to go back to Majorca instead of studying at a university had farreaching consequences in that it endowed his entire system of thought and all his actions with a priceless originality. The explanation for Llull’s way of doing things lies partly in the fact that he was self-educated. This prevented him from assimilating academic habits and consequently he was unaffected by the values implicit in these habits (or was capable of questioning them). It is easy to see that had Llull entered the academic world when he first became concerned with religious matters, he would in all likelihood have adopted the established system and terminology offered to him there. Medieval culture, for instance, tended to conceal novelty under the mask of repetition (one of the habits that made the monk). The technique,

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which was learnt in the classroom, consisted of commenting on commentaries by other authors, justifying each commentary with references to the authorities, and thus always appearing to say nothing new. Llull, as a layman, had not acquired this habit and he pretends to be innovating even when he is really repeating. And perhaps it is partly because he did not acquire this habit that he valuates the ‘authorities’ and their relationship to reason in a different way. The originality of Llull’s thought has little to do, in principle, with the originality of his doctrines on particular subjects. As we will see, his Art, viewed as a system for producing discourse, is in itself an alternative to the scholastic maniera. This originality was also the cause of many of the difficulties of communication which Llull experienced. In Majorca Llull learnt enough Latin and Arabic to be able to express himself. He aimed at efficacy rather than correctness or elegance.17 He familiarized himself with a few basic works of Christian, Muslim and possibly Hebrew culture too, though it is difficult to know which ones. Llull would have had easier access to education and books in Montpellier, the city in Occitania where King James I had been born and which belonged to the Catalan-Aragonese crown, than in Majorca. Montpellier came under the Balearic crown when the kingdom was divided on the death of James I in 1276 and consequently its relations with Majorca were extremely close. For many centuries it had had a prestigious school of medicine and from 1242 onwards there was a faculty of arts as well. As is well known, logic and philosophy (which students learnt by ‘commenting’ on Aristotle) constituted the core of the curriculum in the arts faculty, though grammar was also taught and students acquired the rudiments of other liberal arts (such as astronomy). Montpellier was an open city with a major Jewish quarter. Many scientific works of Arab origin were translated there. We know that Llull went there several times between 1275 and 1287 and it seems likely that he was influenced by Montpellier’s intellectual atmosphere.18

The Llibre de Contemplació When the long period of study that followed his conversion to penitence and the time he devoted to pilgrimage were over, Llull wrote his first works: the Compendium logicae Algazelis (1271-2?), of which a Latin version and a later rhyming translation into Catalan have come down to us, and the Llibre de Contemplació en Déu (1273-4?).19 The former is basically a summary of the part devoted to logic of The Tendencies of Philosophers by the Muslim thinker al-Ghazali. Though this work was already available in Latin, Llull drew on the Arabic original. He presented his Latin version as a handbook for students who were beginning to study philosophy and theology, and his Catalan version as the outcome of his desire to disseminate the rudiments of logic and philosophy among laymen

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who did not know Latin or Arabic. But, as Tomàs Carreras Artau remarks, the Compendium looked like an exercise book.20 Llull did not confine himself to condensing, rearranging and completing the basics of logic as set out by al-Ghazali, ad consolationem scholarium and probably for his own use as well: he added questions drawn from the philosophical part of the same work and theological considerations which are not from the Muslim thinker’s text at all, including some that concern the relationship between faith and understanding in the proofs of the Holy Trinity and the Incarnation. The choice of the materials he interpolated show which way his interests were leaning at the time. Having decided to devote his life to the conversion of the ‘infidels’, he had orientated his research towards the way techniques of argumentation and disputation as used in scholastic logic could be applied to theological questions. This topic is also very much present in the Llibre de contemplació. The Llibre de contemplació occupies seven fat volumes in the edition of his works entitled Obres de Ramon Llull, and nearly 1200 well-filled, two-column pages of very small print in the Obres essencials. It is a monumental work, the largest in his entire output, and comprises 355 chapters arranged into 40 distinctions and 5 books. There is also a final chapter, number 366, which is not part of any book or distinction. Each chapter has the same structure: thirty paragraphs or versicles, divided into ten groups of three versicles each. The author justifies this rigid pattern by reference to numerous symbols. The five books commemorate the five wounds of the crucified Christ. The forty distinctions recall the forty days Jesus spent in the desert fasting. The number of distinctions per book varies but it always has a symbolic explanation: the first book has nine, because of the number of heavens; the second has thirteen, because of the twelve apostles and Christ; the third has ten because of the five bodily senses and the five spiritual senses, and so on. The 365 chapters that make up the forty distinctions correspond to the days of the year, and the extra chapter, which is in four parts, corresponds to the extra day that is added every four years to make a leap year. Finally, the ten parts of each chapter evoke the commandments, the three sections into which each is subdivided evoke the Trinity, and the thirty sections so obtained are a reference to the thirty coins Judas received for betraying Jesus. The whole work is divided into three volumes under a single title, Llibre de contemplació en Déu, in memory of the unity of God.21 The contents that unfold within this structure respond, formally, to an encyclopaedic approach. But the nature and goal of the work are essentially mystical and orientated towards contemplation. In Llull, however, contemplation always leads ultimately to action, because he considers that correct knowledge of God is inseparable from the love of God, that the love of God is incompatible with the failure to render to him, by practical means, all that is due to him, in other words, to do everything possible to convert the ‘infidels’. The headings summarizing the

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theme of each distinction show that the first book deals with the ‘properties’ of God himself and the second with the virtues of God as the creator and ordainer of the world; the third book, in accordance with the symbolic number of distinctions it contains, is devoted to the bodily and spiritual senses of Man; the fourth, which addresses topics to do with natural philosophy and Christian theology, focuses on the problem of the relationship between faith and reason and attempts to apply philosophical argumentation to Catholic articles of faith; and the fifth and last book deals with love and prayer, which are directed towards God, the final cause. Thus the headings form a circular, contemplative itinerary in which God, in keeping with the traditional pattern of procession and return, is the beginning and the end. He is considered first in his essence, then in his work, and finally as the supreme good, the object of love and prayer. The middle book is concerned with Man and his senses, which are viewed as the condition of possibility for the soul’s ascent from nature to its creator. The last two books basically offer arts e maneres (ways and means) of successfully accomplishing this ascent. The encyclopaedic itinerary superficially marked out by these headings, however, masks the true nature of the text: in it discourses on divine and human matters are intermingled because it advances, like an endless prayer, through antithetical parallels that are first established and then broadened, and through oppositions, responding to exhortative objectives, between the perfections of God and the imperfections of Man. Josep E. Rubio has aptly described the Llibre de contemplació as a first attempt to organize the material Llull had been collecting during the adventure of his intellectual training.22 Seen in this light, the book reflects both the interests that polarized his readings and the limits of his training at the time he wrote it. Though it can be claimed, in the conventional manner, that the Llibre de contemplació marks the end of Llull’s period of learning, if we compare it to his later output, it becomes clear that he devoted considerable efforts throughout his life, and especially while he was in Paris, to keeping abreast of the logical, philosophical and theological contents of the academic curriculum and the most burning controversies of the day. In any event, three doctrines that were to be crucial to his entire output already play an important role in this work: the theory of the divine attributes (which are viewed as identical to the divine essence, and can therefore be equated to one another), the doctrine of the first and second intention (the original source of which is in Aristotle and which regulates the relationship between the final cause and what is ordained as a means towards the final cause), and the claim that the dogmas of the Catholic faith can be proved.23 These three doctrines were already outlined in the Compendium logicae Algazelis. Lullist scholars have been discussing for years whether there was a Arabic original (now lost) of all or part of this work and how the passages that might indicate this are to be interpreted. The question remains unsolved. However,

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the material collected and arranged in the Llibre de contemplació does include material of Arab origin. Book V would appear to be a case in point. According to Dominique Urvoy it can be interpreted as an attempt to incorporate (for polemical purposes) the substance of Muslim thought as known to Llull at the time.24 Moreover Llull’s apparently ingenuous statement in the final chapter, number 366, to the effect that the second volume is better than the first and the third is better than the second, can be inferred to mean that the Llibre de contemplació is a work in progress.25 The order in which the material is presented reflects the ever deeper knowledge of the philosophical, theological and methodological matters of prime concern to him which Llull was acquiring. Changes in terminology and a few conceptual contradictions between the initial and definitive doctrines are part of this process. Chapter 366 of the Llibre de contemplació also lists the work’s virtues and goes on to offer instructions for its use. One of the main qualities mentioned is that it teaches the reader to debate with and convert those who are in error. Llull maintains that the book’s methods would enable the whole world to be converted to the Catholic faith and that it served to enhance the honour, power and wealth of the Roman church.26 The third volume, comprising books 4 and 5, shows a clear preoccupation — which we mentioned earlier when discussing the versions of al-Ghazali’s Logic — with ways of applying the techniques of argumentation and disputation to theological matters, notably those questions in which different religions are at variance, a problem that was part and parcel of the conversion of the ‘infidels’. These two books reflect Llull’s almost compulsive struggle to find methods (arts e maneres) that would enable missionaries to carry out their tasks efficiently. This struggle, in a more moderate form, had already underlain earlier parts of the Llibre de contemplació, and here it is intermingled with the attempt to organize the conceptual material into ‘figures’ consisting mainly of trees and symbolic letters. The fourth book, for instance, is built on the symbolism of the tree. Each distinction corresponds to a tree and the chapters into which it is divided are its branches. In the last and longest distinction in the entire work, which is part of the fifth book, Llull employs the algebraic method of replacing the conceptual elements of the argument by letters. In the chapters belonging to this distinction, this method is used to propose various methods of carrying out activities which the author considers suitable for his readers in the light of the doctrine of the two intentions: the ascent of the faculties of the soul towards God, contemplation, and so on. One of these arts, in keeping with one of the most characteristic preoccupations displayed by Llull in the works he wrote at the period, is the art “whereby [one] learns how the understanding draws right or wrong conclusions”. This art includes a proposal for adding to the three figures that can be used in syllogistic argumentation, according to Aristotle’s Prior Analytics, a fourth ‘theological’ figure made up of the

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letters symbolizing the divine attributes.27 The last two arts proposed by Llull are the art of discovering truth in disputation and the art of the manifestation of truth and falsehood. The latter claims to be a compendium of all the arts proposed so far. In it the systematic combinations of letters into chambers attain the prominence that was to be characteristic of the later Arts.28 The Llibre de contemplació which, as we have seen, claimed to possess the virtue of teaching the art of disputation and converting those who are in error, already hints, in its final chapters, that these activities might possibly be performed in accordance with a single Art, a single technique, offering all the necessary principles and rules.

Art and ‘Illumination’ Llull’s attempts to devise techniques for interreligious disputation, which he tries to regulate and unify in the Llibre de contemplació, provide the immediate precedent for the compilation of the Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem (ca. 1274), written immediately afterwards, which incorporates some of them.29 This, the first of Llull’s four great Arts, was conceived as a manual for teaching and learning which contained the essential notions of the discipline and had to be useful as a quick reference book as well. As often happens with manuals, the title and the subject are the same. But this particular title also contained a reference — and this was no coincidence — to the name of another well known discipline in the arts faculties of medieval universities: dialectics, traditionally referred to as ars inveniendi. Students studied dialectics by reading Aristotle’s Topics, a work dedicated to the art of disputation in general. The Aristotelianscholastic ars inveniendi is the matrix of Llull’s Art, which was devised, like dialectics, as a technique for discovering truth. It sought to answer questions (double questions, with a negative and an affirmative statement as their possible answers) and reasoned on the basis of topics (literally ‘places’, and termed “universals” by Llull), general principles for validating or refuting the affirmative or negative statements (termed “particulars”) that can provide the answers to the questions. Llull claimed furthermore that his Art, though tailor-made for disputation about matters of faith, also possessed two of the most characteristic virtues of the old dialectics: the ability to argue on any subject and the ability to assess the relevance of principles belonging to all sciences, which made it a sort of art of arts.30 After the Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem, Llull wrote other versions of his Art. When read in succession, they reveal the great efforts he deployed to perfect the topics and increase the efficiency of his Art as a machine for generating arguments. In one Art after the other, Llull proposes new topics and rejects or improves the existing ones (by simplifying them or making them more sophisticated). The topics par excellence of all the versions of his

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Art are the figures, which present-day readers approaching Llull’s artistic works for the first time find so surprising. In the Lullian Arts we find: 1) basic circular figures symbolized by letters, as in algebra (each figure includes a series of simple principles or terms to do with a particular subject, which are also represented by letters), 2) complex or combinatory circular figures (featuring several concentric circles that can be rotated to form different combinations of simple principles or basic figures), and 3) tabular figures or figures with combinations (showing the binary or ternary relationships that can be obtained by using the combinatory mechanism represented by a complex circular figure). These three types of figures constitute the arsenal of the Lullian Art in its successive versions, its stock of ‘universals’.31 Users can draw on them to build arguments for solving questions. The establishment of a limited number of simple elements — made easy to remember by the figures and the alphabetic notation — together with the combinatory mechanism which makes it possible to find all the possible relationships constitute the condition of possibility for the ‘compendiousness’ evoked by the work’s title in its first literary version. The combinatory capacity, in short, makes its possible — to express it in accordance with an Aristotelian saying which perfectly describes the great virtue of topical reasoning — for the simple elements, or principles of the Art, though “minimums in quantity”, to be “potential” maximums as well (in terms of their ability to find a large number of arguments). In the Vita coetanea, the making of the Art is associated with the firm resolution that supposedly entered Llull’s heart after the crucified Christ appeared to him five times and he decided to serve him by dedicating the rest of his life to the conversion of the Muslims: “he himself in time was to write a book, the best book in the world, against the errors of the infidels”. It also tells how, much later on, after Llull’s conversion to penitence, his pilgrimages, and his years of study, the Lord enlightened his mind on a mountain-top by showing him the forma i manera in which the book was to be written. The account goes on to say that, having been thus enlightened, he gave infinite thanks to God, came down from the mountain, and started to plan and write the best of all books, “which he first named Art major [i.e. Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem] and later Art general, and in accordance with the principles of this book he wrote many more”.32 In point of fact, Llull never mentioned this supposed enlightenment until twenty years after it was supposed to have occurred. Not until the middle of the last decade of the 13th century, when he had become a propagandist for the crusade, did he begin to present his Art as a gift from God. The first reference to the donation is probably in Petitio Raymundi pro conversione infidelium ad Coelestinum V papam (1294).33 Llull had already expressed fears in the Llibre de contemplació about the effects his “slight authority” might have on his undertakings and was constantly in search of literary strategies to overcome this handicap.34 And refer-

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ring to the Art as a gift from God could have an impact on certain audiences. Though Llull conceived his Art as a technique for effective disputation on matters of faith, he also presented it from the outset as a science. He was convinced, as we have seen, that nobody espouses a new faith because his former faith has been shown, by dialectical means, to be false unless the contents of the new faith are demonstrated by “necessary reasons” (in other words, scientifically). The evolution of his Art arose largely out of his wish to adapt its principles and operation to the scientific character it claimed to possess. Whereas the title of the first manual of Llull’s Art alluded to the scholastic conception of dialectics, the manual of the second version (Art demostrativa, ca. 1283) bore a title which matched — and again, it was no coincidence — the denomination of that part of logic — ars demonstrandi — which, according to scholasticism, contained the rules of scientific knowledge. Students learnt the principles and rules of scientific knowledge by reading Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics. Llull does not explicitly invoke the authority of Aristotle in the introduction to his work. He does, however, justify the new denomination of his technique by referring to the probative nature of his Art which, he says, teaches argumentation on the basis of three types of proof. Two of these — propter quid (proving the effect from the cause) and quia (proving the cause from the effect) — are the types of proof discussed in the Posterior Analytics which scholasticism considered proper to science. But to these two types of proof known to the ‘ancients’, Llull added another of his own invention: per equiparantiam (through equivalence or by establishing equality). This, in Llull’s view — and also in the light of a particular reading of scholastic principles regarding the degree of necessity of proofs — made it possible to attain greater certainty than propter quid, which itself was considered more probative than quia, or even the only conclusive proof, in the strict sense of the term.35 By disseminating an Art that claimed to be investigative and probative at one and the same time, Llull was presenting a method capable, at least in theory, of overcoming the typically scholastic divide between demonstration and heuristics. But this was not the only novel feature of his Art in comparison to the system of arts and sciences of his time for Lullian art, as already mentioned, was presented as an art which, like Aristotelian dialectics, could be applied to any subject and to the principles of all sciences, and at the same time it claimed, as an ars demonstrandi, to do so in a scientific way. Thus it aimed to constitute a new form of science, one which was impossible according to Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics, but which, if it did exist, would be the most desirable of all: universal science.36 But the evolution of the Lullian Art cannot be explained solely by the author’s desire to improve its efficiency as an argument-finding technique and his interest in heightening the probative value of the arguments: it also had much

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to do with the Illuminated Doctor’s reflections about the conditions of possibility that would make this new science universal and the general nature of its principles. Presentday Lullist scholars usually distinguish between two major stages in the evolution of the Art, which are known as the ‘quaternary’ and ‘ternary’ phases, depending on the number of principles their main figures contain (16 in the quaternary phase, i.e. 4 x 4, and 9 in the ternary phase, i.e. 3 x 3). Both the Arts mentioned so far, Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem (ca. 1274) and Art demostrativa (ca. 1283), belong to the first of these two phases. To simplify one might say that in the Lullian approach the universality of the principles has to do with the fact that any affirmation or negation about any subject also implies an affirmation or negation about God or the author of the statement’s relationship to God. The first Arts offer principles which regulate affirmations and negations that are relevant to God and the way one should relate to God. Consequently they are universal in that they make it possible to confirm or refute affirmations and negations which agree with or contradict those principles. In the Arts of the second stage, which begins with Ars inventiva veritatis (1290) and concludes with Ars generalis ultima (1305-8) and its summary, Ars brevis (1308), the universality of the principles is of a different nature. Llull, bearing very much in mind the function Aristotle attributed to causality in demonstration, began to conceive this universality on the basis of a Neoplatonic-type conception of causal relationships, tacitly legitimated by the philosophy of Proclus and the theology of Pseudo-Dionysius. This conception enabled him to establish the generality of the simple principles of his Art ontologically, by affirming their presence in God as pre-eminent causes and in their effects as semblances of these causes. In the last works of the quaternary phase, which were still based on the Art demostrativa, Llull began to reflect — on the basis of this theory of causality which enabled him to argue that all created beings are made up of divine semblances, to a greater or lesser extent — about the demonstrative, general nature of his art. In the Ars inventiva veritatis, the first of the ternary Arts, not only did he reduce the number of figures and the number of principles in each figure, but he transformed the artistic devices in the light of the results of these reflections. The Dionysian / Proclian theory of causality through similarity permitted him to view the principles of his Art as principles that could be predicated univocally (in keeping with the same definition) about all beings of which they were predicable, without thereby eliminating the differences between the subjects about which they are predicated. Similarity made it possible for different beings to possess the same quality, but also for them to possess it in different ways and to varying degrees. And the sort of generality of principles which this made it possible to establish enabled Llull to build an Art in which the principles of knowing coincided with the principles of being.37 The Ars generalis ultima (in the prologue to which Llull justifies the possibility of the new Art

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on the basis of the Aristotelian theory of science) exploits to the utmost the potentialities of this coincidence.38 Llull had no choice but to seek legitimacy for his universal science in one particular theory, that of Aristotle, which was equated, in the 13th century, with science tout court. But he maintained that his Art overcame what he viewed as the severe shortcomings of Aristotelian science. The Illuminated Doctor stressed in his works that Aristotelian science presents certain anomalies and fails to satisfy what we might anachronistically term the ‘scientific community’ with respect, for example, to the need to endow certain sciences (such as medicine or theology) with solid foundations. We must also recall the situation at the University of Paris, the leading university of the day, at the period when Llull was devising his method. In 1270 and again in 1277, at roughly the same time as Llull was beginning to work on his Art (ca. 1274), the bishop of Paris had condemned numerous theses as a result of the introduction of Aristotle’s philosophical works into the curriculum at the Arts Faculty (Aristotle’s philosophical works had been prohibited in 1210 and 1231 and in previous centuries he had been read in the Latin West only as the author of treatises on logic). This was the period, in other words, when a crisis erupted over the ecclesiastical project of building a Christian wisdom founded on Aristotelian science. This crisis, as Llull himself was well aware, was the counterpart of two other crises: one of these had prompted the Almohade sultan Abu Yusuf, a few decades earlier, to ban the teaching of Aristotelian logic and philosophy, while the other lay behind a dispute over philosophical studies which arose during those same years among Jewish scholars living in Christian lands around the Mediterranean.39 This, in short, was the time when it became clear that theology and philosophy offer ‘dissonant truths’. And though Llull’s Art had been designed first and foremost for interreligious disputation, it also sought to provide a solution to this crisis, for it was to serve, not merely to vanquish the ‘infidels’, but to combat those who practised a philosophy independent of theology and reached conclusions that raised problems for faith. The latter included the ‘Averroists’, against whom Llull wrote numerous works during his last stay in Paris (1309-11). Thus Llull who, like the neo-Augustinians of his time, was opposed to the secularization of thought to which the Aristotelization of the curricula would give rise, presented his Art as an alternative to Aristotelian science which seemed to make the concordance between philosophy and theology impossible. The absolute generality of the principles of his Art — which therefore extended to these two disciplines as well — not only permitted concordance between the two disciplines, according to the Illuminated Doctor, but — because of their contents — also enabled the former to be subordinated to the latter. Furthermore, still according to Llull, it turned theology into a science which depended, epistemologically, not upon faith (which only offered hypotheses to be confirmed or rejected) but on principles, those of the Art, which are self-evident. It

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was for this very reason — because he considered these principles self-evident and therefore not specifically Christian — that Llull could present his Art as a neutral science, capable of turning interreligious disputation into a scientific affair, despite the fact that, in practice, the conclusions of his demonstrative arguments always confirmed the hypotheses offered by the Catholic credo and rejected the others. The Art claimed, in short, to make possible everything Llull considered necessary, notably the concordance of philosophy and theology, the subordination of the former to the latter, the establishment of theology as a true science and, of course, the conversion of the Muslims. The Illuminated Doctor never stopped viewing his Art as an arm of mass conversion that would permit the elimination of Islam and the Christianization of all humanity. And whereas the first literary version was conceived as a manual for use in a missionary school in some isolated, idyllic setting, the Ars generalis ultima and its portable equivalent, the Ars brevis, were designed to be the spiritual arms needed by the crusaders who were to conquer the domains of the ‘infidels’ by the force of material arms as part of a great military operation to be waged on land and sea. However that may be, the fortunes of Llull’s Art in the history of thought has less to do with all these uses than with the fact that the strange epistemological artefact he created raised the possibility of decompartmentalizing the ‘old science’, the possibility, in other words, of overcoming prejudice about the incommunicability of the principles and scope of the different sciences, and of building bridges between scientific doctrine and the discovery of scientific knowledge. The Art, however, was also a forma e manera of making books, as can be inferred from the passage of the Vita coetanea which refers to it as a gift from God. Llull tends to describe the relationship between his four main Arts in terms of filiation: each new Art “descends” from its predecessor. But at the same time each Art heads a new generation of works, which adopt the Art’s principles and procedures, subject it to “interpretations”, “commentaries”, “introductions”, “applications” and “practices”, and even transmute its science into literature for the training and edification of the layman.40 One cannot understand Llull’s output correctly without taking into account this genealogical dimension, which also characterizes his more conventionally ‘literary’ works, such as his two novels: Blaquerna (ca. 1283) and the Llibre de Meravelles (1288-9).

Approaching the Powerful: Travels in the Christian West On 17 October 1276 a papal bull confirmed the establishment of a monastery at Miramar (Majorca). It was to be paid for by James II and thirteen Franciscans were to begin studying Arabic and the Art there, in accordance with a project drawn up by Llull. But from 1282 onwards, a va-

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riety of conflicts caused upheaval in the territories of the Catalan-Aragonese crown. That same year Peter ‘the Great’ annexed Sicily, and three years later Philip III of France tried to invade Catalonia. The Pope blessed the attempted invasion as a crusade, but it finished up costing the French king his life and the Catalan king perished soon afterwards. Later (in 1285) Alfons III of Catalonia and Aragon seized the island possessions of his uncle James II (the natural lord of Ramon Llull). James II had the unconditional backing of the papacy in his conflict with his brother Peter. As lord of Montpellier he was also a vassal of the King of France and had allied himself with the French in their crusade against Catalonia. The life of Llull from now until the peace of Anagni (1295) can only be understood against the background of the RomeFrance-Majorca axis. From 1282 to 1294 he did not set foot in Majorca or any other part of the CatalanAragonese domains. Not until 1294, when the negotiations that were to lead to the treaty of Anagni were underway, did he stop in Barcelona on his way back from Naples and resume his relationship with King James II of Aragon, the son of the deceased Peter ‘the Great’. But once he had completed the first of his revised versions of the Art (Art demostrativa) in Montpellier, Llull felt it was vital to approach the highest instances of power in Latin Christendom in order to ensure the diffusion of the Art and bring his projects to fruition. He knew full well that the success of his undertaking involved arousing the interest of the papal court, the French monarchy, and the University of Paris. Paris was the hub of the intellectual world and the capital of the most powerful kingdom in the West. Llull went there at least three times.41 On his first visit, between the middle of 1287 and the end of 1289, he succeeded in being received at court, but he also came up against his first major communications problem: his system of thought and his terminology were too different from those of academia and too complex. He gave a lecture on the Art at the university but it was a failure.42 Back in Montpellier he set about revamping his system in the Ars inventiva veritatis (1290), a work to which we have already alluded. His second stay in the French capital, which took place ten years later, between 1297 and 1299, was less traumatic. He had another meeting with King Philip IV ‘the Fair’, to whom he dedicated the Arbre de filosofia d’amor, but failed to obtain anything specific from him. He also seized the opportunity to show his Art in public. That was when he struck up a relationship, which was to have far-reaching repercussions, with Thomas le Myésier, his main disciple in Paris, who compiled the Electorium and the Breviculum. 43 The last time Llull was in Paris was between the autumn of 1309 and the autumn of 1311.44 On this occasion he at least gained some recognition from the university and the King of France: forty masters and bachelors at the faculties of Art and Medicine reacted favourably to his lessons on the Ars brevis (a summary of the Ars generalis ultima)

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and the chancellor of the university and Philip IV gave him letters of recommendation.45 It was during this period that the Illuminated Doctor, as mentioned earlier, began producing numerous works to combat the ‘Averroists’ at the Faculty of Arts and called upon the King of France to prohibit the works of Averroes from being read at the University. His stays at the papal court were not very fruitful either.46 In 1292, Nicholas IV became the first Franciscan to accede to the papacy. Llull had been authorized a couple of years earlier by the general of the Franciscans, Ramon Gaufredi, to preach in monastic establishments in Italy as a “friend of the order”, so his election rekindled the hope that he would be listened to in Rome. But he was disappointed: the Roman curia were too immersed in internal problems. Yet in 1291 Acre, the last Christian stronghold in the Holy Land, had fallen into Muslim hands. Islam was advancing, and neither the Catholic monarchs nor the church leaders seemed aware of it. In 1294, Llull wrote a petition (Petició) in Naples setting out his projects and sent it to the newly elected Celestine V, the hermit Pietro da Murrone, who was pope for only five months.47 In 1295 he returned to Rome and submitted another petition in the same terms to Celestine’s successor, Boniface VIII.48 While in the holy city, he also wrote, in the record time of six months, one of his longest and most complex books: the imposing encyclopaedia Arbre de ciència. But by the time he left Rome in 1296 he had obtained nothing from the pontiff. Somewhat embittered over the scant attention paid to his mission, he wrote Desconhort, a lament in verse. On 14 November 1305 Llull attended the coronation of Clement V, a pope under the sway of the French royal house who transferred the pontifical throne to Lyon. Ramon Llull addressed another petition to him, but in vain. In 1311 Pope Clement V convened a general council in the town of Vienne (Dauphiné) and Llull, thanks to the endorsement he had won in Paris, was able to address it. The Vita coetanea, the account he gave to the Carthusians in Paris, was originally conceived as a sort of letter of introduction for Vienne. At the same period he also wrote a strange work in which he engages in conversation with a bad, self-seeking cleric and defends himself against those who denounce him as a madman because of his obstinacy in carrying out the projects he has undertaken for the greater glory of God. The work is entitled Phantasticus, and in it Llull speaks in the following terms: I was a married man with children, quite wealthy, dissolute and worldly. I freely renounced all that to work for the honour of God and the public good, and to exalt the holy faith. I learnt Arabic; I went several times to preach to the Muslims; I was arrested, imprisoned and wounded in the defence of the faith. For fortyfive years I have tried to incite the Church and the Christian princes to act for the public good. Now I am old and poor, but my goal remains unchanged, and I

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will persevere in this same goal, God willing, until I die.49 In Vienne Llull obtained a decision from the council to set up several language schools for missionaries, but it seems that the plan was never implemented. Though Llull never lost sight of the goals he had set himself, he was capable of varying his methods. Thus while in Barcelona towards the end of 1299, he had a meeting with James II of Aragon (the King of Majorca had once more become a vassal of the King of Aragon, so Llull was now his subject) and was authorized by him to preach in the synagogues and mosques of Catalonia. He presented the Liber de fine — his most important work on the crusade — to him in 1305 and sent it to Pope Clement V as well. For the remainder of his life, Llull was to remain in contact with James II of Aragon.50 He maintained political relations with a number of Italian republics, including Pisa and Genoa,51 and with another sovereign from the House of Barcelona, Frederick of Sicily, the brother of James II of Aragon. Though Frederick publicly professed very radical spiritual ideas, akin to those of Arnau de Vilanova, Llull does not seem to have been on very good terms with him. He did however stay on the island in 1313-1314.52

Journeys to North Africa and the East Llull made three visits to North Africa: two to Tunis and one to Bougie. To gain a clear understanding of how these journeys turned out and Llull’s changing attitude from one journey to the next, they must be related to his personal evolution and that of his work. A. Bonner has referred to these changes as tendencies within periods in Llull’s career rather than exclusive positions.53 At the outset, while he was developing his system, Llull was fully confident that his Art was both good and efficacious and its qualities were sufficiently self-evident for it to prevail without him having to present himself in public as its author. At that period he did not sign his works and introduced himself in stock, self-denigrating terms (of which Saint Augustine, for instance, was so fond) as a guilty wretch, a poor sinner, despised by others, and unworthy for his name to appear in a book. Llull belittled himself to enhance the value of his work as an ‘instrument’ of God and, in setting out his system, took an idealized view of the world to which it was offered, a view that was both vague and devoid of opponents. The most representative work of the period, in this respect, is undoubtedly the Llibre del gentil e dels tres savis (Book of the Gentile and the Three Wise Men, written, as stated earlier, between 1274 and 1276). The main character, the Gentile, is unique in Llull’s universe: he represents a man who has not experienced revelation and is guided by natural reason alone. Consequently, despite the subtlety of his mind, the truth eludes him and he needs to hear a human voice

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that is capable of imparting wisdom. The problem arises when he discovers three such voices, one for each of the monotheistic religions. Thus the Gentile, after discovering God, must endure the outrage of the plurality of religions. By the end of the work the Gentile has listened to the authoritative accounts given by the Jew, the Christian and the Muslim of their respective religions and reached the long-awaited conclusion. So when he meets a fellowcountryman in a forest, he knows what revelation he must make to him. The outcome of their conversation is never explicitly stated because the sages ask the Gentile to keep his choice a secret so as not to condition the rest of their conversation. In fact, if Llull’s system is applied, there is no doubt that the Gentile will ask to be baptized. Thus the Book of the Gentile is a work steeped in boundless optimism over the chances that Christianity will prevail over other religions.54 After Llull’s first disappointing experiences in Paris and at the papal court, and after he had simplified and reformulated his Art in the Ars inventiva (1290) and made his first trip to Tunis (1293), he became aware of the real difficulties of communication his project posed. From then onwards he played an active role as the author (appearing as a character in his own works if necessary) and claimed that his Art was an efficacious alternative to the theological and philosophical formulations of his time. He also strove to convince the most influential spheres of society, though they are referred to in general, impersonalized terms.55 In a third and final stage, which began with his journey to Bougie (1307), Llull clashed directly with specific adversaries, who were depicted in a negative light if necessary (Homer, for example, in the Disputatio Raimundi christiani et Homeri sarraceni).56 In Tunis in 1293, Llull tried to start up a discussion with the most highly educated citizens of the country in the conviction that, once they had been won over, the rest of the population would follow and embrace the new faith. This was the most widespread tactic employed by Christian missionaries, notably the Catalan Dominicans. What was more unusual was the attitude Llull displayed in the course of this mission, as described in the Vita coetanea. Ramon, it states, offered to listen to Muslim scholars’ arguments about the truth of the Koranic faith and undertook to adopt their religion if he found these arguments more valid than those of Christianity. This receptive stance would appear to have encouraged his opponents, many of whom took up the challenge. According to the Vita, the mission began to produce results. This alarmed certain Muslim leaders, who persuaded the sultan to imprison him. He was condemned to death, but the sentence was commuted to banishment, thanks to the intercession of a religious man who was impressed by Ramon’s apostolic zeal. Llull was now sixty years old. The account of this episode given in the Vita clearly highlights the contrast between the understanding some Muslim intellectuals showed towards him and the mistrust and hostility of others. It also reveals a tolerance on the part of

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government which would have been very difficult to find in Christendom.57 In the spring of 1307 Llull set out on his second missionary journey to the Maghrib. This time his destination was Bougie,58 a city that had been incorporated into the Hafsid state of Tunis in 1240 before becoming an independent emirate from 1284-85 until 1309. Bougie at the time had very close commercial and political ties with the Catalan states, primarily Majorca (treaty of 1302) but also Catalonia-Aragon (treaty of 1309). Not only were there two alfòndecs (funduqs, or merchants’ compounds) in the city, one Catalan and one Majorcan, but here, as in Tunis, there were Catalan-Aragonese militiamen, commanded by Catalans but paid for by the sovereign of Bougie. There were several chapels too (for people from Pisa, Marseille and Majorca) and members of the Trinitarian, Mercedarian, Dominican and Franciscan orders, who attended to the spiritual needs of free Christians and strove to redeem those who were captives. When Llull arrived in Bougie, he adopted a defiant stance very different from the one he had used in Tunis, by offering to prove that the Muslim faith was false and the Christian faith was true. To any Muslim believer such a claim was an unpardonable offence and the ordinary people reacted irately. The cadi sentenced Llull to be imprisoned and in so doing actually saved his life. The Vita coetanea gives a detailed account of the discussions between Ramon and the cadi, saying that, though the latter was a great philosopher, Llull’s reasoning caused him serious embarrassment. The Vita goes on to relate the following: So when Ramon left the cadi’s house and made his way to the prison, he was beaten with sticks, and punched, and even roughly dragged along by his flowing beard. Then he was locked into the latrine of the thieves’ prison, where he endured hardship for some time. Afterwards he was put into a cell in the same prison. Ramon spent six months in prison in Bougie, though the Genoese and Catalan residents of the city interceded on his behalf and obtained an improvement in his living conditions. During his captivity he held discussions on religion with various Muslim scholars. Finally the King of Bougie, Abu-l-Baqa Halid, who was resident in Constantine at the time, made the magnanimous gesture of setting him free and expelling him from his domains. The ordeals of the journey were not over, however, as the Vita relates: While the ship was sailing towards Genoa, a violent tempest arose about ten miles offshore from the port of Pisa. The ship was so severely battered by the storm that ultimately it sank; some people were drowned and others, with God’s help, were saved. Among the latter were Ramon and a companion of his, who lost all their

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books and clothes and reached the shore in a boat, almost naked.59 For a man over seventy, all these tribulations could have had irreversible effects. Not for Ramon, however, for on reaching Pisa, he rewrote the works he had lost in the shipwreck. He also finished the last version of his Art, which he considered the definitive one, the Ars generalis ultima, and summarized it in the Ars brevis. The original Arabic version of the work he had written in Bougie, Disputatio Raimundi christiani et Homeri sarraceni, was lost in the wreck, but the Latin version rewritten in Pisa was preserved (1308). It recounts the bitter controversies that arose during his imprisonment, but reduces them to a single dispute with one adversary — Homer — who is portrayed in very negative terms. In this work, which he later presented to Pope Clement V to draw his attention to it, he sought to show that Muslim scholars, in keeping with the kalam, required arguments based on reason, not authority. And indeed Homer uses philosophical reasons to try to prove that the Christian dogmas of the Trinity and the Incarnation are impossible. This was both a challenge and a confirmation of the relevance of Llull’s reflections about the need to resort to necessary reasons in order to convert the infidels.60 In 1314 Llull went on another missionary journey to Tunis and we know that in 1315 he was still there. During this long stay he relied entirely on a strategy based on prudence and assimilation: he brought letters of recommendation to the King of Tunis from James II of Aragon, he had the support of his compatriots, he wore Tunisian dress, and maintained cordial relations with the sultan Abû Zakariyâ al-Lihyâni, to whom he may have dedicated two works.61 But Llull’s longest journey ever was to the Near East in the summer of 1301. He had heard that Ghazan, the Mongol Khan of Persia, had invaded Palestine and intended to subjugate it. Llull had long been very interested in the possibilities afforded by the Tartars, a very numerous and powerful people who occupied virtually all the Far East and much of the Near East, had no clearly-defined religion, and were distinctly hostile towards Islam. Converting the Tartars to Christianity (or at least setting up alliances) would provide an opportunity, in the short term, to recover the holy places in Palestine and, in the long term, to encircle the Muslims and drive them back. But when Llull arrived in Cyprus, he discovered that the news that had reached the opposite shore of the Mediterranean was not true: the Tartars had approached Palestine but had then retreated to attend to other fronts. During his stay in Cyprus, his servants tried to poison him. He was given hospitality by the grand master of the Order of the Temple, Jaume de Molay, until he recovered.62 Ramon Llull’s last works date from December 1315 and were written in Tunis. After this he vanishes from history. He was about eighty-four years old. We do not even know whether he died in Tunis or, as seems more likely, after

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returning to Majorca. It would be more accurate, in any case, to say that his physical presence vanished from history, because his works and ideas resounded and spread throughout the history of European culture for the ensuing seven hundred years in a way that not even Llull himself, perhaps, would have expected.

Notes and References [1] [2]

[3] [4] [5]

[6]

[7]

[8]

[9]

For a survey of this stereotyped view, see J. N. Hillgarth. “Raymond Lulle et l’utopie”. Estudios Lulianos, No. 25 (1981-1983), pp. 175-185. The most noteworthy contribution to the historical contextualization of Llull is undoubtedly J. N. Hillgarth. Ramon Lull and Lullism in FourteenthCentury France, “Oxford-Warburg Studies”, Oxford at the Clarendon Press, Oxford 1971; updated Catalan version Ramon Llull i el naixement del lul·lisme, Ed. Albert Soler; translated by Anna Alberni and Joan Santanach, “Textos i Estudis de Cultura Catalana”, No. 61. Curial-Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1998. Albert Soler. “Espiritualitat i cultura: Els laics i l’accés al saber a final del segle XIII a la Corona d’Aragó”. Studia Lulliana, No. 38 (1998), pp. 3-26. Jaume Mensa i Valls. “Arnau de Vilanova”. Episodis de la història No. 313. Rafael Dalmau, Barcelona 1997. Lluís Cifuentes i Comamala. La ciència en català a l’Edat Mitjana i el Renaixement. Col·lecció Blaquerna No. 3. Universitat de Barcelona / Universitat de les Illes Balears, Barcelona — Palma de Mallorca 2001; 2nd revised edition: 2006. Jordi Gayà Estelrich. Raimondo Lullo. Una teologia per la missione. Translated by Domenico Lanfranchi. Eredità Medievale, Jaca Book, Milan 2002. Miquel Batllori. “Història político-religiosa: la intervenció de Sant Ramon de Penyafort” in Obra Completa I: De l’Edat Mitjana. Ed. Eulàlia Duran; Prologue by Jordi Rubió, 3i4, Valencia 1993, pp. 19-34. Josep Perarnau i Espelt. “La «Disputació de cinc savis» de Ramon Llull. Estudi i edició del text català”. Arxiu Textos Catalans Antics 5. Barcelona 1986, pp. 7-229. Anthony Bonner. “L’apologètica de Ramon Martí i Ramon Llull davant de l’Islam i del judaisme”. El debat intercultural als segles XIII i XIV. Actes de les Primeres Jornades de Filosofia Catalana. Girona 25-27 d’abril del 1988, Ed. Marcel Salleras, Estudi General No. 9, Col·legi Universitari, Girona 1989, pp. 171-185. The “unsuccessful missioner” has usually been identified with the Dominican Ramon Martí (see Éphrem Longpré. “Le B. Raymond Lulle et Raymond Martí, O.P.”. Butlletí de la Societat Ar-

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[10]

[11] [12]

[13] [14] [15]

[16]

[17]

queològica Luliana, 24 (1933), pp. 269-271). However it is more likely, perhaps, that the reference was to another Dominican, André Longjumeau, as pointed out by Josep M. Ruiz Simon. L’Art de Ramon Llull i la teoria escolàstica de la ciència, Quaderns Crema, Barcelona 1999, pp. 361-2, Note 501. Ora Limor. The Disputation of Majorca, 1286: A Critical Edition and Introduction, Publications of the School of Graduate Studies, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Faculty of Humanities, 2 vols., Jerusalem 1985). Lola Badia. “La «Disputatio contra Iudeos» d’Inghetto Contardo”. Studia Lulliana, No. 33 (1993 [1994]), pp. 47-50. See David Abulafia. A Mediterranean Emporium. The Catalan Kingdom of Majorca. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1994. Thus, for instance, in Chapter 70 of the Llibre de contemplació: “22. You, Lord, were wise from the very time of your nativity and during the middle and the end of the days you spent in this world; but I was foolish from the beginning of my days until beyond the age of thirty, when the recollection of your wisdom and the desire to praise you and the remembrance of your passion awoke in me. 23. So, just as the sun shines with greater force in the middle of the day, so I, until the middle of my life, was foolish and lacking in wisdom. But your wisdom, Lord, is so great that it can give me as much wisdom during the rest of my life as though my whole life had been spent in good works.” Ramon Llull. Obres Essencials (OE), 2 vols. Barcelona 1957-60, Vol. II, p. 250. Fernando Domínguez. “Idea y estructura de la «Vita Raymundi Lulii»”. Estudios Lulianos, 27, (1987), pp. 1-20. Jordi Gayà. “‘De conversione sua ad poenitentiam’: reflexiones ante la edición crítica de «Vita coetanea»”. Estudios Lulianos, 24, (1980), pp. 87-91. J.N. Hillgarth. Diplomatari lul·lià: documents relatius a Ramon Llull i a la seva família. Translated by L. Cifuentes. Col·lecció Blaquerna 1, Universitat de Barcelona / Universitat de les Illes Balears, Barcelona- Palma de Mallorca 2001; see document No. 13. Miquel Batllori. “L’entrevista de Ramon Llull amb Ramon de Penyafort a Barcelona”. Cuadernos de Historia Económica de Catalunya, 21 (1980), pp. 9-11. Recently reproduced in Obra Completa II: Ramon Llull i el lul·lisme, Ed. Eulàlia Duran; prologue by Albert Hauf. 3i4, Valencia 1993, pp. 45-46 and 87-93. With respect to Latin, see Lola Badia. “A propòsit de Ramon Llull i la gramàtica”. Estudis de llengua i literatura catalanes - XVIII. Miscel·lània Joan Bastardas 1. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, 1989, pp. 157-182, and id., Teoria i pràctica de la literatura en Ramon Llull. Assaig 10. Quaderns Cre-

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[18]

[19]

[20]

[21] [22] [23] [24] [25] [26] [27] [28] [29]

[30] [31]

ma, Barcelona 1992, pp. 173-194. With regard to Arabic, see Fernando Domínguez. “Ramon Llull, «catalán de Mallorca», y la lengua árabe. Contexto sociolingüístico”. Literatura y bilingüismo. Homenaje a Pere Ramírez, Problemata Literaria 15, Reichenberger, Kassel 1993, pp. 3-17. Jordi Gayà. “El ambiente científico de Montpellier en los siglos XIII y XIV”. Estudios Lulianos, 21, (1977), pp. 59-67. Anthony Bonner. “L’aprenen tatge intel·lectual de Ramon Llull”. Studia in honorem prof. M. de Riquer II. Quaderns Crema, Barcelona 1987, pp. 11-20. See also Raimundi Lulli Opera latina, Tomus XX, Ed. Jordi Gayà Estelrich, Corpus Cristianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis CXIII. Brepols, Turnhout, 1995, pp. ix-xi. Charles Lohr. “Logica Algazelis: Introduction and Critical Text”. Traditio, 21, (1965), pp. 223-290; Jordi Rubió i Balaguer. “La lògica del Gazzali posada en rims per en Ramon Llull” in id., Ramon Llull i el lul·lisme. Obres de Ramon Llull. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1985, pp. 111-166. On the Llibre de contemplació, see the edition referenced in Note 12. Tomàs Carreras Artau, Joaquim Carreras Artau. Historia de la filosofía española. Filosofía cristiana de los siglos XIII al XV, Vol. I, facsimile edition of the original 1939 edition. Institut d’Estudis Catalans - Diputació de Girona 2001, p. 348. Llibre de contemplació, “Pròleg”, edition referenced in Note 12 (OE), Vol. II, p. 107. Josep Enric Rubio. Literatura i doctrina al Llibre de Contemplació de Ramon Llull. Editorial Saó, Valencia 1995, p. 21. Ibidem, pp. 357-8. Dominique Urvoy. Penser l’Islam. Les présupposés islamiques de l’Art de Llull. Vrin, Paris 1980, p. 326. Llibre de contemplació, Chapter 366 (OE II, p. 1252 et sqq.). Ibidem. Chapter 331. Cf. Chapter 363 (OE II, 1080. Cf. ibidem, 1235). Chapters 362-3 and Chapter 364 (OE II, 1229 et sqq.). For particular aspects of the transition from the Llibre de contemplació to the Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem, see Josep Enric Rubio. Les bases del pensament de Ramon Llull. Institut Universitari de Filologia Valenciana - Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Valencia- Barcelona 1997. On the relationship between Llull’s Art and the ars inveniendi, see Josep M. Ruiz Simon. L’Art..., referenced in Note 9, pp. 27-29 and 184-238. Anthony Bonner. The Art and Logic of Ramon Llull. A User’s Guide. Brill, Leiden - Boston (MA) 2007, offers a useful and stimulating introduction to the function of these figures in argumentations regulated by the Art. For a more conventional in-

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[32]

[33] [34]

[35]

[36]

[37]

[38] [39]

troduction to these figures and the artistic devices, Carreras Artau, Historia... (referenced in Note 20) pp. 345 et sqq. still offers a highly enlightening presentation. Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus VIII, Ed. Hermogenes Harada, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis XXXIV. Brepols, Turnhout 1980, p. 280. Raymundi Lulli Opera Omnia, Eds. Salzinger Ivo and Franz Philipp Wolff (Häffner, Mainz 1722; reprinted by F. Stegmüller, Frankfurt, 1965), II, iv, 51 (175). Libre de contemplació, OE II, 1257. With regard to the ‘promotional’ way in which Llull builds his own image, see Lola Badia. “Ramon Llull: autor i personatge” in Fernando Domínguez et al. (Eds.), Aristotelica et Lulliana magistro doctissimo Charles H. Lohr, septuagesimum annum feliciter agenti dedicate. The Hague 1995, pp. 355-75. See Art demostrativa, “Pròleg” in Obres selectes de Ramon Llull (1232-1316), Ed. A. Bonner, Editorial Moll, Palma de Mallorca 1989, Vol. I, p. 290. For the links between the Art and the Aristotelian ars demonstrandi, see Josep M. Ruiz Simon. L’Art... (referenced in Note 9), pp. 31-45, 204-208, 238-295. Analytica posteriora I, 9. Cf. Ars generalis ultima “De prologo”, Ramon Llull. Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus XIV. Ed. Alois Madre, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis LXXV. Brepols, Turnhout 1986, pp. 5-6. The transformation of Llull’s understanding of the principles of his Art is analysed and interpreted in Josep Maria Ruiz Simon. “La transformació del pensament de Ramon Llull durant les obres de transició cap a l’etapa ternària” in Maria Isabel Ripoll Perelló (Ed.). Actes de les Jornades Internacionals Lul·lianes: Ramon Llull al segle XXI. Col·lecció Blaquerna 5, Universitat de les Illes Balears - Universitat de Barcelona, Palma de Mallorca-Barcelona 2005. See Ars generalis ultima, edition referenced in Note 36. With reference to the Muslims, Llibre del gentil e dels tres savis, Ed. Anthony Bonner, Nova Edició de les Obres de Ramon Llull II, Patronat Ramon Llull, Palma de Mallorca 1993, pp. 196-7: “But there are others among us who understand the glory morally and expose it spiritually, and they say that Mohammed spoke to people who were foolish and lacking in understanding through examples […] And these are scholars in philosophy and natural science and great priests, and they are men who in some respects do not fully observe the commandments of our law, and for that reason among us they are considered almost as heretics, and they came to heresy by listening to logic and natural science. And for that reason there is agreement among us that no man dares to read logic or natural science openly.”

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[40]

[41] [42]

[43]

[44]

The “almost heretical” points of view described by the wise Muslim in this passage from Llull remind us of those expressed by Averroes in his Decisive Treatise on the Connection between Religion and Philosophy, which at the time was unpublished in Latin. On the subject of Judaism, see Eduard Feliu: «La controvèrsia sobre l’estudi de la filosofia en les comu nitats jueves occitanocatalanes a la primeria del segle XIV: Alguns documents essencials del llibre Minhat Quenaot d’Abamari ben Mossé de Lunèl», Tamid No. 1, Barcelona 1997, pp. 65-131, especially pp. 110-122. This controversy dates back to the early 13th century and arose from the reactions to the work of Maimonides. It is interesting to note that in 1305 Salomó ben Adret, a Barcelona rabbi, cabbalist and acquaintance of Llull’s, signed a cherem against those who studied “the books of the Greeks”, i.e. philosophy, before reaching the age of twenty-five. Finally it should not be forgotten that towards 1311 Llull was in favour of a ban on reading works of philosophy which (like those of Averroes) were “contrary to theology” (see Liber natalis, Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus VI. Ed. Hermogenes Harada, “Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis” XXXII, Brepols, Tornhout 1975, p. 69; Liber de ente. Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus VII. Ed. Hermogenes Harada, Corpus Christianorum, Continua tio Mediaevalis XXXIV. Brepols, Turnhout 1980, p. 242; Vita coetanea, ibidem, 303). We borrow this last expression from the title of a classical article by Robert Pring-Mill. “Els recontaments de l’arbre exemplifical de Ramon Llull: la transmutació de la ciència en literatura”, included in Robert D.F. Pring-Mill. Estudis sobre Ramon Llull. Curial Edicions - Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1991, p. 307 et sqq. On Llull’s relations with France and his different visits to Paris, the book by Hillgarth referenced in Note 2 is essential reading. On this particular visit to Paris and Llull’s contacts with the university, see Albert Soler i Llopart. “El «Liber super Psalmum Quicumque» de Ramon Llull i l’opció pels tartars”. Studia Lulliana, 32, (1992), pp. 3-19 and id. “Ramon Llull and Peter of Limoges”. Traditio, 48 (1993), pp. 93-105. On Llull’s second stay in Paris, see Anthony Bonner. “L’Art de Llull com a alternativa a l’aristotelisme parisenc”, Taula, 37 (2002), pp. 11-19; also Ramon Llull. Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus XVIII, Ed. Abraham Soria Flores, Fernando Domínguez, Michel Senellart. Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis LXXX. Brepols, Turnhout 1991, pp. 15-26. On Le Myésier, see Hillgarth’s book referenced in Note 2. On Llull’s third stay in Paris, see Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus V, Ed. Helmut Riedlinger, Palma de Mallorca 1967, pp. 114-160.

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[45] See documents 41-43 in the Diplomatari referenced in Note 15. [46] On Llull’s stays at the papal court in Rome, see Miquel Batllori’s benchmark study “El lulismo en Italia. (Ensayo de síntesis)”. Revista de Filosofía, 2, Madrid (1943), pp. 253-313, 479-537; 3, (1944), p. 146, revised and translated into Catalan in id., Ramon Llull i el lul·lisme... referenced in Note 16, pp. 221-335. [47] Josep Perarnau i Espelt. “Un text català de Ra mon Llull desconegut: la «Petició de Ramon Llull al papa Celestí V per a la conversió dels infidels». Edició i estudi”. Arxiu de Textos Catalans Antics, 1, Barcelona (1982), pp. 9-46. [48] Josep Perarnau i Espelt. “Bonifacio, fra Raimondo Lullo e Arnaldo da Villanova”. Bonifacio VIII. Ideologia e azione politica. Atti del convegno organizzato nell’ambito delle celebrazioni per il VII centenario della morte. Città del Vaticano-Roma, 26-28 aprile 2004. Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, Rome 2006, pp. 423-432. [49] Ramon Llull. Disputa del clergue Pere i de Ramon, el Fantàstic. Llibre de la ciutat del món. Ed. L. Badia, “Traducció de l’obra llatina de Ramon Llull” 1, Brepols, Turnhout — Edèndum, Santa Coloma de Queralt, forthcoming. [50] See documents 33, 35, 37-40 and 45-51 of the Diplomatari referenced in Note 15. [51] Fernando Domínguez. “«In civitate Pisana, in monasterio Sancti Domnini»: algunas observaciones sobre la estancia de Ramon Llull en Pisa (1307-1308)”. Traditio, 42, (Fordham University Press, New York 1986), pp. 389-437. [52] Margherita Spampinato Beretta. “Lulio in Sicilia”. Atti del Convegno Internazionale Ramon Llull; il lullismo internazionale, l’Italia. Napoli, 30 e 31 marzo,1 aprile 1989. Istituto Universitario Orientale. Annali: Sezione Romanza XXXIV, 1. Naples 1992, pp. 145-162. Clifford R. Backman. The Decline and Fall of Medieval Sicily. Politics, Religion and Economy in the Reign of Frederick III, 12961337. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1995, pp. 217-219. [53] Anthony Bonner. “Reducere auctoritates ad necessarias rationes”, Actes de les Jornades Internacionals Lul·lianes. Ramon Llull al s. XXI. Palma, 1, 2 i 3 d’abril de 2004. Ed. Maria Isabel Ripoll Perelló, Col·lecció Blaquerna 5, Universitat de les Illes Balears / Universitat de Barcelona, Palma de MallorcaBarcelona 2005, pp. 49-52. [54] See the edition of the Llibre del Gentil referenced in Note 39. [55] On the evolution of Ramon’s character, see the work by L. Badia referenced in Note 34, and Anthony Bonner. “Ramon Llull: autor, autoritat i il·luminat”. Actes de l’Onzè Col·loqui Internacional de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes. Palma (Mallor-

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ca), 8-12 de setembre del 1998. Ed. Joan Mas i Vives, Joan Miralles i Monserrat, Pere Rosselló Bover, I. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1998, pp. 35-60. [56] The most complete study of Llull’s relations with the Muslim world remains Dominique Urvoy, (referenced in Note 24). [57] See the account of this stay in the Vita coetanea, edition referenced in Note 32, pp. 289-293. [58] Armand Llinarès. “Le séjour de Raymond Lulle à Bougie (1307) et la «Disputatio Raymundi Christiani et Hamar Saraceni»”. Estudios Lulianos, 4 (1960), pp. 63-72.

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[59] See the account of this stay in the Vita coetanea, edition referenced in Note 32, pp. 297-301. [60] See Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus XXII. Ed. Alois Madre, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis CXIV. Brepols, Tornhout 1998. [61] Armand Llinarès. “Les séjours de Raymond Lulle à Tunis et les derniers moments de sa vie”. Revue de la Méditerranée, 20. (Paris-Algiers 1960), pp. 495502. [62] Jordi Gayà. “Ramon Llull en Oriente (1301-1302); circunstancias de un viaje”. Studia Lulliana, 37 (1997), pp. 25-78.

About the Authors Josep Maria Ruiz obtained his Ph.D. in philosophy and his bachelor’s degree in Catalan philology from the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. He is currently titular professor of philosophy at the University of Girona. He is a specialist in medieval philosophy and the author of several studies on Llull’s thought, notably L’Art de Ramon Llull i la teoria escolàstica de la ciència (Barcelona: Quaderns Crema, 1999). He is a member of the University of Barcelona’s Ramon Llull Documentation Centre (www.ub.edu/centrellull). Albert Soler holds a Ph.D. in Catalan philology from the University of Barcelona. He is titular professor of medieval Catalan literature at the University of Barcelona. He has specialized in Ramon Llull and other contemporary writers and has published a number of critical editions of Llull’s works, chiefly El Llibre d’amic e amat (Barcelona: Barcino, 1995). He is a member of the University of Barcelona’s Ramon Llull Documentation Centre.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 63-79 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.5 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

The Borja Family: Historiography, Legend and Literature Eulàlia Duran*

Institut d’Estudis Catalans

Abstract The Borja family from Valencia (the Italian spelling is ‘Borgia’) have been a constant source of fascination since the 15th century because of the unusual power they came to wield in Italy and Valencia thanks to the ecclesiastical career. They caused much ink to flow in the field of legend all over Europe — mainly in Italy but also in Germany, Great Britain, France and, of course, Valencia — and were ultimately accused of every vice. They also provided a major theme for literature and films. Partly in reaction to this they became, mainly from the last third of the 19th century onwards, a subject for serious historiographical research based on archival documents. In recent years the fifth centenary of the pontificate of Alexander VI has triggered new research. I attempt here to give an overview and to offer explanations for the interest they have aroused.

Key words: the Borja family, Borgia, 16th century, historiography, legend, literary theme The Borja1 family from Valencia are an unusual case: in the 15th and 16th centuries they reached the highest echelons of ecclesiastical and political power in Italy and established a firm foothold in Valencia. They consisted basically of two popes, who were uncle and nephew, and the nephew’s children. The Borjas acted as a veritable clan and, owing to their power and wealth, were seen as depraved, lawless and incestuous, but also enterprising, dynamic, unhypocritical, and defenders of the church heritage. Their power aroused fear, envy and hatred, and these feelings gave rise to the so-called ‘Black Legend’, which encompassed the whole family and has endured to our own times. Based mostly on scandal, it sought to account for their unusual power. It gradually gained momentum, giving rise to the publication of many controversial and tendentious works in a variety of genres, ranging from mere pamphlets and pasquinades to chronicles, poetry, plays, novels and, eventually, over forty films. Not until the last third of the 19th century do we find the first serious research based on archive sources. This research has gradually been consolidated but has not displaced the literature inspired by the legend, which still flourishes. The Borja family, in short, left no one in Europe indifferent and gave rise to diverse interpretations, most of them coloured by the atmosphere of the age in which they were produced.

* Corresponding author: Eulàlia Duran i Grau. Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC), Secció Històrico-arqueològica. Carme 47. 08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 932701628. E-mail: iieb@elsborja.org

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The Family The origins of the Borja family are obscure. They were certainly not of distinguished descent and this was always a millstone round their necks. They came from the Aragonese locality of Borja and in the 13th century took part in the conquest of the Valencian Country under the orders of James I ‘the Conqueror’. There were two main branches: one was made up of knights who bore the name Gil de Borja, while the others — the ancestors of the Borja popes — were dyers by trade and were known simply as Borja. In 1419 the two branches were joined by marriage and the similarity of the surnames lent a certain air of nobility to the Borja family’s origins.2 One of the bride’s brothers, Alfons de Borja (1378-1458), was to become the family’s first pope under the name Calixtus III in 1455. His meteoric rise was due basically to the diplomatic skills he displayed in the last stage of the Western Schism. From 1417 onwards he exercised these skills chiefly as a member of the royal chancery of King Alfons ‘the Magnanimous’, later becoming vice-chancellor and then president of the Royal Council in 1442. He was appointed bishop of Valencia in 1429 and created a cardinal in 1444, after which he moved permanently to Rome. He was elected pope in 1455 against the backcloth of the Ottoman threat, Constantinople having fallen to the Turks in 1453. He focused his policy, unsuccessfully, on mounting a crusade against the Turks.3 Being a foreigner, he surrounded himself with servants from the realms of the Catalan-Aragonese crown. He

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Figure 1. The Virgin Mary entrusting Siena to the care of Pope Calixtus III. Panel by Sano di Pietro. c. 1456. Pinacoteca Nazionale di Siena.

also watched over his nephews’ careers: Pere Lluís de Borja was appointed captain-general of the papal army but died young in 1458, while Roderic de Borja (the future pope) was made a cardinal and papal vice-chancellor, in line with a practice that was widespread in the history of the papacy. Calixtus III performed his duties discretely but efficiently and laid the foundations for his family’s social ascent. Certain basically legendary anecdotes seek to attribute his rise to divine intervention. It was said, for instance, that when he was a child, Saint Vincent Ferrer predicted that he would one day be pope and would canonize him. And so it turned out. Calixtus played a major part in his family’s promotion but his reputation remained unscathed by the charges levelled against his successors. Roderic de Borja (1431-1503), who became the second Borja pope under the name of Alexander VI, was a more complex and above all a more controversial personality.4 Thanks to his uncle, Calixtus III, he began accumulating official posts: not only was he made a cardinal and vicechancellor of the Roman curia (in 1456 and 1457 respectively), but he became commissioner of the papal armies and obtained various benefices and offices, including the abbey of Subiaco and the sees of Girona, Valencia, Cartagena and Majorca. He was considered one of the wealthiest cardinals of his time. After the death of Calixtus in 1458, he never left Rome, except briefly in 1472-1473, when he headed a diplomatic legation to the Iberian Peninsula and paid a solemn visit to the diocese of Valencia, which he had held since 1458.

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As pope he tried, with little success, to enforce church reform, especially after the death of his son Joan in 1497. He made a few token gestures in support of the crusade against the Turks and evangelization, such as sending Bernat Boïl to the New World. In one of the edicts known as the Alexandrian bulls (1493), he confirmed the dominion of the Crown of Castile over the lands discovered by Christopher Columbus on his first voyage.5 He gave refuge to Jews expelled from Spain, in defiance of the wishes of the Catholic Monarchs.6 For reasons that were political rather than ecclesiastical, he clashed with and excommunicated Girolamo Savonarola who, after the fall of the Medicis, had turned Florence into a republic that was democratic and theocratic at one and the same time. Savonarola was judged by the Signoria and burnt as a heretic on the square in Florence in 1498.7 The solemn jubilee celebrations staged by Alexander in 1500 have been seen, from an urban viewpoint, as the birth of modern Rome, since they turned it into an amalgam of a holy city and a former imperial capital. Alexander was a protector of several universities,8 notably that of Valencia, and surrounded himself with humanists, whom he rewarded with offices and positions in his curia.9 But first and foremost he was an outstanding patron of the arts.10 On the political front Alexander strove to maintain a balance in the Italian peninsula, which was divided basically into four major units: the duchy of Milan and the republic of Venice in the north, the papal states in the centre, and the kingdom of Naples in the south. Two great powers, Castile-Aragon and France, both of which coveted the kingdom of Naples and the duchy of Milan, posed an external threat. This largely explains Alexander’s fluctuating policies towards them and his interventionist policy in Italy. Thus the eleven years of his pontificate were marked by alliances and rifts with the different blocks that took shape in Europe with a view to combating the aggressive policies of Charles VIII and Louis XII of France. In the end, however, he opted for a pro-French policy. These international political affairs are part and parcel of the conflicts that opposed him to the feudal lords whose domains bordered on the papal states and who had consistently competed for the control of Rome and the papacy (such as the Colonna, Orsini, della Rovere and Sforza families). To offset the influence of hostile cardinals and raise funds for military campaigns, Alexander appointed like-minded cardinals, most of them from the kingdom of Aragon. During his pontificate, the number of cardinals rose from twenty-four to forty-five and the percentage of Italians fell from 90% to 60%. Unsurprisingly, this earned him many enemies. Even so, it was his brazen promotion of his children that raised most controversy. While still a cardinal, Roderic de Borja had at least nine children whom he acknowledged and legitimized. The identity of the mother, or mothers, of the first three (Pere Lluís, Jerònima and Elisabet) is unknown. For the eldest, Pere Lluís (c. 14681488), he set up the duchy of Gandia, the Borjas’ chief

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Figure 2b. Alexander VI in papal regalia. Miniature from the Pope’s Christmas Missal, c. 1500. Vatican Library.

Figure 2. Alexander VI, as portrayed in the gallery of prelates in Valencia. Studio of Joan de Joanes. 1568. Valencia Cathedral. Museum.

possession in the kingdom of Aragon. He had four more children by Vannozza (Giovanna) Cattanei, a very enterprising and discrete Roman matron: Cèsar (1475-1507), who was destined to a church career from infancy, Joan (c. 1478-1497), who became the second Duke of Gandia on the death of his half-brother Pere Lluís, Lucrècia (14801519), a vital pawn in the pope’s matrimonial policies, and Jofré (born in 1481 or 1482), who became Prince of Squillace through his marriage to an illegitimate daughter of King Alfons II of Naples. Two more sons are known to have been born during Alexander’s pontificate: Joan, Duke of Nepi and Camerino (1498?-1546), known as the Roman Infant and rumoured to be the fruit of an incestuous relationship with Lucrècia, and Roderic (c. 15031527), who became a priest.11 Prior to the Council of Trent it was quite common for cardinals to have children. The keeper of the Barcelona municipal journal officially recorded the second Duke of Gandia’s arrival in the city in the following words: “On this day the Duke of Gandia, the son of our Holy Father Alexander, landed on the shore in Barcelona”.12 The pope made no effort to conceal his offspring and no one was scandalized. His behaviour towards the sons born during

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his pontificate was more equivocal. One factor, however, caused antagonism, and that was his obsession with securing his children’s future by granting them lands and titles, and the ostentatious way he treated them within the Vatican. Criticism was widespread among his contemporaries over the rapid rise of this foreign family, who owed their fortunes to the clerical career.13 At this point it is worth pausing to consider two of Alexander’s most famous children, Cèsar and Lucrècia. Cèsar was the most brilliant and controversial of all the Borjas.14 He was born in Rome in 1475 and destined to the church. In accordance with family custom, benefices and ecclesiastical distinctions were showered upon him from the age of seven. By 1482 he was apostolic protonotary, canon of the cathedral of Valencia and archdeacon of Xàtiva, and in 1491 he became bishop of Pamplona. His tutors were the Majorcan Esperandéu Espanyol, an author of Latin poetry, and the future cardinal Joan Vera. He studied in Perugia and Pisa, where he specialized in civil and canon law. After his father was elected pope, Cèsar succeeded him as archbishop of Valencia (1492) and was created a cardinal in 1493. But a church career was not to his liking and he renounced it in 1498 to became captaingeneral of the papal armies. He initiated a rapprochement with the new king of France, which culminated in a journey to the French court. There the contract for his marriage to Charlotte d’Albret, the sister of King John of Navarre, was signed. The French king granted him several titles, including that of count, and later duke, of Valentinois, in southern France. With the help of the French, he won back a stretch of papal territory extending from Romagna to the Marches, and drove out the lords of certain cities who were feudatories of the Holy See. The military

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efficacy of Cèsar and his armies became legendary, though his diplomacy was apparently as effective as the force of arms, if not more so. Cèsar’s campaign culminated in his triumphal entry into Rome in February 1500, where he received the title of duke of Romagna.15 The attacks on Romagna continued in 1500-1502 and Tuscany came under threat. The Florentine Signoria dispatched Machiavelli as their ambassador. The image Cèsar acquired in later centuries derived mostly from Machiavelli’s reports and above all his comments in Il principe.16 Cèsar alternated military campaigns with periods in Rome. From there he reorganized the administration of Romagna, which was ruled through lieutenants, and tried to introduce fiscal and monetary measures conducive to centralization. He commissioned Leonardo da Vinci to design a series of great hydraulic constructions to canalize the river from Cesena to the sea. The drawings have survived but the work was never carried out.17 Some have maintained that Cèsar’s underlying intentions made his policies a precedent for the unification of Italy. But this theory, fostered in Garibaldi’s time and in the Fascist era, has recently been rejected by Enrico Angiolini (2003) on the grounds that it arose from the ideology of those two periods and cannot convincingly be applied to the early 15th century, when Italy was dominated by feudal barons and the concept of territoriality did not exist. A parallel might be drawn with the way certain Castilian historiographers have interpreted the role of the Catholic Monarchs in Spain. Alexander’s death in the summer of 1503 triggered a downturn in Cèsar’s career, which had largely been funded by the papal treasury. Though ill himself, Cèsar managed to persuade the conclave to appoint a neutral pope, Paul III Piccolomini. But he died just a few weeks later and his successor, the warlike Julius II della Rovere, a former enemy of Alexander’s, did not renew Cèsar’s appointment as captain-general and decided to annex Romagna directly to the papal states. Cèsar surrendered to him in 1503 and was imprisoned in Rome but succeeded in escaping to Naples. There he was arrested by the ‘Great Captain’ (1504),18 sent as a prisoner to the castle of Chinchilla (Murcia) and subsequently to La Mota (Medina del Campo), from where he escaped in 1506. He headed for Navarre and placed himself at the service of his brotherin-law, the king consort John (Jean d’Albret) who was attempting to crush the Navarrese rebels. Cèsar died in a skirmish in Viana in March 1507, just five hundred years ago, while acting as captain-general of the king’s troops. He left one daughter by Charlotte d’Albret, Lluïsa, and several illegitimate children, who remained in the care of his sister Lucrècia. Lucrècia Borja19 was born in April 1480, probably in Subiaco. She was brought up in Rome under the guardianship of her kinswoman Adriana del Milà, in whose household her companions included Giulia Farnese, ‘La Bella Giulia’, the new mistress of Alexander VI. Lucrècia’s marriages and the negotiations for other unions which

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Figure 3. Portrait thought to be that of Cèsar Borja. Roca di Fiano, Rome.

never materialized reflect the political context and her father’s objectives. In February 1491, while still vice-chancellor, he considered using her to forge links with the Valencian high aristocracy. After becoming pope in November 1492, he made her a tool of his political strategies in Italy and occasionally appointed her to specific posts, such as that of governor of Spoleto.20 She often appeared beside him in public ceremonies. She also resided in the papal apartments during his absence and was permitted to open his correspondence and summon the cardinals if necessary, a situation which scandalized the master of ceremonies and diarist Johannes Burckard. The purpose of her first marriage, to Giovanni Sforza, Lord of Pesaro, was to cement Alexander’s alliance with the Duke of Milan, Ludovico Sforza ‘the Moor’. They were married in great pomp at the Vatican in 1493 but their union was soon annulled on the grounds of non-consummation. In point of fact the pope was now seeking closer ties with the Aragonese dynasty that ruled Naples. This rapprochement led to the signature, in June 1498, of the contract for Lucrècia’s marriage to Alfons d’Aragó, Duke of Bisceglie, the son of the late King Alfons II. Her son Roderic was the fruit of this marriage. Joan, the mysterious ‘Roman Infant’ and future Duke of Nepi, had been born in 1498, a short time before the wedding. He has been variously identified as the son of Lucrècia and a servant, the son of Cèsar or Alexander and some unknown

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woman (as stated in two papal bulls issued in 1501), or the incestuous offspring of Lucrècia and her father. The renewed threat of a French invasion caused the pope to reverse his policy once more, this time in France’s favour. This put Lucrècia’s husband in mortal danger in Rome and he was assassinated in 1501, apparently on orders from Cèsar. In December of the same year another marriage was arranged for Lucrècia. Her new husband was the heir to the duchy of Ferrara, Alfonso d’Este, the future Alfonso I. It took a large sum of money to overcome the misgivings of Duke Ercole of Ferrara, who was unable to sort out the Borja family’s murky origins. The marriage brought them the aristocratic prestige they longed for in Italy and an alliance that was beneficial to the ambitions of Cèsar, who was then in the midst of his Romagna campaign. Lucrècia left Rome in 1502, never to return, and settled at the court of the dukes of Este. Romantically inspired historiographers viewed her years in Ferrara as a gentrified retreat that saved her from the Borjas’ downfall. Alexander’s death and the campaign to discredit the family placed her in a delicate situation but her relationship to the house of Este kept her more or less on the sideline. When Cèsar was imprisoned, Lucrècia appealed to various authorities on his behalf. One was her father-in-law Ercole d’Este, who envisaged the possibility of Cèsar returning to Romagna. All in all, this period was anything but a retreat. When her husband inherited the duchy as Alfons I, Lucrècia became Duchess of Ferrara (1505). In 1508 her son, the future Duke Ercole, was born. The court was rocked by the swashbuckling disputes between Alfonso and his brothers and step-brothers, fuelled by power lust, jealousy and passionate love affairs. Moreover both Venice and the popes — Julius II and Leo X — want-

ed to absorb the duchy of Ferrara into the papal states. Consequently the duke, who had been appointed gonfalonier of the Church army in 1509, found himself immersed in constant wars, and Lucrècia deputized for him during his absence. He recovered the duchy but lost part of his lands to Pope Julius II. The courtiers with whom Lucrècia surrounded herself included several humanists. One was the Venetian Pietro Bembo, who dedicated his work Gli asolani to her.21 Their more or less Platonic love letters, written in Italian, have been preserved.22 When a local humanist23 who acted as a go-between was found dead in a Ferrara street, it was suspected that the duke had stepped in. The elimination of trouble-makers was widespread practice in Italy at the time. Lucrècia also had a half-political, half-amorous relationship with Francesco Gonzaga, the Marquis of Mantua, who was married to her sister-in-law Isabella d’Este and helped her carry out her governmental duties in Ferrara when the duke was away.24 Complications arising from the birth of her last child — she had seven in all — took Lucrècia to her grave in 1519. It has been suggested that she underwent a spiritual evolution and led a more pious life in her latter years. Signs of this were the religious institutions she founded

Figure 4. Lucrècia Borja, as depicted on the bronze medal Dell’ amorino bendato. Mantuan School, 1505. Ferrara, Musei Civici d’Arte Antica.

Figure 4b. Illuminated page from the work Spectacula Lucretiana by G.B. Valentini, ‘Il Cantalicio’, which was written to mark the marriage of Lucrècia Borja to Alfonso d’Este. 1501.

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— convents for the education of her own children and those of Angela Borja, her lady-in-waiting, close friend and kinswoman25 — and an exemplary letter, steeped in resignation and humility, which she wrote to Pope Leo X as her life drew to a close. The contrast between her Roman period — marked by extreme cruelty, cynicism and lewdness — and the quiet life she led in Ferrara has been stressed. Some have even considered her a saint and continue to do so today. Since Gregorovius’s biography (1874), the notion that she was a victim of Cèsar and Alexander VI has endured. Lucrècia’s death in effect marked the extinction of the Borja family in Italy. It survived in the kingdom of Valencia, however, through the dukes of Gandia.26 There it got off to an inauspicious start with the premature death of Pere Lluís, the first duke. He was succeeded by his stepbrother, Joan de Borja, whose marriage to María Enríquez in 1493 sealed the ties between the Borja family and King Ferdinand II ‘the Catholic’. Roderic — now Pope Alexander VI — always took a keen interest in events in Gandia. No sooner had the new duke left Rome for Barcelona than he sent him detailed recommendations — written in Catalan — on various aspects of his behaviour. The young man appears not to have taken his father’s advice very seriously because his Barcelona lifestyle was not particularly appropriate to his rank. His brother Cèsar rebuked him

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for running about the rooftops, chasing cats.27 However he was destined to be short-lived: he was summoned back to Rome and murdered in 1497, apparently on orders from Cèsar, who was preparing his new secular career. After the death of Pope Alexander in 1503, the Valencian branch of the Borja family became independent of the Vatican. With the dowager duchess María Enríquez as regent, it acquired a Hispanic orientation: she secured her son Joan’s inheritance and placed herself under the protection of Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’. Later she entered the convent of Santa Clara in Gandia and became the abbess. Under her son Joan, the third duke of Gandia (14971543), contacts with the court of Castile were resumed and reinforced. Joan assisted the emperor Charles V with troops and funds in the War of the Brotherhoods and the duchy became a battlefield. In 1521 he was defeated by the army of the Brotherhoods, which destroyed his palace, complete with the archives.28 His son Francesc de Borja, the fourth duke and future saint, upheld the ties with the monarchy and became viceroy of Catalonia.29 Later, when he joined the Jesuits, the dukedom passed to his son, Carles de Borja, who gave it new vitality by marrying the heiress of the neighbouring counts of Oliva. The management of the Borjas’ dukedom put an end to its earlier fragmentation. A move was made towards jurisdictional unity by buying up minor seignories and investing large sums of money in annuities.30 Thus the lineage became the creditor of the cities, towns and inhabitants of its domains. The economy of the duchy of Gandia was based on the cultivation of sugar-cane and the exploitation of tread-mills for the manufacture of sugar operated mainly by Moorish labour.31 The atmosphere at the court of the dukes of Gandia was dominated by Franciscan spirituality, while at the court of the counts of Oliva, a more literary ambience reigned. When Duke Joan de Borja, the father of Francesc de Borja (Saint Francis de Borgia) died, he left behind a library of 280 titles. Half were religious works in the Franciscan line of thought, but twenty-seven were by Erasmus and eleven by Lluís Vives. Joan de Borja was a patron of university professors and fostered the conversion of Moriscos. None of this, however, prevented the dukes of Gandia from joining rival factions when necessary or getting involved in family crimes, following the tradition of their Roman forebears.32 We find the first explicit praise of members of the Borja family during the period of Duke Carles de Borja (1550-1592): Jorge de Montemayor extolled certain ladies of the lineage,33 while Gaspar Gil Polo lauded Calixtus III, Alexander VI, Cèsar Borja and other later Borjas from the duchy of Gandia.

Historiography Figure 5. Caricature of Pope Alexander VI as the Antichrist. Anticlerical engraving. c.1500.

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The impact of Jacob Burckhardt’s Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien (1860) caused interest in the culture of Renaissance Italy to grow and spread all over Europe.

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Figure 6. The Pope portrayed as the Antichrist. Engraving by Lucas Cranach the Elder. 1521.

Thus archive research was stimulated and efforts were made to go beyond the legend. Romantic historiographers retrieved many documents and laid the foundations for the rigorous studies carried out in the 20th century. Hitherto unknown documents from the great archives — notably those of the Vatican and the Dukes of Osuna — were published in many places.34 The first major work to deal with Pope Alexander VI was the monumental History of the Popes 35 by Ludwig von Pastor (1854-1928), which was translated into virtually every language. Drawing on documents from the Vatican’s secret archives (recently opened to researchers) and some 230 other European archives, it used facts to counteract the growth of the legend. The Belgian historian Peter de Roo (1839-1926), who was a militant Catholic, published five volumes of new materials on the pope in 1924.36 Midway through the 20th century, Elías Olmos y Canalda, a researcher from Valencia with similar leanings, published several valuable and previously unknown documents lent by Lluís Cerveró (1955).37 And Miquel Batllori himself devoted his inaugural address to the Real Academia de la Historia in 1958 to Alexander VI.38 Romantic historiography also launched the fashion of historical and literary biographies. In a bid to avoid the anti-Borja legend, the biographers themselves started raiding the archives — mainly the notarial archives — and studying diplomatic and private correspondence. The ini-

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tiator of this current was the Protestant writer and historian Ferdinand Gregorovius (1821-1891). While writing his magnum opus on medieval Rome,39 Gregorovius published some excellent travel books between 1856 and 187740 which demonstrate his profound knowledge of Italy as a whole and his skills as a writer. In 1874, at the height of his career, he published his highly successful biography Lucrezia Borgia,41 which was one of the first attempts at the historical rehabilitation of a member of the Borja family and gave the trend lasting momentum. Gregorovius used fresh information from the archives — mostly from Rome, Modena and Mantua — and drew extensively on contemporary chronicles. This wealth of narrative detail permeates the entire book, which immediately became a benchmark work and is now a classic that is periodically republished and retranslated. His contributions were completed, and occasionally rectified but never surpassed, by later works. Foremost among these are Isabella d’Este e i Borgia by Alessandro Luzio (1915), Lucrezia Borgia by Maria Bellonci (1939)42 — repeatedly republished and now itself part of the canon −, Geneviève Chastenet’s book (1993),43 and above all that of Sarah Bradford (2004),44 who drew on documents — mostly contemporary correspondence — from Mantua, Modena and other Italian archives. The most remarkable of the biographies of Cèsar Borja is William Harrison Woodward’s Cesare Borgia, published in 1913. The author’s explicit aim was to write a historical work and criticize the partisan or Romantic treatment of the topic that was prevalent at the time. Still a seminal work, it had numerous continuators, especially among the English. Sarah Bradford is one.45 The Borja legend was discussed at a congress held in 1992 in the small German city of Schwäbisch Hall to mark the 500th anniversary of the election of Alexander VI.46 The organizer was the historian Marion HermannRöttgen, a specialist in the legend, to whom we owe the first detached and objective studies to deal with it as a literary theme (1992).47 Among the papers presented was one by Marià Carbonell i Buades on Roderic de Borja as a Maecenas, which was outstanding for its scope and novelty.48 Other recent events to mark the fifth centenary of the pontificate of Alexander VI have given rise to numerous studies about him. Of special note were the eight conferences organized by the association Roma nel Rinascimento49 between 1999 and 2001, at which major progress was made in the study of the Borja family: Roma di fronte all’Europa al tempo di Alessandro VI;50 De València a Roma a través dels Borja;51 Principato eclesiastico e riuso dei Classici. Gli humanisti e Alessandro VI;52 La fortuna dei Borgia;53 Le rocche alessandrine e la rocca di Cività Castellana;54 Alessandro VI. Dal Mediterraneo all’Atlantico;55 Reflessioni per un pontificato56 and Alessandro VI e lo Stato della Chiesa.57 Certain conferences which, while not specifically devoted to the Borja family, deal with them partially also

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warrant attention. One was the international conference Roma e la Spagna. Crogiolo della cultura europea nell’età moderna, organized by the Sociedad Estatal para la Acción Cultural Exterior on 8-12 May 2007. One of the themes was I Borgia e i Re cattolici: la configurazione della presenza spagnola a Roma. Contributions included “La Corona d’Aragona e i Borgia” (The Crown of Aragon and the Borjas) by Bruno Figliuolo (University of Udine) and “La Corona di Castiglia e i Borgia” (The Crown of Castile and the Borjas) by Julio Valdeón (University of Valladolid). In 2002 various institutions in Ferrara dedicated a series of events, exhibitions and publications to Lucrècia Borja, duchess of Ferrara, and her times. Of special significance were the articles that appeared in Schifanoia, the journal of the Istituto di studi rinascimentali di Ferrara.58 Another noteworthy publication was Lucrezia Borgia “La beltà, la virtù, la fama onesta” (2002).59 On the topic of Cèsar Borgia as Duke of Romagna, the volume of miscellanea Leonardo, Machiavelli, Cesare Borgia. Arte, Storia e Scienza in Romagna 1500-1503, published in 2003, is of great interest. Valencia marked the jubilee of Alexander VI by staging the congress already mentioned — De València a Roma a través dels Borja (2000) — as part of the series organized by the association Roma nel Rinascimento. Prior to this, however, the city had organized other events, starting in 1992, the fifth centenary of the election of Roderic de Borja as Pope Alexander VI. Miquel Batllori was the instigator of the different events. The results included the following: the publication of a revised and updated Catalan translation of Mario Menotti’s Documenti inediti sulla famiglia e la corte di Alessandro VI (1917), edited by Miquel Batllori and Ximo Company (Valencia, 1992), which contains a far-reaching and innovative study by Marià Carbonell, “Sobre la iconografia de l’apartament Borja del Vaticà”; Volume 17 of the journal Afers, devoted to the studies presented at the congress on the Borja family held in Germany, with an introduction by Miquel Batllori (Catarroja, 1994); the First International Symposium on the Borjas dedicated to ‘Renaissance Europe’ and held in 1994, which provided a state-of-the-art survey of major Borja-related topics (Valencia, 1998); and the volume of miscellanea published by the Generalitat Valenciana, Els temps dels Borja, in which Miquel Batllori also took part (Valencia, 1996). To these must be added two exhibition catalogues containing new contributions — Xàtiva, els Borja: una projecció europea (Xàtiva, 1995) and Sucre & Borja. La canyamel dels ducs (Gandia, 2000) — and Estudio sobre los Borja, a series of lectures given in 2001 as part of the Borja Year celebrations and published by the Real Academia de Cultura Valenciana (Valencia, 2002). Father Miquel Batllori’s contribution to the study of the Borja family warrants a separate mention. Most of his research is in Volume IV of his Obra Completa (Valencia, 1994). Later he brought out a series of hitherto unpub-

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Figure 7. The Whore of Babylon (allegory of the Roman church) by Albrecht Dürer. Apocalypse series. 1521.

lished letters: De València a Roma. Cartes triades dels Borja (Barcelona, 1998). Miquel Batllori was the prime instigator of research into the Borja family, an unfailing participant in all conferences on the subject, and the author of many prologues to exhibition catalogues and other publications. He always acknowledged that his undertakings were the upshot of the work done by Lluís Cerveró (1902-1983) in the archives in Valencia. Cerveró’s extensive card indexes of historical and cultural documentation, including some on the Borjas, can be consulted in the Arxiu del Regne de València. Part of his attempt at a Genealogía documentada de los Borjas. Siglos XII-XVI is preserved in the historical archives of the Jesuits of Catalonia, along with a preliminary study by Batllori (Rome, 1969)60 which was never completed but may be considered a precedent for the first volume of the series Diplomatari Borja, published by the Institut Internacional d’Estudis Borgians.61 In 2005 Miquel Navarro published the first biography of Pope Calixtus III, which has contributed much new documentation and become a seminal reference work.62 This year, 2007, is the fifth centenary of the death of Cèsar Borja. To mark the event the Institut Internacional d’Estudis Borgians will devote the Second International Symposium on the Borjas, to be held in Valencia and Gandia on 21-23 November, to ‘The Pope’s Children’. On

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Figure 8. The Apocalypse, according to an engraving by Albrecht Dürer. 1498.

the agenda are papers on “History and written culture” and “Patronage and representation: the image of the Borja family”, a panel discussion about “Documentation on the Borjas in European archives” and several optional events. The institute’s recent activities also include: the abovementioned series of publications on documentation about the Borjas (“Diplomatari Borja”), a series of canonical works (“Biblioteca Borja”), and a web site (www.elsborja. org) containing up-to-date bibliography and filmography. The institute plans to complete the sections already accessible on the web site with a journal on the Borjas entitled Revista Borja.

The Legend So far I have dealt with facts. But their interpretation is another matter and can give rise to a parallel history, based on imagination and fantasy, which seeks to explain events that are out of the ordinary or difficult to believe. The public image created by this parallel history can acquire greater historical significance than the true situation, which is often more complex. Interpretation is subject to certain overall factors which must be borne in mind. The papacy had had a bad reputation ever since medieval times, notably among religious sectors in favour of

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reform. This climate was reinforced by the Schism and the desire for reform grew stronger as time passed. There was widespread criticism of the papacy and church corruption generally; charges of simony, abuse, influence peddling, lax morals and ostentatious wealth were everyday occurrences. Far from providing the remedy, the return of the Avignon popes to Rome accentuated many of these defects, offering new targets to pro-reform sectors, both Protestant and Catholic, including the Erasmists. And the popes, who no longer attended the solemn coronations of Germanic emperors, revived the splendour of former times through papal coronations, long, solemn liturgical celebrations, lavish ornamentation, and the flamboyant opulence of the Vatican and the cardinals’ palaces. All this turned Rome into an ecclesiastical city that was also a court. On the political front, the 15th century popes had tried to turn the papal see into a sort of hereditary — or at any rate consolidated — monarchy: hence the practice of appointing relatives to the cardinalate. The first Borja pope, Calixtus III, adopted this same practice, as did his nephew Roderic de Borja, first as a cardinal and later as pope. He was highly skilled in the field and competed, on an equal footing but with papal subtlety, with the great Roman families, who used the same strategy. The need to guarantee loyalty, forge alliances and provide successors by means of nephews or sons, just as European monarchs did, may explain the popes’ numerous progeny, quite aside from — or in addition to — concupiscence, which in any case was not exclusive to the Borjas. However the method proved unreliable — appointing their children did not guarantee that the papal see would remain in the family — and it was also expensive, because the pope had to buy the cardinals’ votes in order to be elected. Consequently, in the long run it was abandoned. Administration was another key factor. In all European courts the bureaucracy was growing fast and the Vatican, which needed to recover its lost control over papal territories, was no exception. For while the popes were absent from Rome during the Schism, powerful neighbouring families had established their authority over small areas and were not always receptive to the fundamentally money-making demands of the Holy See. Political alliances proved insufficient and had to be backed up by military action which, during this era that saw the formation of modern states, came to the forefront, not merely in Italy but throughout Europe. Private morals had also been affected, in the Vatican and the church as a whole. The rule of celibacy was not strictly observed and many priests had children. The clerical career, we should remember, was not a free choice or vocation: for the second son it was an obligation. No one was scandalized by this situation, though some discretion was expected of high churchmen who, moreover, behaved in all respects like veritable feudal lords, defending their inheritance with arms if necessary, as did the monarchies and the nobility generally.

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1503. The prime instigator was the papal diarist Johannes Burckard, who gave a terrifying description of the pope’s death. He claimed he had been poisoned and that on the evening of the first day of the funeral rites, his body — according to an incumbent of Saint Peter’s — underwent a major transformation:

Figure 9. The Deeds of the Antichrist (detail). Luca Signorelli, fresco in Orvieto Cathedral (Chapel of San Brizio). 1499-1502.

But besides these overall factors, at least three more considerations helped to focus criticism on the Borja family: they were foreigners, they were rich, and they had successfully established a veritable dominion over the whole of Italy, to the detriment of established lords. The Black Legend of the Borjas originated in the well-known diary kept by Alexander VI’s own master of ceremonies, Johannes Burckard. It was gradually fed by new features, such as the notion that the only explanation for Pope Alexander’s wealth and success was that he had made a deal with the Devil, or was the embodiment of the Devil or the Antichrist. The Borjas already had a bad image during the pontificate of Alexander VI, especially in Italy, and we know the pope paid no attention to the charges but joked about them instead. Not only was he a foreigner, but the power and riches he built up fuelled the envy and fear of various Italian princes, especially those who were in theory his vassals. His family-orientated conduct — the attempt to use his children to establish a realm in Italy and consolidate his family’s hold on the papacy — helped to win him enemies. Admittedly, previous popes had also had children,63 but Alexander VI had at least nine legitimized offspring and followed the example of his predecessor Innocent VIII by celebrating their birthdays, weddings and funerals with great pomp in the Vatican apartments, and this really was a novelty. In Italian diplomatic circles all this gave rise to different but invariably negative interpretations, though the context in which they were expressed was political and often propagandistic. Soon those who wished to abolish the papal states, such as the Erasmists, joined the chorus of protest, while Protestant propagandists, who were to be responsible for boosting the Black Legend, were even more vociferous. The reformists had long considered Rome — where only the Vatican was of any consequence at the time — as a place of abomination, a Babylon, and the popes as Antichrists.64 We have already seen that the Black Legend of the Borjas was consolidated after the death of Alexander VI in

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The ugliness and blackness of his face increased, so that when I saw him, towards eleven o’clock at night, his face looked like rag or a very dark blackberry, all covered in purple, with a very large nose and an enormous mouth; inside his mouth, his tongue had doubled in size and protruded from his lips; his mouth was open and was so horrible that nobody who saw it would ever have said there could be another like it. That night, after midnight, he was taken from that place [behind the grill of the high altar in the Vatican] to the Chapel of Le Febbri and placed beside the wall, in the corner to the left of the altar, by six carriers who were laughing and blaspheming against the pope, or jeering at his corpse,

Figure 10. Lucrècia Borja, as portrayed by Dante Gabriel Rossetti. 1861-61. Tate Gallery, London.

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and two master joiners, who made the coffin too narrow and too short: they cut off part of his mitre and covered him with an old tapestry, and pounded him hard with their fists to force him into the coffin. There were no candles and no light and no priest or anyone else to take care of him.65 This ghoulish account obviously aims to show that the transformation was a divine punishment for the pope’s sins and demons had carried him off to hell. The text produced a great sensation: it became one of the basic ingredients of the Black Legend and poison was to be associated with the family ever after. Burckard, in his Liber notarum,66 also reproduced — or invented — the most famous pamphlet against Alexander VI and his family, known as the Letter to Silvio Savelli,67 which purports to be dated 1501 but in all likelihood was written later. It claims that the pope was the Antichrist in person, Lucrècia was guilty of every possible wickedness, and the power-hungry Cèsar’s attempt to set up the duchy of Romagna was the work of the Devil. The tone is somewhat apocalyptic and the recipient is told to circulate the letter throughout the empire. It is a veritable inventory of the clichés that were ultimately to evolve into the Black Legend: the prefiguration of the Antichrist, crime, lasciviousness, and so on. The overall tone can be assessed from an excerpt: There is no longer any crime or shameful act that does not take place in public in Rome and in the house of the pontiff. [...] Who could fail to be horrified by the account of the terrible, monstrous acts of lechery that are committed openly in his house, with no respect for God or man? Rapes and acts of incest are countless, his sons and daughters are utterly depraved, great throngs of courtesans frequent Saint Peter’s Palace, pimps, brothels and whorehouses are to be found everywhere, a most shameful situation!68 In 1509 the young historian Francesco Guicciardini adopted the same tone in his Storie fiorentini. The pope, he admits, had great courage, judgement and energy, but his entire reign was affected by the fact that he bought his post with money; he was guilty of every vice and was dominated by lust for both sexes to the point of committing incest with his daughter Lucrècia; he was extremely avaricious, seeking not just to preserve his wealth but to accumulate new riches; in his time benefices, dispensations, episcopal sees, the cardinalate and offices of all kinds were sold off, as in a flea market; he had many cardinals and other prelates poisoned to seize their possessions; he was very cruel, and ungrateful to those who helped him; he followed no religion, observed no faith, and made many promises but kept only those that were useful to him; he neglected justice, and Rome in his day was a lair of thieves and murderers; his ambition was boundless.69

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Figure 11. Abel Gance’s film Lucrèce Borgia. Black and white, France, 1935.

The contemporary Venetian diplomat Girolamo Priuli made the picture even blacker by giving currency to the notion that Roderic de Borja “had given his soul and body to the great demon in Hell” in return for his election at the 1492 conclave. Different versions of the pact were spread about by Savonarola’s followers. On 22 August 1503, just a month after the pope died, Francesco Gonzaga, the marquis of Mantua, wrote from Rome to his wife Isabella d’Este in the following terms: When [Alexander] was ill he started to talk. These were his words: “I’m coming, you’re right, just wait a moment”. Those who knew his secret understood from this that while he was in the conclave, after the death of Innocent [VIII], he sold his soul to buy the papacy and it was agreed that he would keep it for twelve years. Others claim to have seen seven devils around him at the moment of death; immediately his body began to boil and foam started coming from his mouth, like a cauldron on the fire.70 This was a way of accounting for the great power he had acquired throughout Italy.71 The Borjas were also a favourite target for Protestant propagandists. Negri da Bassano, for instance, reproduced all the details of the deal with the Devil, adding that

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round the tomb [of Cèsar] for a long time”, a sign that his acts had been those of a devil. Among Catholic writers, the figure of the pope was eclipsed by that of Cèsar, especially after the appearance in 1551 of Elogia by Paolo Giovio, the bishop of Nocera. Giovio accused Cèsar of “being born of an accursed seed” and of “unbelievable bestiality”. Cèsar, of course, had a powerful defender in Machiavelli, who actually mythicized him by depicting him as a model prince. But in the long term the diffusion of Machiavelli’s The Prince not only made Cèsar famous but caused him to inherit the stigma associated with the figure and political theories of the Florentine diplomat in certain Catholic circles. And this stigma eventually strengthened the Black Legend.74 Writers in the kingdom of Aragon also turned their attention to Cèsar Borja. Foremost among them was the Aragonese historian Jerónimo Zurita who, in his Historia del rey don Hernando el Católico, heaped criticism on him, primarily on the grounds that he went over to the king of France, the enemy of Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’. Zurita adopts the tone of earlier pamphlets, though his intentions are political rather than moral. He denounces Cèsar as a “cruel beast”, full of “frivolity and great audacFigure 12. Gerolamo lo Savio’s film Lucrezia Borgia. Black and white. Silent. Italy, 1912.

the Devil appeared to the pope dressed as a protonotary and later as the pope himself (1550).72 The Italian Protestant Masserio, the author of an anti-papal tract written in 1553, and above all the former Carmelite John Bale, a Protestant exile from England, wrote in the same vein. However the Lutheran Johan Wolf, the author of a large illustrated volume issued in 1600, exerted greater influence, as did the French Calvinist Philippe de Mornay, who published another imposing tome in 1611. The idea was the same: “Some relate the deal with the Devil. Alexander’s actions were clearly the work of the Devil. Everyone agrees that no one ever used such evil arts to win the papacy.” Towards 1600 Alexander VI’s deal with the Devil became part of the second version of the legend of Faust, which appeared in a volume by the Lutheran Georg Rudolf Widman, published in Hamburg in 1599. Faust, Widman claimed, was impressed by the wickedness of Alexander VI, who had first invoked the Devil during his student days in Bologna, and he further insulted the pope by branding him as a ‘Marrano’, a baptized Jew who believed in nothing. The epithet had been applied to Alexander and his son Cèsar as early as 1493.73 Cèsar Borja also had his place in hell, according to Gregorio Leti, a convert to Protestantism, whose influential Vita di Cesar Borgia detto il duca Valentino was published under a pseudonym and a false imprint in Amsterdam in 1655 and reprinted several times. It concludes with an account of how “whistles and terrifying voices were heard

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Figure 13. A lock of Lucrècia Borja’s hair, found among her letters to Pietro Bembo. Ambrosiana Library, Milan

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ity and insolence”. He accuses him, in lavish detail, of having murdered, in 1500, Duke Alfons d’Aragó, the husband of Lucrècia Borja and gives a lengthy account of the pope’s death by poisoning in 1503. Finally he describes Cèsar’s death in 1507 as a divine punishment.75 Zurita, however, was an isolated case and other Valencian historians, such as Gaspar Escolano, answered his charges by defending the Borja family. Some poets too, among them Gil Polo, remembered the popes with kindness and indeed no trace of the Black Legend of the Borjas is found in Valencia in the 16th century. This silence may have been due to the great power of the dukes of Gandia; from the middle of the century onwards, the prestige of Francesc de Borja and the recently founded Company of Jesus may have been added factors. The Borja family unquestionably produced some great personages, with very different orientations, and ranging from one extreme to the other. And it should also be recalled that Saint Francis himself was the great-grandson of a pope and the grandson of an archbishop of Saragossa.76

The Borja Family as a Literary Theme It is fair to say that the Borja family owe most of their fame to literature — notably narrative and dramatic works — and later to films based on the legend. We pass over the very plentiful poetry, since it was usually of a humanistic, courtly nature, and dedicated to their exaltation as patrons. Narrative works about the Borjas appeared from the 17th century onwards. Examples include: La vita del Duca Valentino by Tommaso Tommasi, (1655); Fausts Leben (1791) by the German Friedrich Maximilian Klinger (best known for his drama Sturm uns Drang), which has the court of Alexander VI as its main setting and compares Faust to the pope on the basis of their respective pacts with the Devil; Les Borgia (1842), one of Alexander Dumas’ first novels;77 Angela Borgia (1891) by the Swiss writer Conrad Ferdinand Meyer, which describes Lucrècia Borja’s passionate court in Ferrara; La Rome des Borgia by Guillaume Apollinaire (1913),78 a veritable compendium of the Black Legend; and A los pies de Venus (Los Borgia), one of the last novels of Vicent Blasco Ibáñez (1926). Writers who have tackled the subject more recently include Manuel Vázquez Montalbán, in O César o nada (1998), and Joan Francesc Mira, in Borja Papa (1997), both of whom are less indebted to the fantasy of legend. The following are some of the most noteworthy of the many dramatic works: El gran duque de Gandía (c. 1650), attributed to Calderón de la Barca;79 Victor Hugo’s melodrama Lucrèce Borgia (1831),80 which provided the basis for the operatic libretto Lucrezia Borgia, set to music by Gaetano Donizetti and premiered in Milan in 1834; Das Liebeskonzil (1895) by Oscar Panizza;81 I Borgia by Pietro Cossa (1878);82 and The Duke of Gandia by Algernon Charles Swinburne (1908).83 In recent years Manuel Vi-

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cent has produced Borja, Borgia (1995), a sort of secular acte sagramental.84 Film makers85 began to show interest in the topic in 1908.86 Before the advent of sound movies (1929), sixteen films on the Borjas had been produced in Europe (half of them in Italy) and the United States. Lucrècia Borja was the protagonist of more than half of these, five were about Cèsar Borja, and the rest dealt with the family. The first sound film on the Borjas was by the French director Abel Gance in 1935.87 Over forty films have appeared to date, with Italian films movies ranking first, followed by French and Spanish productions. Lucrècia Borja, invariably in her more or less diabolical guise, remains the most popular theme and since 1968 erotic films, for the most part, have been predominant. The latest is an Italian-Valencian film entitled Els Borja, focussing on Cèsar, which was showing in Barcelona until recently. Neil Jordan has been working on his super-production Lucrezia (USA) since 2002. Out of curiosity, the most famous actors who have played the star roles include Orson Welles as Cèsar (1949)88 and Paulette Godard as Lucrècia (1949).89 The subject of the Borjas continues to exert fascination and seems far from exhausted. Much unpublished documentation is still waiting to be studied.

Notes and Bibliography [1]

[2]

[3]

[4] [5]

[6]

In this article, Catalan spelling is used to write the surname Borja and the forenames of the various family members. Many of them — chiefly, but not exclusively, those who lived outside the kingdom of Valencia — are better known abroad under the surname ‘Borgia’ (the Italian spelling of Borja) and their Italian, Spanish or French forenames. Catalan spelling is also used for the names of other persons from Catalan-speaking areas who are mentioned in the article. Luis Pablo Martínez, Jaime Castillo, Jorge Saíz. “Els orígens de la família Borja”. L’Europa renaixentista. Simposi Internacional sobre els Borja. Gandia 1998, pp. 39-61. Miquel Navarro Sorní. Alfonso de Borja, papa Calixto III en la perspective de sus relaciones con Alfonso el Magnánimo. Institutució Alfons el Magnànim, Valencia 2005. For the basic bibliography on Alexander VI, see the section on historiography on pp. 68-71. A. Baragona. “La polemica storiografica sulle bolle alessandrine relative alle grandi scoperte”. Miscellanea di storia delle esplorazioni, II. Bozzi, Genoa 1977, pp. 29-47. Ariel Toaff. “Alexandre VI i els jueus: Un pontífex a Roma davant l’expulsió del 1492”. Europa renaixentista. Simposi Internacional sobre els Borja, (València, 25-29 d’octubre 1994), CEIC Alfons el Vell, 3i4, Gandia 1998, pp. 217-232.

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[7]

[8]

[9]

[10]

[11]

[12] [13] [14]

[15]

[16] [17]

Júlia Benavent. Savonarola y España. Centro Francisco Tomás y Valiente, UNED, Valencia 2003. Júlia Benavent. “Las biografías antiguas de fra Girolamo Savonarola. El códice de Valencia”. Memorie domenicane, 32 (2001), pp. 63-216. Alessandro VI e lo stato della Chiesa. Atti del Convegno (Perugia, 13-15 March 2000), C. Frova and M.G. Nico Ottaviani (Eds.). Roma nel Rinascimento, Rome 2003. Mariàngela Vilallonga. “Alexandre VI i l’humanisme”. Europa renaixentista. Simposi Inter-nacional sobre els Borja, (València, 25-29 d’octubre 1994). CEIC Alfons el Vell, 3i4, Gandia 1998, pp. 95-133. Marià Carbonell i Buades. “Roderic de Borja. Un exemple de mecenatge renaixentista”. Afers 17, (Catarroja 1994), pp. 109-132. Mario Menotti. Els Borja. M. Batllori S.J. and Ximo Company (Eds.), Bancaixa, Valencia 1992, including a study by Ma rià Carbonell Buades. “Roderic de Borja, client i promotor d’obres d’art. Notes sobre la iconografia de l’Apartament Borja del Vaticà”, pp. 387-488. On the family, see Miquel Batllori. La família Borja. Obra Completa Vol. IV, 3i4, Valencia 1994, especially Chapter 1.1. “El llinatge Borja del segle XIII al XVI”, pp. 3-54, in which many doubtful issues are clarified and erroneous identifications are refuted. Saturday 24 August 1493. Dietari de l’Antich Consell barceloní III (1478-1533). Barcelona 1894, p. 105. See the section on “The Legend” on pp. 71-75. The classical biography and reference work on Cèsar remains that by William Harrison Woodward, Cesare Borgia: A Biography, Chapman & Hall, London, 1913. Catalan edition by Pilar Sendra, revised by Maria Toldrà, Biblioteca Borja, 3i4, Valencia 2005, with a prologue by Júlia Benavent including bibliographical references. Bonvini Mazzanti and M. Miretti (Eds.). Cesare Borgia di Francia gonfaloniere di Santa Romana Chiesa 1498-1503. Conquiste effimere e progrettualità statale. Atti del convegno di studi Urbino 4-5-6 dicembre 2003, Tecnostampa Edizioni, Ostia Vetere 2005. Enrico Angiolini. “La politica dei Borja in Romagna”. Alessandro VI e lo Stato della Chiesa. Atti del convengo (Perugia, 13-15 March 2000). C. Frova; M. G. Nico Ottaviani (Eds.), Roma nel Rinascimento, Rome 2003, pp. 147-174. A highly innovative article. Miguel A. Granada. “Maquiavel i Cèsar Borja”. Europa renaixentista. Simposi Internacional sobre els Borja, Gandia 1998 pp. 187-216. Leonard Machiavelli. Cesare Borgia: arte, storia e scienza in Romagna. 1500-1503. De Luca editori d’arte, Rome 2003.

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[18] Enrique Ruiz Doménech. El Gran Capitán: retrato de una época. Península, Barcelona 2002, draws a parallel between Cèsar Borja and the ‘Great Captain’. [19] Ferdinand Gregorovius. Lucrezia Borgia. Nach Urkunden uns Briefes ihrer Zeit, 1874; Maria Bellonci. Lucrezia Borgia. Arnaldo Mondadori Editore, Milan 1939, Catalan translation Lucrècia Borja, Eliseu Climent Editor, Valencia 1992; Sarah Bradford. Lucrezia Borgia, 2004, Spanish translation, Lucrecia Borgia. Una mujer extraordinaria en un mundo de conspiraciones. Planeta, Barcelona 2005. [20] Johannes Burckard. Dietari secret. Mariàngela Vilallonga (ed.), prologue by Maximo Miglio. Eliseu Climent Editor, Valencia 2003, pp. 337. Latin original, Johannes Burckard. Liber notarum. Enrico Celani (Ed.), Città di Castello 1906-1913. English translation, Johannes Burcard. Diarium. Paris 1883. [21] Pietro Bembo. Gli Assolani. Aldo Romano, Venice 1505. [22] Pietro Bembo. Lucrezia Borgia, La grande Fiamma. Lettere 1503-1517. Giulia Raboni (Ed.), Archinto, Milan 2002, 140 p. (annotated correspondence). Hugh Shankland. The prettiest love letters in the world. Letters between Lucrezia Borgia and Pietro Bembo (1503-1510) David R. Godine, Boston 2000. Translation and preface by Hugh Shankland; woodcuts by Richard Shirley Smith. [23] The poet from Ferrara, Ercole Strozzi, who acted as go-between for Lucrècia and Bembo and later for Lucrècia and Francesco Gonzaga. He and his father, Vespasiano Strozzi, had devoted several poems to Lucrècia (Strozzi, Tito Vespasiano and Ercole. Strozzi poetae pater et filius, Simon Cosinaeus, Paris 1530). [24] Gli Este a Ferrara. Una corte nel Rinascimento. Silvana Editorile, Milan 2004, 464 p. [Jadranka Bentini, ed.]. Anna Maria Fioravanti Baraldi. Lucrezia Borgia “la beltà, la virtù, la fama honesta”. Gabriele Corbo, Ferrara 2002. [25] Eulàlia Duran. “Quatre Àngeles Borja coetànies i conspícues”. Revista Borja, 1.(2006-2007), web site of the Institut Internacional d’Estudis Borgians (IIEB): www.elsborja.org [26] José Luís Pastor Zapata. “El ducat de Gandia: la construcció d’un espai senyorial”. Europa renaixentista. Simposi Internacional sobre els Borja, (València, 25-29 d’octubre 1994), CEIC “Alfons el Vell”, 3i4, Gandia 1998, pp. 233-270. [27] José Sanchis y Sivera. Algunos documentos y cartas privadas que pertenecieron al segundo Duque de Gandía don Juan de Borja. Valencia 1919, pp. 29-30 and 48-50. [28] Eulàlia Duran. Les Germanies als Països Catalans. Curial, Barcelona 1982, pp. 191-192. [29] Sanctus Franciscus Borgia, quartus Gandiae dux et

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[30]

[31]

[32]

[33] [34] [35]

[36]

[37]

Societatis Jesu Praepositus Generalis tertius. Madrid: Excudebat Augustinus Avrial; Typis Gabrielis López del Horno, 1894-1911, Vols. I-V. Cecilio Gómez Rodeles (ed.). (Monumenta Historica Societatis Jesu). // Sanctus Franciscus Borgia, quartus Gandiae dux... Valencia-Rome: Generalitat Valenciana; Institutum Historicum Societatis Jesu, 2003, Vol. VI. Enrique García Hernán (ed.) (Monumenta Historica Societatis Jesu). Enrique García Hernán. La acción diplomática de Francisco de Borja al servicio del Pontificado 1471-1572. Generalitat Valenciana, Valencia 2000, 562 p. Santiago la Parra López. “Francesc de Borja, duc abans que sant”. Europa renaixentista. Simposi Internacional sobre els Borja, (València 25-29 d’octubre 1994) Gandia 1998, pp. 271-306. In Catalan ‘censals’: the right to receive an annuity in exchange for capital. This device was used to conceal usurious lending, which was prohibited by canon law. Sucre & Borja. La canyamel dels ducs, del trapig a la taula. Josep A. Gisbert (Ed.). Gandia. Casa de cultura “Marqués de González de Quirós”. 21 December 2000 to 23 February 2001. Gandia 2000, 462 p. Santiago Laparra López. “Els Borja, ducs de Gandia”. Afers, 17 (1994), pp. 11-29; Joan Baptista Anyés. Obra profana Apologies. València 1545, Introduction by Eulàlia Duran i Grau. Latin text edited and translated into Catalan by Martí Duran i Mateu; UNED, Reial Acadèmia de les Bones Lletres de Barcelona, Barcelona 2001. Jorge de Montemayor. Siete libros de La Diana. Valencia 1559. Louis Thuasne. Documents inédits sur les Borja tirés des Archives du Duc d’Osuna. Ernest Lereux, Paris 1885. Ludwig von Pastor. Geschichte der Päpste im Zeitalter der Renaissance. Freiburg im Breisgau: 1895. // Geschichte der Päpste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters. Freiburg im Breisgau: 1896. // Freiburg im Breisgau: 1901-33. // Ungedruckte Akten zur Geschichte der Päpste, vornehmlich im XV., XVI. und XVII. Jahrhundert. I (1376-1464). Herder, Freiburg im Breisgau: 1904. // Historia de los Papas desde fines de la Edad Media. Barcelona 1910, Vols. II-VI. Translated by Ramón Ruiz Amado. // Storia dei papi dalla fine del medioevo. I. Storia dei papi del periodo del Rinascimento (Martino V, Eugenio IV, Niccolò V, Calisto III) fino all’elezione di Pio II. II. Desclée & C. Editori Pontifici, Rome 1894. 2nd edition 1942. Material for a History of Pope Alexander VI, his relatives and his time, Bruges, 1924, in five volumes. Partly translated into Spanish in Los Borja de la le yenda ante la crítica histórica. Academia Borja del Centro de Cultura Valenciano, Valencia 1952. Elías Olmos y Canalda. Reivindicación de Alejandro VI. Valencia 1955.

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[38] Miquel Batllori. Alejandro VI y la Casa Real de Aragón 1492-1498. Madrid 1958. [39] Ferdinand Gregorovius. Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter. Written between 1855 and 1871, published in Stuttgart between 1859 and 1872, translated into Italian under the title Storia della città di Roma nel Medioevo. [40] Wanderjahre in Italien. 1856-1877, in five volumes. [41] Ferdinand Gregorovius. Lucrezia Borgia, Nach Urkunden und Briefes ihres Zeit, 1874; Catalan edition Lucrècia Borja a partir de documents i epistolaris del seu temps. Tres I Quatre, Valencia 2007. Maria Bellonci, Lucrezia Borgia, la sua vita e i suoi tempi. Arnaldo Mondadori, Milan 1939; Lucrècia Borja, 3i4, Valencia 1992. [42] Maria Bellonci. Lucrezia Borgia. Milan, 1939, 1960, 2000; Catalan translation and notes by J.F. Mira, 3i4, Valencia 1992. [43] Geneviève Chastenet. Lucrèce Borgia. Éditions Jean-Claude Lattès. 1993 (Spanish translation by Amanda Forns. Vergara, Barcelona 2004). [44] Sarah Bradford. Lucrezia Borgia. New York, 2004; Lucrecia Borgia, Spanish translation by Marta Pino Moreno. Editorial Planeta, S.A. Barcelona 2005. [45] Sarah Bradford. Cesare Borgia: his life and times, Phoenix, London, 2001 [1976]. The Institut Internacional d’Estudis Borgians has published a Catalan translation entitled Cèsar Borja in the series “Bibliografia Borja”, Maria Toldrà (Ed.), prologue by Júlia Benavent. Valencia 2005. [46] Die Borgia. Eine Renaissance-Familie im Zwielicht. Congress organized by the Schwäbisch Hall city council and the University of Stuttgart from 28 to 31 May 1992. Acts published in Afers 7, Catarroja 1994 with a presentation by Miquel Batllori. The conference also featured an exhibition entitled “Die Renaissancefamilie Borgia. Geschichte und Legende” (the catalogue has been published), plays and films about the Borjas, and concerts. [47] Marion Hermann-Rötgen. Die Familie Borgia. Geschichte einer Legende. J.B. Metzler Verlag, Stuttgart/Weimar, 1992, 274 p. There is a review by Heike van Lavick in Afers 17 (1994), pp. 194-197. [48] Marià Carbonell i Buades. “Roderic de Borja. Un exemple de mecenatge renaixentista”. Afers 17 (1994), pp. 109-134. [49] Information about this association can be found at www.romanelrinascimento.it [50] Rome, 1-4 December 1999 (Rome, 2001 3 vols.). [51] Valencia 23-26 February 2000 (Valencia, 2006). [52] Bari-Monte Sant’Angelo, 22-24 May 2000 (Rome, 2002). [53] Bologna, 29-31 October 2000 (Rome, 2005). [54] Viterbo, 19-20 March 2001 (Rome, 2003). [55] Cagliari, 17-18 May 2001 (Rome 2004). [56] Rome-Vatican City, 14 December 2001 (Rome, 2006). [57] Perugia, 13-15 March 2000 (Rome, 2003).

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[58] Schifanoia, 26-27, Ferrara 2004. [59] Anna Maria Fioravanti Baraldi. Ferrara. Historical introduction by Marco Folin. Gabriele Corbo Editore, Ferrara 2002. [60] Information provided by Maria Toldrà. “L’Institut Internacional d’Estudis Borgians”. Estudis Romà nics, XXIX. IEC, (Barcelona 2007), pp. 326-327. [61] Diplomatari Borja, Vol. 1. Documents de l’Arxiu del Regne de València (1299-1429). Miquel Batllori (ed.). Edicions 3i4, Valencia 2002. // Diplomatari Borja, Vol. 2. Documents de l’Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó (1416-1429). Carlos López Rodríguez (ed.). Edicions 3i4, Valencia 2004 // Diplomatari Borja, Vol. 3. Documents de l’Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó (1429-1444). Carlos López Rodríguez (ed.). Edicions 3i4; IIEB, Valencia 2005. [62] Miguel Navarro. Alfonso de Borja, papa Calixto III en la perspectiva de sus relaciones con Alfonso el Magnánimo. Institució d’Alfons el Magnànim, Valencia 2005. [63] Innocent VIII had two sons, Pius II two daughters, Giuliano della Rovere — later Pope Julius II — three daughters. [64] André Chastel. Le sac de Rome, 1527. Éditions Gallimard, 1984, especially Chapter II “Rome-Baby lone”, pp. 75-120. [65] Johannes Burckard. Dietari secret. Catalan translation by Mariàngela Vilallonga. Eliseu Climent Editor, Valencia 2004, pp. 462-463. [66] Johannes Burckard. Liber notarum, Enrico Celani (Ed.), Città di Castello, 1906-1913; English translation, Johannes Burcard. Diarium. Paris 1883. [67] Silvio Savelli was a Roman noble in exile at the imperial court. The report of the pope’s death given in the letter aimed to prove that throughout his pontificate Alexander had been under the influence of the Devil. Savelli was a friend of the feudal lords under attack from Cèsar Borja. [68] Johannes Burckard. Dietari secret. Catalan translation, Valencia 2004, pp. 418-422. [69] Francesco Guicciardini. Storie fiorentine dal 1378 al 1509. Ed. Roberto Palmarocchi. Anastatic reprint of the 1931 edition, Gius, Laterza, Bari 1968, pp. 263-264. [70] Ferdinand Gregorovius. Lucrezia Borgia. Salerno editrice, Rome [1978], p. 275... Gonzaga had quarrelled with Cèsar because the latter had expelled Duke Guidobaldo and his wife Elisabetta Gonzaga, Francesco Bonzaga’s sister, from Urbino in June that year. [71] Karl Lavve. “La llegenda dels Borja: les fonts contemporànies i la seua funció”. Europa renaixentista. Simposi Internacional sobre els Borja. CEIC Alfons el Vell-3i4, Ajuntament de Gandia, Gandia 1998, pp. 63-82. [72] Jocelyn N. Hillgarth. “La imatge dels Borja fora de la Península Ibèrica i a Europa durant els segles XVI i XVII”. Europa renaixentista. Simposi Inter-

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[73] [74] [75]

[76]

[77]

[78]

[79]

[80] [81]

[82] [83] [84] [85] [86] [87] [88] [89]

nacional sobre els Borja (València, 25-29 d’octubre 1994). CEIC Alfons el Vell, 3i4, Ajuntament de Gandia, Gandia 1998, p. 337. Ibidem. Ibidem. Jerónimo Zurita. Historia del rey don Hernando el Católico: de las empresas y ligas de Italia. Saragossa 1580. Five volumes. Angel Canellas López (Ed.), revised by Magdalena Canellas Anoz and Antonio J. López Gutierrez, Saragossa 1992. Especially, Volume 2 (Book III, XIV) p. 219; Volume 3 (Book V, XLII), p. 169 on the death of Alexander VI, and Volume 4, 1994, (Book VII, LI), p. 216 on the death of Cèsar Borja. Eulàlia Duran. “El procés de mitificació dels Borja per part dels escriptors valencians coetanis”, II Simposi Internacional sobre els Borja (Valencia, 2007), in preparation. Alexandre Dumas. Les Borgia. La marquise de Ganges. Les Cenci. Paris 1842. Los Borgias. Historia romana del siglo XV. Translated by A. Bonet Marquès. Ramon Sopena, Barcelona 1932. Guillaume Apollinaire. La Rome des Borgia. Le Pape Alexandre VI entre sa maîtresse et ses deux fils, César et Lucrèce. La fiancée de Jesús-Christ. Orgies cardinalices. Poison et inceste. Les bas-fonds de la Rome des Borgia. Bibliothèque des Curieux, Paris 1913. La Roma de los Borgia. Icaria Editorial, S.A., Barcelona 1977. Pedro Calderón de la Barca. El gran duque de Gandía. Comedia de.. publiée d’après le manuscrit de Mladá Vozice, avec une introduction, des notes et un glossaire par Václav Cerný. Prague, 1963. El gran duque de Gandía. Gustav Siebenmann (Ed.). Anaya, Salamanca 1970. Lucrecia Borgia. Drama en cinco actos, Madrid, 1835. Spanish translation by Ángel Cepeda. Catalan translation forthcoming. Oskar Panizza. Das Liebenkonzil. Eine Himmels tragödie in fünf Aufzügen. Zurich 1895. Concilio de amor. Una tragedia celestial. Translated by Pedro Madrigal. Icaria, Barcelona 1977. Catalan translation forthcoming. I Borgia. G. Di Staso (Ed.) Roma nel Rinascimento, Rome 2001. “The Duke of Gandia”. The Complete Works of Algernon Swinburne. Heinemann & Wells, London, New York 1926. A dramatic work on a religious theme, usually performed for the feast of Corpus Christi. Detailed information available at www.elsborja.org, list provided by Pepa Cortés. Cesar Borgia (Denmark 1908), by Viggo Larsen, Silent. Black and white. Lucrèce Borgia (France 1935). Prince of foxes (USA 1949) by Henry King. Bride of vengeance (USA 1949) by Mitchell Leisen.

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About the Author Eulàlia Duran i Grau is a historian. She is currently an emeritus professor of the University of Barcelona and a member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans and the Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Since 2005 she has headed the Institut Internacional d’Estudis Borgians, which has its headquarters in Valencia. As a researcher she has specialized in the 16th century social and cultural history of the Catalan Countries. She is the driving force behind the publication of Repertori de manuscrits catalans (1474-1714) (four volumes, 1998-2006). Her most significant books include her thesis, Les germanies als Països Catalans (1980), and editions of historiographical and literary texts, some previously unpublished. Her studies that had not previously appeared in book form were gathered into a single volume: Estudis sobre cultura catalana al Renaixement, Valencia, 2004. She was the editor of Miquel Batllori’s twenty-volume Obra completa (1993-2004) and the correspondence of Lluís Nicolau d’Olwer. She translated many of Pierre Vilar’s works into Catalan, notably his thesis La Catalogne dans l’Espagne moderne (1962) (Catalunya dins l’Espanya moderna [1964-1968])

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 81-99 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.6 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

The Treaty of the Pyrenees, 350 Years Later Eva Serra*

Universitat de Barcelona

Abstract An overall review of the 1659 Treaty between the Hispanic and French monarchies is undertaken. The European scope of the document is established in the light of its territorial clauses and articles on civil rights, commercial relations and troop withdrawals. While the Rhineland and Alpine front also comes in for attention, the main focus is on the Franco-Catalan Pyrenean front. The author notes that the Pyrenean range was the cradle of Catalonia, not a frontier, and gives an account of how the new delimitation was traced. She also discusses Catalan resistance along the border (in Rosselló). Reference is made to the on-going wars between France and Spain after 1659, to the ill-defined nature of the new border, and to France’s offer to exchange Rosselló for the lands lying along its eastern frontier, in which it was primarily interested. This offer was never accepted. The dynastic, patrimonial and military origin and nature of European frontiers, which were established regardless of, and often in opposition to, the existence of peoples, is stressed.

Key words: Catalonia, Roussillon, Pyrenees, frontier, treaty Overall Characteristics of the Treaty Following the Peace of Münster (30 January 1648), Rome and Venice took steps to put an end to the hostilities in Portugal as well, and along the borders of Flanders, in Lorraine, the Alps and the Pyrenees. But in 1650 the approaches they made at the courts of Paris, Madrid and Brussels failed and the Anglo-French alliance was formed.1 The explanation for the 1659 Treaty lies first and foremost in the defeat of the Spanish by the Anglo-French army commanded by Turenne in 1658 at the Battle of the Dunes (Nieuwpoort, Flanders). Though peace had been restored along the Dutch front at Münster, the military conflict between the French Bourbons and the Hispanic Habsburgs continued along the Rhine and the Alps. As Núria Sales writes, “directly or indirectly, the Alps cast a much longer shadow over the Treaty of the Pyrenees than did the Pyrenees themselves”.2 The Treaty’s final clauses reveal that international arbitration was no longer exercised by any universal power on its own but by a more or less formal alliance of sovereign-

* Corresponding author: Eva Serra i Puig. Departament d’Història Moderna. Facultat de Geografia i Història, Universitat de Barcelona. Montalegre 6. 08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. + 34 933333466. Fax: + 34 934498510. E-mail: evaserra@ub.edu

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ties or powers brought together by one king or the other. The Pope and the Emperor are included on the side of the Catholic King, but all the archdukes of Austria are also mentioned, along with all the kings, princes, republics and states named in the Peace of Vervins, with the significant addition the United Provinces and the recently constituted (1621) Duchy of Guastalla. On the side of the Most Christian King the Treaty mentions the Duke of Savoy, the Duke of Modena, the Prince of Monaco, the Pope once more, and the electors and other princes of the Empire who were the allies of the King of France under the Peace of Münster3 (the Electors of Mainz and Cologne, the Count Palatine of the Rhine, the Duke of Neubourg, the Dukes of Brunswick and Lunebourg, the Landgrave of Hesse-Cassel, the Landgrave of Darmstadt, the King of Sweden, the Doge and Signoria of Venice, and the thirteen Swiss cantons). The Peace Treaty was open to anyone who wished to be part of it, even minor sovereigns who applied to one of the two kings. Both monarchs must refrain from “importuning or molesting, directly or through others” (“directa ni indirectament molestar ni trabajar por si ni por otros”) and a certain commitment to resort to international law rather than military force is envisaged. If either king “has any claim” (“pretende alguna cosa”) against the allies of the other king, “he can only pursue it in law before the Competent Judges and on no account by the use of force” (“podrá solo seguirlo por derecho antre Juezes Competentes y no por fuerza de ninguna manera”).4

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The Peace Treaty drawn up by Don Luís Méndez de Haro y Guzmán and Cardinal Jules Mazarin, acting as plenipotentiaries, was published in various languages in 1660, but no Latin original was produced: “when everything was ready, each of us signed the two peace treaties in French and Spanish separately, at our respective tables” (“lorsque tout a esté prest, nous avons signé, chacun en particulier, sur nostre table, les deux traittez de paix, en français et en espagnol”).5,6 This may be seen as symptomatic of the decline of the papacy in European diplomacy.7 The compilers of diplomatic texts themselves tended to shun Latin: “Even the greatest treaties are not always published according to the original text. Thus the Treaty of Osnabrück and the League of the Rhine, which as everyone knows were drafted in Latin, were published only in French, in other words, in a more or less faithful translation, in Dumont’s Recueil, which is nonetheless considered authoritative, and rightly so”.8 All this shows that it would be a mistake to believe that the agreement contained in the Treaty to “cease all hostilities by sea and land from 8 May that year” (“cessasión de todas hostilidades por mar y tierra, desde 8 de mayo de aquel año”)9 concerns only the area of the Pyrenees. The 1659 Peace between the Hispanic and French monarchies encompassed a large area of western Europe. The still very recent Treaties of Westphalia, signed in 1648, have often led observers to assume that the Peace of 1659 also had limited geographical scope but the fact is that certain aspects of the second treaty extended to the whole of Europe. It referred, not only to parts of the Pyrenees, but to parts of the Alps as well, and to the corridor between France and the Empire, which has always been in dispute and where defiant attitudes — as in the case of Flanders — are still found today. Moreover the 1659 Treaty does not concern itself solely with territorially and/ or jurisdictionally defined political units, but to aspects of economic activity and trade as well. Despite all this, a view of the so-called Treaty of the Pyrenees has prospered which has little to do with its commercial provisions and pan-European character, as though it referred only to territorial matters and confined itself, furthermore, to the Catalan nation’s Pyrenean bastion. The Treaty’s diplomatic name derives from the locality of Pheasant Island, in Lower Bidasoa, where the negotiations were conducted by the two plenipotentiaries, Don Luís Méndez de Haro on the Hispanic side, and Cardinal Mazarin on the French side. It was here too that the Treaty was signed (on 7 November 1659)10 and that Louis XIV and Philip IV listened as it was read out and swore on the gospels to abide by it (on 6 June 1660). The agreement was a prior step towards the marriage of Louis XIV to María Teresa of Austria, the daughter of Philip IV. The ceremony, which was a complementary outcome to the Treaty, took place at Donibane Lohizune (Saint Jean-deLuz) on 9 August.11

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The Distinctive Characteristics of Rosselló In the wake of the military action taken by the Hispanic forces in August 1637 against the fortress of Leucata, which was considered the gate to Languedoc, the Pyrenean frontier became a factor throughout the rest of the war.12 The danger already arose at the talks in Münster — and was combated by the Catalan government institutions — that the two crowns would sign a peace treaty dividing Catalonia in two by the force of arms or separating Rosselló from Catalonia. But after 1648 the fate of Catalonia, like that of Flanders and Italy, still depended on the battle front and diplomacy.13 A memorandum from the French chief-of-staff, Bernard du Plessis-Besançon, stated in 1641 that “the conquest of Roussillon [is] the most solid advantage the King could derive from the risings in Catalonia” (“le plus solide aventage que le roi puisse tirer des soulèvements de Catalogne [est] la conquête du Roussillon”).14 Catalonia viewed Rosselló as its cradle; the Catalan population considered it essential to their defence, a link with Europe, and of vital importance to the economy as an additional source of wheat, wool and leather. The Spaniards knew this full well. In 1629 the Madrid government had weighed up the possibility of setting up a separate Diputació15 in Perpinyà to compete with the one in Barcelona, thus taking advantage of the rivalry between the two cities. The Duke of Feria, the viceroy of Catalonia, wrote on that occasion: “it is desirable that vassals who cannot be curbed should not grow in number or wealth... [Rosellón] would be a great loss to them... because the province would decrease in size, Barcelona would have fewer people and less wealth... [and] trade between Barcelona and that kingdom [France] would be greatly hampered” (“los vasallos que no se pueden refrenar es bien que no crezcan en número ni en substancia... [el Rosellón] sería una gran pérdida para ellos... porque por este medio se reducía la província a ser menos extendida, a ser de menos gente y cantidad de hacienda Barcelona... se dificultava mucho el comercio de Barcelona con aquel reyno [Francia]”). Moreover “their finances would be weakened... and the jurisdiction of the deputies; and since wool, most of which comes from the counties [of Rosellón], would become more expensive for them, the trade in cloth across the sea to Italy would decline, and all this province’s presumptuousness is based on this” (“se debilitava la hacienda... y la jurisdicción de los diputados; y por la lana que se les encarecía, por ser la mayor parte de ella de los condados, sería menos caudaloso el trato de los paños por la mar en Itàlia, que es en lo que consiste toda presunción de esta província”). Consequently, he felt, “no doubt it would be reduced to a better disposition than it shows today” (“sin duda se reduciría a mejor disposición, que la que hoy tiene”).16 It is hardly surprising, therefore, that Louis XIV had the impression in 1656 that Madrid was not interested in the possession of Rosselló and wrote: “ It has always been taken for granted that the counties of

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Roussillon would be ceded to me, for the ministers of Spain raised not the slightest difficulty in Münster.... whereas they would think twice about giving me satisfaction over the kingdom of Navarre, which is withheld from me even more unjustly than Roussillon” (“il a toujours été presuposé que les comtés de Rousillon me demeureroient, que les ministres d’Espagne n’en firen pas la moindre difficulté a Münster … tandis que l’on feroit reflexion de me donner satisfaction sur le royaume de Navarre, que l’on me retient avec une injustice encore plus grande que celle qui regarde le Roussillon”).17

The Articles on Territorial Limits As Robert Mandrou states, disagreeing with Gaston Zeller, there was almost certainly no policy of “natural frontiers” or methodical plan for achieving the famous regularly-shaped French hexagon.18 And as Louis Batiffol explains in his prologue to the book by Vassal-Reig on the war in Rosselló under Louis XIII (1934), it was the Habsburg hegemony over Europe that worried Richelieu: “Richelieu always declared that the king’s constant preoccupation must be to release himself from this stranglehold. This he must do using the means he [Richelieu] describes, notably in an advice dated 20 April 1628 and a note written in early 1629, in other words, by supporting everywhere, as allies, those who were at war with the House of Austria, whether they be princes or peoples. This was how he acted towards Holland, towards the protestant princes of the Empire, and towards Alsatia. And this was how he acted towards the rebel Portugal and the Catalans”.19 Richelieu had proposed to the Catalan representatives — who were received as the “ambassadors of a free province” — that they should become an independent, sovereign republic. Batiffol considers that, on the face of it at least, this reflects his scruples and his intention to reconcile the military aid requested by the rebellious Catalans with his desire, as a statesman, to do nothing that was not legally justified. Consequently the Pact of Péronne between Louis XIII and the Catalans (19 September 1641) was conceived, not as an occupation but as a personal union between Catalonia and the King.20 In contrast, Mazarin’s realism, in Batiffol’s view, put an end to Richelieu’s legalistic prudence: his policy “was an open admission of his idea of endowing France with natural frontiers”.21 According to Peter Sahlins, in 17th century France “ideas about geography, history and strategy coexisted” and “the idea of the Rhine and the Pyrenees as France’s ideal limits thus came to occupy a central place in the political culture of seventeenth-century France”.22 But to return to the Treaty of the Pyrenees, it consists of 124 articles, of which numbers 42 and 43 refer specifically to the Catalan territories that were to be separated from the rest. It names them as the county of Roussillon/ Rosellón, the Magistracy of Conflent and part of the County of Cerdagne / Cerdaña,23 along with their depend-

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encies and annexes, countries, towns, strongholds, castles, market towns, villages, vassals, subjects, woods and river banks. Article 42 lays the foundations for the demarcation in terms that are ideological rather than historical: “With respect to the strongholds and countries on the Spanish side occupied in this war by French arms, it [has] been agreed in the negotiation which commenced in Madrid in the year one thousand six hundred and fifty-six, upon which this treaty is based, that the Pyrenean mountains, which have always been commonly regarded as the division between the Spains and the Gauls, should from now on also be the division between the respective kingdoms” (“Por lo que toca a las plazas y paises, que las armas de Francia han ocupado en esta guerra de la parte de España, aviendose convenido en la negociación, que començó en Madrid el año de mil y seiscientos y cinquenta y seis, sobre cuyo fundamento se va en este tratado, que los Montes Pirineos, que comunmente han sido siempre tenidos por división de las Españas y de las Galias, sean de aquí en adelante también la división de los mismos reynos”). The counties of medieval Catalonia, however, had been born in the Pyrenees: to them the mountain chain had never been a frontier but a cradle. France, on the other hand — possibly because of the memory of the old kingdom of Majorca, or because these same counties had been pledged to Louis XI of France in 1462 by John II of Catalonia-Aragon in the wake of the war that monarch from the Trastámara dynasty had waged against Catalonia — had always regarded this Catalan territory “as a ‘theater of distractions’ from the main battlefields”24 or as an exchange token.25 The Pyrenean regions of Catalonia had suffered from the dangers inherent to their condition as a frontierland between the Hispanic and French monarchies since 1462, long before the rest of Catalonia did so. This helps to explain the disputes the arose and Perpinyà’s fantasies about Barcelona between 1620 and 1630.26 The region’s status as a frontierland also explains why, in December 1639, a notary of Perpinyà, Pere Pasqual, warned his descendants in his diary that “whenever they heard the rumble of war, they must leave the town [Perpinyà] immediately for some very distant and isolated place, because of the very great vexations [which] soldiers commit against persons” (“sempre y quant hoian mormoll de guerra que se’n vayen al hora de la present vila [Perpinyà] y en part molt lluny y apartada, per rahó de las vexations tant grans [que] fan los soldats en las personas”) and why he repeated this advice in January 1640: “and so I tell and beg any descendant of mine that he should on no account live in this town [Perpinyà] but in some place far away from these troubles” (“y axí dich y prech a qualsevol descendent meu que no habite en ninguna manera en la present vila [Perpinyà] sinó en part apartada de aquestes inquietuts”).27 Politically speaking the contents of Articles 42 and 43 of the Treaty evince an attitude of great harshness towards the existence of Catalonia, a European people endowed with mature institutions dating back at least to the time of

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Peter ‘the Ceremonious’ (1336-1387). The Treaty categorically annexes to France “the whole County and Magistracy of Roussillon/Rosellón and... the County and Magistracy of Conflans/Conflent” (“todo el Condado Vegueria de Rosellón y... Condado y Vegueria de Conflent”) and goes on to say: “Naturally if there were any places in the aforementioned County and Magistracy of Conflans/ Conflent only, not that of Roussillon/Rosellón, which lie in the said Pyrenean mountains on the Spanish side, they must remain to his Catholic Majesty, and in the same way, if there were any places in the aforementioned County and Magistracy of Cerdagne/Cerdaña only, and not in Catalonia, which lie in the said mountains on the French side, they must remain to his Most Christian Majesty. And to agree on the said division, Commissaries shall be appointed on both sides who, together and in good faith, shall declare which Pyrenean mountains, in execution of the contents of this article, must divide the two kingdoms in the future” (“Bien entendido, que si se hallaren algunos lugares del dicho Condado y Vegueria de Conflent solamente, y no de Rosellón, que esten dentro de dichos Montes Pirineos a la parte de España, quedaran a su Magestad Cathólica, como también si se hallaren algunos lugares del dicho Condado y Vegueria de Cerdania solamente, y no de Cataluña, que esten dentro de dichos Montes a la parte de Francia, quedaran a su Magestad Christianíssima. Y para convenir de dicha división, seran luego diputados Comissarios de una parte y otra, los quales juntos de buena fee declararan quales son los Montes Pirineos que, en execución de lo contenido en este artículo deben dividir en lo venidero los dos Reynos”). The contents of the text reveal that the royal diplomats had a considerably more feudalizing, non-integrated view of the territory than the Catalans. Neither the historian Andreu Bosch, despite his pro-Rosselló stance, nor of course the government of Catalonia (the Diputació del General) could have accepted anything of the kind, because for all of them the counties were first and foremost magistracies of Catalan territory. The severity of the diplomatic text lies in its irrevocable nature, in the way it acknowledges the Most Christian King’s definitive right of succession and legitimates the Hispanic monarchs’ violation of territorial constitutionalism and their oaths. “Under the irrevocable peace treaty” (“Por el tratado de paz irrevocable”) the Hispanic monarch renounces Catalan territory north of the Alberes28 “in perpetuum and for ever in favour and to the benefit of the aforenamed lord, the Most Christian King” (“a perpètuo y para siempre a favor y a provecho de dicho señor rey Christianíssimo”). The Catholic King surrenders it “in his own name, that of his heirs, and legal successors” (“tanto por si, como por sus herederos, y por los que tuvieren su derecho”) to the King of France and “his heirs, and legal successors” (“sus herederos, successores y de los que tuvieren sus derechos”). The text seeks to legitimate these successoral rights almost as though they were dynastic patrimonial rights. What is more, it seeks to le-

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gitimate the incorporation of Catalan territories into the Crown of France “notwithstanding any laws, customs, statutes, constitutions and conventions adopted to the contrary, even if they were ratified by oath... (and) to the exclusion in perpetuum of all exceptions, on whatever right, title, cause or pretext they may be founded, and specifically any exception which might seek or claim in the future that the separation... might be contrary to the Constitutions of the Principality of Catalonia, and that for that reason the separation could not be decided or agreed upon without the express consent of all the peoples assembled in the States General” (“no obstante qualesquier leyes, costumbres, estatutos, constituciones y convenciones hechas en contrario, aunque ayan sido confirmadas por juramento” “y excluyendo a perpètuo todas las excepciones debaxo de qualquier derecho, título o causa o pretexto que puedan estar fundadas y nominatamente aquella que se quisiesse o pudiesse pretender en adelante que la separación... fuesse contra Constituciones del Principado de Cataluña, y que por esso dicha separación no ha podido ser resuelta ni acordada sin el consentimiento expresso de todos los pueblos congregados en Estados Generales”). The text also released from their oath of allegiance those who had previously been men, vassals and subjects of the Hispanic monarchy, without taking into account the territorial integrity or parliamentary unity of Catalonia.29 The watertight wording of Article 43 should not surprise us. Whoever helped draft the text was thoroughly familiar with the Catalan political system and wanted to forestall any constitutional challenge or subsequent political rebellion. Throughout the month of June 1659 the Catalan government, aware that preliminary discussions between the two crowns were underway in Paris, had made approaches to the Catholic King to prevent the division. “It has been said,” observed Jaume Copons, the archdeacon of Andorra, “that the county of Rosselló will be separated from this Principality, and put under allegiance to France, and this would be very harmful and prejudicial to the Principality” (“s’ha dit que lo comtat del Rosselló se separaria del present Principat, restant baix obediència de Fransa, lo que seria grandíssim dany y prejudici d’aquest Principat”). And the Generalitat stated, in a letter to Philip IV, that “It causes us great anxiety to think that the King of France is unwilling to forego the occupation of the counties of Rosselló and Cerdanya” (“Dónans molt gran cuidado lo pensar que per part del rey de Fransa no vulla restarse ab la ocupació dels comtats de Rosselló y Cerdanya”) and reminded him that Peter ‘the Ceremonious’ had united them “to your royal Crown” (“a sa real Corona”) and bestowed “the privilege of perpetual union” (“privilegi d’unió perpètua”). Nor did the Catalan government fail to mention the strategic value of the counties, which constituted “a rampart against the kingdom of France” (“muralla contra lo regne de Fransa”), for without them “the Principality [would be left] unprotected and the path would be open to any invasion the French-

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man might wish to undertake” (“desabrigat lo Principat y uberts los passos pera qualsevol invasió vulla fer lo francès”).30 The Council of Aragon had also opposed the partition of Catalan territory. This explains why Haro expressed fear during the talks lest the Council should object to the negotiations.31 According to Mazarin, Luís de Haro was not very dynamic (“he advances very slowly” — “va muy despacio”) and was somewhat ill-prepared (“he lacks thorough information about foreign affairs” — “Il n’est pas informé a fond des affaires êtrangeres”). It should be remembered, however, that Haro was trapped between decisions already taken at the court in Madrid and the objections being raised by the powerless Council of Aragon.32 Articles 49, 116 and 118 established that various strongholds and ports in Catalan territory which were still in French hands should be returned to the Catholic King, but proposed postponing the restitution of Cadaqués, Roses and the fort of La Trinitat until definitive frontiers had been negotiated.33

The Work of the Commissaries in Ceret, Figueras i Llívia It required special meetings between the commissaries on both sides to solve the problem of the delimitation in precise territorial terms. The commissaries on the French side were Pèire de Marca, the archbishop of Toulouse, and Hyacinthe Serroni, the bishop of Orange. On the Hispanic side they were Miquel Salvà de Vallgornera, a knight of the Order of Saint James, royal counsellor and lieutenant of the Mestre Racional (the court accountant and auditor) and Josep Romeu de Ferrer, a magistrate of the Catalan Royal Court of Justice. Though both the latter were Catalans, they acted as representatives of the Catholic King, and definitely not on behalf of Catalonia or the Council of Aragon. Contemporary geographers lacked accurate knowledge of the Pyrenees. As the 17th century historian from Rosselló Andreu Bosch points out, some considered the massifs of Montseny, Sant Llorenç, Montserrat and Montsec as “branches, offshoots and arms of the Pyrenees” (“branques, rams y brasos dels Pyrineus”).34 Article 42, which defined the Pyrenees as the dividing line, also raised other problems of interpretation. While the French version of the Treaty said that the Pyrenees “in olden times divided the Gauls from the Spains” (“avoient anciennement divisé les Gaules des Espagnes”), the Spanish version spoke of the “Pyrenean mountains, which have always commonly been regarded as the division between the Spains and the Gauls” (“montes Pirineos que comúnmente han sido siempre tenidos por división de las Españas y de las Galias”). The words anciennement (in olden times) and comúnmente (commonly) were basic to the discussions. Underlying the word anciennement was all Pèire de Marca’s geographical knowledge, drawn from

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Strabo, Pliny and Ptolemy, but also his historical knowledge of the Carolingian counties. In the course of the War of the Reapers, the learned archbishop Pèire de Marca had been sent to Catalonia as a visiteur (1644-1651). He took possession of the documents of monastic origin collected by the Catalan historian Jeroni Pujades and used them in his Marca Hispanica to seek evidence in support of the territorial ambitions of Louis XIV.35 Now Rosselló was no longer a topic of discussion and the debate focused on Conflent and Cerdanya. Marca used the word anciennement to defend frontiers based on the classical Roman interpretation, which claimed that the dividing line was marked by some lost trophy of Pompey’s or a temple to Venus: “olim trophaea Pompeii in summo Pyrenaeo posita quae, ut docet Stabo, Hispaniam et Galliam disterminabant, ubi sunt fauces quae Hispanias Galliis jungunt, ut T. Livii verbis utamur” (“at that time, Pompey’s trophies, [were] placed on the summit of the Pyrenees which, according to Strabo, divided Hispania from Gaul, and where, to quote T. Livy, the pass that joins the Spains to the Gauls is located”) and “illos porro diserte et constanter docere promontorium montium Pyrenaeorum, in cujus vertice positum erat templum Veneris, Aphrodisium dictum graecus, esse verum limitem Galliarum et Hispaniarum” (“in olden times they were taught, in precise, unvarying terms, that the promontory of the Pyrenean range, on the top of which stands the temple to Venus, known in Greek as Aphrodite, was the true boundary between the Gauls and the Spains.”). Marca’s historical arguments dated back to the high Middle Ages. Any geographical argument that failed to confirm his reasoning he rejected. Consequently he ignored Mount Canigó and the Corberes as part of the Pyrenees and rejected the entire history of Catalonia after the initial period of its division into counties. The French commissaries, Marca and Serroni, considered that their conception of the mountain range, based on theory and on Roman sources rather than on reality and geography, was beyond dispute. In their opinion it was sufficient to insist that “qui fuerint olim limites Galliae Narbonensis et Hispaniae Tarraconensis in ea Pyrenaeorum montium parte” (“the boundary between Narbonnese Gaul and Tarraconensis [Hispania Citerior] was formerly in this part of the Pyrenean range”). Their historical arguments enabled the French commissaries to make still more ambitious claims: they could demand anything from La Seu d’Urgell — on the grounds that it belonged to the ancient county of Cerdanya — to the whole of Catalonia. In March 1660 Serroni wrote to Mazarin from Ceret: “… we discussed the division between the Gauls and the Spains, which are ancient terms, and not the division between France and Spain, which are the terms that are used nowadays…” and “… at present we are searching for Gauls and Spains and not for the domination or jurisdiction which one King or the other may have had there. Otherwise we would be entirely founded in claiming the whole of Catalonia and going to pitch our tents on the banks of the Ebro” (“… on parlait

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de la division dels Gaules et des Espagnes, qui sont des anciens termes, et non pas de la division de la France et de l’Espagne, qui sont les termes dont on se sert présentement…”; “… on cherche présentement des Gaules et des Espagnes et non pas de la domination ou jurisdiction que l’un ou l’autre Roy y peuvent avoir eu. Autrement nous pourrions prétendre avec grand fondement toute la Catalogne et aller planter nos tentes sur les bords de l’Ebre”).36 The Catalan commissaries of the Catholic King, Salvà de Vallgornera and Romeu de Ferrer, were less learned but had a better command of real geographical, historical and legal knowledge acquired in the field. Contrary to what has sometimes been said, the arguments they put forward — according to which the whole Magistracy of Conflent, along with Capcir and the whole county of Cerdanya, should remain under the rule of the Hispanic monarch — were not inferior but different.37 No agreement was reached in Ceret (22 March-13 April 1660); in fact only the separation of Rosselló was approved and the talks resumed in Figueres (at the end of April). The discussions over the frontier were delaying the royal marriage.38 A new meeting was held in haste, this time in Llívia and without Marca. With only Serroni present, the separation of Conflent was confirmed and it was agreed that Cerdanya should be split in two. Rosselló and Conflent were adjudicated to the King of France, except for any places that might lie on the southern slope of the Pyrenees (no such places existed) and Cerdanya was adjudicated to the Hispanic King, except for any places lying on the northern slope of the Pyrenees (these included Planes, Sant Pere dels Forcats, La Perxa, Ruet and Llo).39 Under this agreement (12 November), the enclave of Llívia was left in Hispanic hands but the valley of Cerdanya was irrationally divided in two. Other flagrant abnormalities were approved, among them the case of Ix and its borough: “this division [does not seek] to separate the said territory from the aforementioned village of Ix with regard to the domain, property, crops, pastures, or anything else belonging to it, and this separation [is to be understood] only as regarding Spain and France and not the private domain or property of the territory, which will always remain united to the said village of Ix” (“no pretendiendo por esta división separar el dicho territorio del dicho villaje de Ix en lo que toca al dominio, propiedad, frutos, pastos, ni otra qualquier cosa a él perteneciente, no debiendo entenderse esta separación sinó España y Francia y no del dominio o propiedad particular del dicho territorio, que quedará siempre unido al dicho villaje de Ix”).40 While solutions of this type were being found for Cerdanya, on the Coll de Panissars in the Alberes, between Vallespir and Alt Empordà, a monastery was split down the middle: the church, which was left on the French king’s side of the border, was demolished and the stone used to build the castle of Bellaguarda, while the monastic quarters remained on the Hispanic king’s side.41 On 28 April 1660, prior to the meetings in Llívia, the same commissaries had approved the method to be fol-

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lowed in the complicated process of returning patrimonies and property confiscated in the course of the military conflict, in fulfilment of the provisions for restitutions and compensations under civil law.42 As Núria Sales points out, though the frontiers between the old Pyrenean counties and the ongoing Franco-Hispanic wars preclude any definitive view, the Treaty was in effect a “mere Seven Years’ Truce”.43 It should be borne in mind nevertheless that the two monarchies acted outside the Catalan parliamentary system with the intention of making the agreements watertight and, if possible, permanent, and of preventing the Catalan institutions from being represented.44 Thus the Catalan constitucions (laws) were forcibly excluded from public territorial law. It emerges clearly from the Treaty that the wide institutional diversity of each monarchy’s territory was taken into account: in other words, neither the territory called Spain nor the territory called France corresponds to any political unit aside from the monarchy itself. Not only were the frontiers yet to the drawn, but the territories of both crowns were yet to be integrated. This explains why the Treaty, when referring to the subjects of the Catholic King, talks about “towns, subjects, merchants, residents and inhabitants of the kingdoms, states, provinces and countries belonging to his lordship the Catholic King” (“villas, subditos, mercaderes, estantes y habitantes de los reynos, estados, provincias y paises pertenencientes al señor rey cathólico”) and why it also alludes to the “subjects of his lordship the aforesaid Most Christian King, of whatever country or nation they may be” (“subditos del dicho señor rey christianíssimo de qualquier país o nación que sean”). The notions of ‘Spaniard’ and ‘Frenchman’ relate to their status as subjects of a particular monarchy, and certainly not to any national territory.

The Rhineland and Alpine Fronts If we now turn from the Catalan front to the front that ran along the King of France’s eastern border, we see that the Treaty also served to reorganize European territories stretching roughly from the North Sea to the Alps which were perpetually under dispute.45 The French crown obtained lands in the county of Artois and strongholds in the counties of Flanders and Hainaut and the duchy of Luxembourg; and it was stipulated that lands between the Sambre and the Meuse were to be interchanged or returned, and that no place was to be fortified in such a way as to prevent or hinder communications with France. The Most Christian King returned the Po and the county of Burgundy to the Catholic King. This was to be done without demolitions or damage; munitions, artillery and military supplies could be removed; and officers and soldiers were entitled to take their belongings with them, but must not leave debts or steal anything. Louis XIV agreed that when he recovered the stronghold of Hesdin and its bailiwick, he would grant an official pardon to the garrison,

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which had gone over to the Catholic King in the course of the conflict. The Catholic King, for his part, surrendered any right to Alsatia and agreed that it was to become part of the French Crown, in accordance with the specifications of the Treaty of Münster, signed on 24 October 1648.46 To bring the new demarcations into effect and implement the unfulfilled provisions of earlier treaties (Cateau-Cambrésis, 1559, and Vervins, 1598), it was also decided to appoint commissaries for the Low Countries and to resort to arbitration in case of disagreement.47 Here, as in Catalonia, the acquisition of new territories brought with it the corresponding rights of sovereignty and ecclesiastical patronage, which were to be “for ever united and incorporated... notwithstanding any laws, customs and statutes and agreements that may have been enacted to the contrary” (“para siempre unidos y incorporados... no obstante qualquiera leyes, costumbres y estatutos y convenciones hechas en contrario”).48 The King of France had three months from the signature of the Treaty to negotiate a peace settlement with Portugal. He had to guarantee a general pardon for the Portuguese and a return to the situation that existed prior to 1640. Whatever the outcome of the negotiations, France undertook “not to give the aforesaid Kingdom of Portugal... any assistance, or public or secret help, directly or indirectly...” (“no dar al dicho Reyno de Portugal... ninguna assistencia, ni ayuda pública ni secreta, directa ni indirectamente...”).49 The Treaty reveals that financial compensation was also to be made. Three million livres tournoises, for instance, were to be paid to the Archdukes of Innsbrück in exchange for the rights to Alsatia, while the Duke of Lorraine was to pay an unspecified sum of money and agree to cede territories to the French crown, including the dioceses of Metz, Toul and Verdun, the duchy of Bar and the county of Clermont. All this was to compensate for the recovery of his now smaller duchy. Charles IV of Lorraine was reminded that his duchy had been conquered by Louis XIII’s army, and in order to neutralize his power he was required to demobilize and disarm before recovering it. The saltworks in Lorraine remained under the obligation to supply salt to France, and the duchy had to grant right of way and billets to French troops on their way to Alsatia. Finally a series of clauses regulate the procedure to be followed by the Most Christian King and the Duke in matters arising out of the provisions and confiscations, and the judgments handed down in the course of the war. With regard to the duchy of Lorraine, the Catholic King had to urge the Emperor to ratify “all the Articles agreed in the present Treaty by notarial act in identical form (which will be delivered to His Most Christian Majesty)” (“por auto en forma auténtica [el qual será entregado a su Magestad Christianíssima] todos los Artículos que se ha convenido en el presente Tratado”). Besides the submission of the Duke of Lorraine,50 the Treaty provided for the return to allegiance of Condé, a member of the Fronde, who was a prince of royal blood from the BourbonVendôme branch and a potential ally of the Catholic King.

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Condé was to hand over the strongholds of Rocroi, Châtelet and Linchamps to the Most Christian King, and recovered in compensation all his titles and estates, subject to certain exchanges. His son, the Duke d’Enghien, was to be appointed Grand Maistre de France.51 In compensation for the agreement between Condé and the King of France, the Catholic King was to return the castle of Juliers, which belonged to the House of Cleves, to the Duke of Neuburg, though he retained a right of way for his troops.52 Finally the plenipotentiaries confirmed the validity of the 1598 Treaty of Vervins and reasserted the rights of the Most Christian King as King of France and Navarre.53 Ten articles were devoted to the Italian hornets’ nest. The Dukes of Savoy, Modena and Mantua were included in the Treaty.54 All were involved in the war, for geographical reasons, and all were involved in unresolved conflicts of their own, notably the Duke of Savoy, an ally of the King of France. Now they were also to take part in the restitutions, their subjects were to be guaranteed rights of navigation and trade, a solution was to be found to certain unfulfilled commitments with regard to dowries, and established territorial agreements were to be upheld. The castle of Vercelli and Cencio in the Langhe were to be returned to the Duke of Savoy. The Catholic King undertook to obtain legal clarification about the dowry of the deceased Catherine of Savoy — 48,000 ducats a year to be raised from the Foggia customs house in the kingdom of Naples — and settle any arrears. This dowry was the object of a dispute between Savoy and Modena. The amount corresponding to the years during which the House of Modena was at war with the Hispanic duchy of Milan were excluded from the dowry, however. The Catholic King accepted the submission of the Duke of Modena, promised him the stronghold of Correggio, which was to remain free of his garrison, and undertook to ask the Emperor to acknowledge his investiture. He warned the Duke to remain neutral between the two crowns. Philip IV agreed not to support any Italian prince who might seek to infringe the so-called status quo of Cherasco (1631) regarding the dispute between Savoy, Mantua and other seigneuries. The Treaty also refers to a dispute over another dowry — that of Margaret of Savoy, the grandmother of the Duke of Mantua — which was to be settled before the spring. In the clauses relating to Italy the two monarchs agreed to call on the Pope to put an end to the conflict between the Duke of Modena and the Apostolic Chamber over the Valli di Comacchio and to give the Duke of Parma time to pay off his debt to the Chamber by pledging or alienating part of his estates. The aim was to obtain a commitment from the Pope to “uproot the seeds of all the disputes that might disturb the repose of Italy” (“arrancar la simiente de todas las diferencias que podrian turbar el reposo de Italia”) in accordance with his desire “to prevent all occasions of discord in Christendom..., a cause which is so dear to the Apostolic See” (“prevenir todas las ocasiones de discòrdia en la Cristiandad... una causa tan benemérita de la Sede Apostólica”).

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Both crowns concealed their warlike attitude by claiming that divine inspiration had led them to play the role of pacifiers desirous of “giving rest to their peoples” (“dar el reposo a sus pueblos”), not only in Italy, through the appeal to the Pope, but in the Empire as well. Here they expressed concern over “the present state of Germany and the other Northern Countries where war is raging and where it may also break out in the Empire owing to the divisions between its Princes and States” (“el estado en que estan la Alemania y demás Paises del Norte donde la guerra se halla encendida y que también puede encenderse en el Imperio por la divisiones de sus Príncipes y Estados”). In other words, despite the Treaty of Westphalia “the disputes that can disturb the repose of the Empire” (“las diferencias que pueden turbar el reposo del Imperio”) were still alive.55 The preventive action to be taken by the two crowns also extended to the Swiss cantons where, despite the resolution of religious discord between “Catholics and Protestants.... a few sparks still remain beneath the ashes [which] give rise to disagreement and division within the said nation” (“cathólicos y protestantes... quedan debaxo de la ceniza algunas centellas... que ocasionan la mala inteligencia entre la dicha nación”). Their action included the Grisons as well, an area affected by the Franco-Hispanic dispute over the Valtellina. Here the two crowns undertook to reach amicable agreements once the Grisons had accepted the Treaty. Unrest in Italy had had repercussions on Monaco too. The war in the kingdom of Naples and the duchy of Milan had driven the principality to put itself under French protection and the Catholic King now returned his domains to the Prince of Monaco. Philip IV was also to indemnify the Duchess de Chevreuse with the sum of 165,000 livres tournoises for the lands and seigneuries of Kerpein and Lommersein, which she had bought from him and he had subsequently adjudicated to the Bishop Elector of Cologne.56 The Treaty stipulated the dates at which these restitutions and exchanges were to take place and how they were to be carried out. Each monarch was to delegate a minister to represent him at the other court. If objections or claims arose over the restitutions, these ministers were to act as a tribunal, with no appeal from their decisions.57

Clauses Governing the Disbanding of Troops The overall European scope of the clauses referring to princes, territories and peoples emerges with equal, or greater, clarity from the provisions concerning the release without ransom of prisoners of war. These clauses applied to prisoners “of whatever nation and condition they might be” (“de qualquiera nacion y condición que sean”), including galley slaves and French soldiers held captive in Hispanic strongholds on the African coast. The return of prisoners in Italy was to be hastened so that “they could cross the Mountains [Alps] before the passes [were]

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blocked by ice” (“puedan passar los Montes antes que los yelos embaracen el passo”). The Treaty laid down the rules for the payment of rations and other expenses to do with prisoners of war. The terms of reference were provided by the procedures followed “in the year one thousand six hundred and forty-six, which were established in Soissons, when the Marquis of Castel-Rodrigo was governing the Low Countries” (“del año de mil y seiscientos y quarenta y seis, que se hizo en Suesons, governando los Paises Baxos el marqués de Castel-Rodrigo”). Commissaries on both sides were to meet in some place in Flanders yet to be specified with the accountants of the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, Milan, Piedmont, “the Principality of Catalonia and the counties of Roussillon/ Rosellón and Cerdagne/Cerdaña” (“Principado de Cataluña y condados de Rossellón y Cerdaña”) and the borderland between France and the Low Countries. There they were to calculate the expenditure and determine which king was in debt to the other. The debtor undertook to settle outstanding amounts “for the expenses and rations of the said prisoners of war” (“por los gastos y raciones de los dichos prisioneros de guerra”) in cash.58 The Treaty of the Pyrenees, like that of Vervins, was to be ratified by registering it in the Catholic King’s Councils and Chambers of Accounts in the Low Countries, the kingdom of Castile and the kingdom of Aragon, and in the Parliaments and Chambers of Accounts in Paris and the other Parliaments in the kingdom of France.59 The plenipotentiaries undertook to ensure that the terms of the Treaty would be ratified and sworn by both monarchs in the presence of accredited witnesses.60 The text is rife with the diplomatic dissimulation of the period. This can be seen from the copy of the powers given by both kings at the end of the Treaty to their respective plenipotentiaries. Neither King, it claims, wanted war, but both went to war because of “the hidden will of God” (“ocultos juicios divinos”) or “the will known only to Divine Providence” (“juicios reservados a la Providencia Divina”). It was also the hand of God that made it possible for peace to be sealed. Now the Catholic King wanted “the vassals of both Crowns [to begin] to enjoy the rest they so badly need and have deserved during the toil and calamities of a very long and burdensome war and [to feel] mutual love and affection as they used to, seeking comfort from each other and their common welfare” (“que los vassallos de ambas Coronas comiencen a gozar el descanso que tanto necessitan y han merecido en los trabajos y calamidades de tan larga y pesada guerra y que buelvan a amarse y corresponderse como solian entre si buscando el alivio unos de otros y el mayor bien de todos”). The Most Christian King exculpated himself by invoking his wish to conclude “a war we found burning when we succeeded to the Crown” (“una guerra que en nuestra sucsessión a la Corona hallamos encendida”) and “to give peace to the peoples who owe us allegiance and at the same time to cause Christendom to enjoy the repose it so sorely needs” (“dar la paz a los pueblos que estan sum-

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issos a nuestra obediencia y juntamente hacer gozar a la Christiandad el reposo que tanto necessita”).

Civil Rights, Commercial and Consular Relations A whole series of articles are devoted to guaranteeing the liberties and civil rights of the Catalans on either side of the new frontier, including those relating to inheritances, testaments and donations between living persons. Those who live on opposite sides of the border are guaranteed the right to receive income, providing this is done through procurators who are above suspicion, and the right to receive justice in the case of lawsuits. The articles deal with the restitution of confiscated patrimonies and revenues and the way this is to be done. All these provisions also apply to seigneuries and ecclesiastical benefices.61 The Peace includes another series of articles on freedom of trade and navigation, the prohibition of reprisals, and the guarantee of linguistic and legal rights for merchants, subject always to the payment of the appropriate taxes. Commercial reciprocity is established between the subjects of the two monarchies, in line with the policy pursued by France —according to the Treaty— with England and Holland. The establishment of consulates and the recognition of embassies is recommended.62 But there are also restrictions of course. The subjects of both kings are prohibited from trading with countries that are at war with either of them or with enemy ships. Inevitably specific reference is made to Portugal.63 Trading with the king’s enemy and trading in military supplies are clearly defined as contraband. A series of articles referring to obligatory passports, the issuance of maritime passports, and admiralty courts are designed to prevent and penalize smuggling.64 Though the Treaty specifies that if any new conflict should break out, six months’ leeway will be allowed so that subjects of either crown can remove themselves and their possessions to safety,65 the fact is that both the Peace and the frontiers were so fragile that the vassals’ customary trading activities were often criminalized. It can be observed that the term ‘Spaniards’ is used to refer to the subjects of the monarchy and in no case to the natives of a particular country, kingdom or principality. Thus the wars waged by the king could make trade between Catalonia and Languedoc a crime, while the freedom of trade that was in the interest of the monarchies could undermine Catalan law in times of shortage by permitting the unrestricted circulation of wheat. It is clear that the articles on the free circulation of merchandise between monarchies ignore existing commercial systems in the different countries and nations that are part of these monarchies. The requirements of free trade and the notion of contraband, as defined in the light of royal military and fiscal policies, could — and indeed did, both south and north of the Alberes — distort socio-economic relations between nations with a historical and socio-eco-

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nomic logic of their own. The Treaty of the Pyrenees opened the door to French commercial competition in Hispanic Catalonia and tended to criminalize the economic relations between Catalans on either side of the new frontier and consider them as contraband.

A Short-Lived Peace, a Perpetual War, and an Uncertain Frontier The opening articles of the Peace Treaty contain an assortment of considerations about the need for a lasting peace. The true reasons for the Treaty are concealed, however, and there is no mention of factors to do with finance or military inadequacy. The suspension of hostilities decreed on 8 May 1659 is explained in diplomatic language that resorts to moral rhetoric: the aim was to stop “the long and bloody war” (“la larga y sangrienta guerra”), to put “an end to countless misfortunes” (“fin a tantos infortunios”) which have “afflicted peoples, kingdoms, states and countries” (“afligido los pueblos, reynos, estados y paises”) and “given rise to distress, suffering, poverty, calamities and desolation” (“han resultado males, miserias, calamidades y desolación”), and to permit peoples “everywhere to repair the damage and misfortune endured” (“puedan reparar en todas partes los daños y miserias padecidas”).66 The end of the war, however, did not arouse much enthusiasm: “the people were not very happy” (“la gent no n’estava molt alegra”), wrote Miquel Parets in his contemporary diary, referring to the people of Barcelona, decimated by the plague. For the Catalans the war had ended in total defeat. Official news of the signing of the Treaty did not reach Barcelona until mid-February and the Catalan government lamented the late arrival of the information (and no doubt other things besides): “[the delay] surprises us not a little since, in the light of the requirements of our posts, we consider ourselves the most directly concerned in knowing how the Treaty affects the Principality” (“del que fem no poca admiració, per considerarnos los més interessats per l’obligació de nostres càrrechs en saber com resta est Principat en lo tractat de pau”).67 Once diplomatic silence had been lifted, the text of the Treaty was widely distributed. “Very many copies were printed,” wrote Parets, “so that they could be sent all over Catalonia and private individuals could buy them to find out what type of agreements had been reached and how they affected the different provinces” (“ne estamparen moltísimes, per enviar-ne per tota Catalunya y per a que los particulars ne comprasen, per a saber lo modo dels pactes y del modo que restaven unes provínties y altres.”).68 The borders defined under of the Treaty of the Pyrenees might have been altered by the new series of wars between the two crowns that took place in the second half of the 17th century, for the hostilities continued, despite the peace rhetoric of the preliminaries to the 1659 Treaty

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and no permanent or lasting peace ensued. Quite the opposite, in fact, for Catalonia endured constant wars. Before the War of the Spanish Succession, as Soldevila points out, “it can be said that, from 1626, when an army was posted to Catalonia, until 1697, the date of the Peace of Rijswijk, Catalonia constantly suffered the plague of troop billeting and levies”. During the wars that broke out in the last decades of the 17th century — in 1676, 1678, 1684, 1688, 1690 and 1691, and during the Nine Years’ War, from 1692 to 1697 −, Catalan territory was constantly occupied by the French army, always in a climate of royal mistrust and without any type of Hispanic military defence.69 This situation led the historian Núria Sales to consider that the Treaty in fact inaugurated “a mere seven-year truce in over eighty years of almost constant war between the Habsburgs in Madrid (or the Habsburg in Barcelona, from 1705 to 1713) and the Bourbons in Paris (or the Bourbons in Paris and Madrid, from 1700 to 1715). It was rather a short truce in comparison to the one that followed the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis (1559) and above all the Treaty of Vervins (1598), and was part of over two centuries of rivalry over the inheritance of the houses of Burgundy and Foix-Béarne (among others)”.70 Prior the 1679 Treaty of Nimwegen, the French crown offered more than once to return the Catalan regions in the Eastern Pyrenees to the Hispanic crown in exchange for territories in the Low Countries.71 The Spanish rulers, blinded by the Habsburgs’ patrimonial tradition, repeatedly refused, despite the debilitating effects of maintaining these far-off possessions, already partially in French and Dutch hands, which they were destined to lose entirely under the Peace of Utrecht (1713). The idea of an exchange was not a new one. For France, keeping the Catalan lands and Germanic Alsatia meant giving up much of the Burgundian inheritance and losing a few million Walloons, who were culturally French. Mazarin had already proposed such a solution in Münster (1646). At the 1656 Madrid talks, he had authorized his secretary Lionne to give up all the Catalan territories ceded to France in 1659 in exchange for the whole of Artois, Luxemburg, and Franche-Comté or the part of Navarre under Hispanic domination. The trade-off plan was revived in 1668 by Jean Hérault de Gourville, the quartermaster of the army in Catalonia. Though Gourville had been dragged down with the minister Foucquet in his fall, he was entrusted by Lionne with the task of opening unofficial peace talks. The negotiations had the approval of Louis XIV, who even drew the Emperor’s attention to them in Vienna. The latter, already aware of the coming clash over the Spanish succession, was himself weighing up the advantages of a different exchange with France: the Hispanic Low Countries for Alsatia. Louis XIV was not prepared to give up Baiona (Bayonne) and Perpinyà at the same time, and on 22 January 1671 he sent the following message to Emperor Leopold’s Czech minister, Prince von Lobkowitz, through his envoy in Vienna, Jacques Brethel de Grémonville: “My thoughts regarding the aforesaid exchange

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are to return Roussillon and the county of Cerdagne to the Spaniards along with everything I acquired beyond the Mountains under the Treaty of the Pyrenees, adding a few pieces over towards Navarre which might suit them, and to give in addition considerable sums of money, payable every year over a period”.72 News of the unofficial and supposedly secret negotiations spread all over Europe and was related to a number of episodes of resistance that broke out in Rosselló (1670-1675). In the autumn of 1677 one last exchange was turned down by Don Juan José de Austria. France offered him the Catalan lands in the eastern Pyrenees and the Sicilian strongholds which the latest wars had left in French hands in exchange for the Low Countries and Franche-Comté. Alsatia too was to be returned to the Emperor, while Lorraine, which had been occupied again since 1670, would be returned to its duke, and Don Juan José himself would receive 4 million livres tournoises. Peter Sahlins writes: “But the 1660 treaty failed to define the exact territorial location of the Spanish-French boundary. Only the Treaties of Bayonne in 1866-1868 formally delimited the political boundary, as France and Spain placed border stones along an imaginary line demarcating their respective national territories”.73

After 1659: Resistance, On-going Trends and Alternatives Inevitably the process aroused resistance. From 1652 onwards people had been fleeing across the border to avoid reprisals. While leading groups from the French period, including men such as Josep Fontanella and Francesc Martí Viladamor, had taken refuge in Perpinyà, others escaped to Barcelona. Among these was Gabriel de Llupià, a member of the Llupià family whose property was located in Rosselló and from which the royal procurators of the counties of Rosselló and Cerdanya had always been drawn.74 But loyalty to one or other monarchy was not the only factor: there was also Catalan identity. In the words of the historian Henry: “the inhabitants of Roussillon had been Catalans for too many centuries for them not to join forces with these peoples”.75 After 1652 the division of Catalonia into two parts, one under French military domination, the other under Hispanic military domination, also gave rise to a division between Catalan soldiers (known as Miquelets): some were called Miquelets de França, others Miquelets d’Espanya, but both were Miquelets de la terra (of the homeland). What had occurred was a military division between sovereigns rather than a political division between Catalans. The finances of the part of Catalonia that was subject to the Hispanic monarch were ruined. It had preserved its institutional framework, however, though the insaculació system used in elections to the Generalitat and the Consell de Cent76 was under royal control from 1653-1654 onwards. To the king’s men, Barcelona “was at the forefront

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of all the Monarchy’s misfortunes” (“la que a hecho cabeza a todas las desdichas de la Monarquia”). Not only was the city held responsible for the Catalan revolt: it was accused of giving “a good chance to the Portuguese rebellion” (“buena ocasión a la rebelión de Portugal”) as well, and of opening “the appetite of Naples and Palermo to unrest and tumult” (“el apetito a las inquietudes y tumultos de Nápoles y Palermo”).77 Barcelona escaped the threatened construction of a citadel, but it lost its political immunity and was placed under military garrison. At least nominally, however, the part of Catalonia under Hispanic domination kept its institutional and constitutional system. The perpetual state of war prevented the creation of a new system of government. The Generalitat was financially weak, the political power of the Catalan institutions (Diputació and Consell de Cent) had been stifled, royal control had been stepped up and the Captaincy General reinforced: for the Catholic King’s government this was sufficient. After the fall of Barcelona in 1652, Mazarin ordered his minister Servien to enlist the services of Catalans loyal to France who had taken refuge in Rosselló to form a new Catalan government. Such outstanding figures of the Catalan revolution as the lawyer Josep Fontanella and above all Francesc Segarra from Lleida, and Ramon Trobat, a native of Rosselló, entered the service of the King of France. While the war was still raging, the Chancery in Paris addressed the Catalan political refugees in Perpinyà, thanking them for their loyalty, promising them rewards, and entrusting them with the government of Rosselló. The Comte d’Hocquincourt was appointed Lieutenant, Dr Segarra Governor, and the Generalitat, the Royal Council and the other tribunals of Catalonia were set up in Perpinyà (1654).78 This situation came to an end 1660, when the Sovereign Council of Roussillon was created, all persons with social status or patrimony were ordered to take an oath of allegiance to the King of France (July 1660), and restrictions were placed on gatherings in Perpinyà and the rural regions of Rosselló, Conflent and Cerdanya (1662).79 Thus no sooner had the Peace of the Pyrenees been signed than the Catalan government in Rosselló was wound up. Catalans in both Barcelona and Rosselló defended the integrity of their institutions by appealing to their respective monarchs on the grounds of Article 55 of the 1659 Treaty. Barcelona invoked Article 55 in a bid to recover the insaculació system, control over the city gates, and the baronies confiscated by the king, and to have the garrison withdrawn. Perpinyà called for the maintenance of its own Generalitat: “Abolishing this house and council of the Deputació80 which belong to the Catalans of the counties of Rosselló and Conflent and neighbouring lands who remain under your royal obedience according to the peace treaty accepted by Your Majesty with the crown of Spain, will cause great disservice to Your Majesty and distress to your very faithful vassals... In Chapter 55 of the peace treaty between Your Majesty and the Catholic King, Your

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Majesty graciously honoured the Catalans and by virtue of this agreement ‘all Catalans and other inhabitants of the aforesaid province... without exception can return and will return, and will effectively be permitted and re-established in the possession of all their property, honours, dignities, privileges, rights, exemptions, constitutions and freedoms…’ ” (“Lo abolir aquesta casa y consistori de la Deputació als catalans dels comtats de Rosselló y Conflent y terras adjacents que, ab lo tractat de pau v.m. ha concordada ab la corona d’Espanya réstan baix de la sua real obediència, ha de resultar en gran deservey de v.m. y desconsuelo de sos fidelíssims vassalls... En lo tractat de la pau concordat entre v.m. y lo rey Catòlich, cap 55, és estat v.m servit honrar los catalans, que en virtut del present tracte “tous les catalans et autres habitans de la ditte province... sans nul excepter pourront rentrer et reentreront, et seront effectivament layssez et restablis en la possession de tous leurs biens, honeurs, dignités, privileges, droits, exemptions, constitutions et libertés…”).81 But despite everything in June 1660 Louis XIV signed a decree in Donibane Lohizune (Saint-Jean-de-Luz) ordering the dissolution of the Catalan institutions still in existence in the territories acquired under the Treaty: the Royal Council, council of the Diputació, tribunal of the interior, tribunal of the royal patrimony, and tribunal of the court accountant were all abolished in order to ensure “the same good order and the same form of justice and government as is maintained in the other provinces of our kingdom, reducing things as far as possible to the ordinary usage of the latter, and to create for this purpose a Sovereign Council of the counties and magistracies of Roussillon and Conflent and the adjoining lands” (“le mesme bon orde et la mesme forme de justice et de gouvernement que se garde dans les autres provinces de nostre royaume, reduisant autant qu’il se pourra les choses à l’usage ordinaire de celuy, et de créer pour cette fin un Conseil Souverain des comtés et vigueries de Roussillon et de Conflent et pays adjounts”).82 From this time onwards the government of Northern Catalonia was organized around the Intendant Général, who was in charge of political matters, the Capitaine Général or military governor, and a Lieutenant Général who was the commanderin-chief of the army. These positions were mostly held by Frenchmen and the military government became a monopoly of the Noailles family. However certain Catalans, as mentioned earlier, also helped to set up the new political structures. The lawyer Ramon Trobat i Vinyes, a native of Rosselló, even became Intendant Général du Roussillon from 1686 to 1698.83 On the other hand, the French crown maintained the local administrative structure. Thus the post of magistrate of Cerdanya, which was always held by a member of the Catalan Sicart family,84 retained the corresponding seigneurial jurisdictions regardless of the lord’s origin and had to retain the ecclesiastic jurisdiction too, though these had never quite coincided with the political boundaries. Rosselló, as a province réputée étrangère (reputedly foreign province), had two

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frontiers: one separated it from Languedoc and the other was the new Hispano-French frontier. The continuity of Catalan social relations based on property, revenues, usufruct, right of way and family ties necessarily required a permeable border, “which does not mean,” said the text signed in Llívia on 12 November 1660, “that this right of passage can serve for committing crimes” (“no entendiendo que esta libertad de passaje pueda servir por los delitos que pudieran cometerse”).85 The perpetual wars, the restrictions imposed under the 1659 Treaty on commercial activities in enemy territory, and the Bourbons’ salt tax were to affect Catalan political life on both sides of the military frontier. They also sparked off outbursts of resistance and led to the emergence of a new political alternative in the war known in diplomatic terms as the War of the Spanish Succession. Peter Sahlins has investigated the conflicts that arose out of the inextricable intertwining of the military frontier with ecclesiastical, fiscal and civil jurisdictions in Cerdanya and the difficulties and trauma experienced by the inhabitants of the valley during the process he calls the “territorialization of the State”, in other words, the conversion of the military frontier into a political frontier.86 The most decisive factor in fixing the political dividing line was the criminalization of military desertion and of trade across the new frontier. Ministers in the 18th century believed it was necessary to rid the kingdom of foreign enclaves and to “close the state”, in so far as that was territorially possible. “This is no longer a time for conquests. France must be satisfied with its greatness and extension,” wrote the Marquis d’Argenson, Louis XV’s foreign minister. “It is time to start governing, after spending so much time acquiring what to govern”.87 The change of sovereign brought with it a change in the tax structures of Northern Catalonia. The imposition of the salt tax triggered a major episode of anti-tax resistance with nationalistic overtones. Since 1283 the salt trade among Catalans had been free of royal taxes. The only tax levied — 1.66% of the value of imported salt, 5% of the value of salt exported from Catalonia — was paid to Catalonia’s own government (the Diputació del General or Generalitat).88 Salt was essential to human life, and also to livestock, which was of prime importance in the Pyrenean regions. Louis XIV, for military reasons, introduced a salt tax in the Catalan lands under his dominion in December 1661 and put guards from Languedoc in charge of raising it. The guards began to interfere in routine purchases of salt from Cardona by the inhabitants of Cerdanya. In effect the decree issued by Louis XIV in 1661 criminalized the trade in Catalan salt among the people of Cerdanya and turned it into a habitual form of contraband. In the spring of 1663 Sant Llorenç de Cerdans rose against the managers of the salt tax to cries of “Slaughter them! Out with the thieves!” (“A carn, a carn. Via fora els lladres”). The Sovereign Council of Roussillon took repressive measures against the village (1665): it was fined six thousand livres and the bailiff, councillors

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and fifty-one residents were sentenced to the galleys for life. This helped to fan and politicize the revolt against the tax and turn it into national resistance.89 Between 1667 and 1675, under the leadership of Josep de la Trinxeria, a member of a family of wool manufacturers and notaries from Prats de Molló, the rebellion against the salt tax officials and the representatives of the French authorities grew.90 Known as the Revolta dels Angelets (Revolt of the Little Angels),91 it extended throughout Vallespir and reached Conflent, where the rebels were commanded by Joan Miquel Mestre, a peasant nicknamed L’Hereu Just (The Just Heir). Francesc Segarra, a member of the Sovereign Council of Roussillon, played an active part in crushing it. On 5 May 1670 the Lieutenant Général Noël Bouton Chamilly and an army of 4,000 men defeated the Angelets in Alt Conflent. The victory was followed by a severe crackdown, including fines, prison and galley sentences, and executions. Many Angelets took refuge south of the Alberes while others went on committing sporadic acts of resistance. The movement was not unconnected to the wars between France and Spain which broke out again in June 1667 when Louis XIV demanded the duchy of Brabant as part of the inheritance of his wife María Teresa. From 1672 to 1678 the Franco-Dutch War dragged on and there is every indication that the Angelets may have been expecting the Catalan counties to be exchanged for Flanders. But despite the repression unleashed by the Sovereign Council, Catalan territory to the north of the Alberes was not pacified. “The people of Roussillon calls itself and regards itself as Catalan,” reported the Intendant Pont d’Alberet around 1674, “and would deem the name of Frenchman degrading and insulting … This spirit even extends into the Conseil Superieur. The domination of the French nation is endured only because of the impossibility of shaking off the yoke” (“Le peuple de Roussillon se nomme et s’estime catalan et regarderait comme une degradation et une injure le nom de françois … Cet esprit est respandu jusque dans le Conseil Superieur … On n’y soufre la nation françoise maître, que pour impossibilité d’en secourir le joug”).92 Manuel Descatllar, a noble from Vilafranca del Conflent who had been under suspicion of pro-Hispanic conspiracies since 1670, tried to occupy the town with a regiment of soldiers from Puigcerdà in 1674. He was assisted by numerous fellow conspirators, both nobles and plebeians, including Francesc de Llar, Carles de Llar, Carles de Banyuls and the second councillor of Vilafranca, Joan Soler.93 They were betrayed, however, and the attempt failed. Carles de Banyuls and Francesc de Llar fled. Manuel Descatllar, Carles de Llar and Joan Soler were accused of lèse-majesté au premier chef (in the first degree): their property was confiscated and they were severely tortured before being executed. Nor were they the only ones. Among the other conspirators from Perpinyà who received death sentences were Antoni Rivet (a city councillor), Josep Tixedas, Francesc Puig (the parish priest of Forques), Manuel Boixó, Pere Dantés (a

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soldier), Josep Salgas (bailiff of La Bastida) and T. Fageda. Over fifty people of all types (young noblemen, lawyers, teachers, priests and women) and from many different places (Vilafranca, Perpinyà, Ceret, Vinçà, Fullà, Banyuls, Bassegoda and Prats de Molló) were imprisoned and had their property confiscated. In 1675-1676 the trials for conspiracy were still going on. The widespread hostilities had repercussions on the Pyrenean military frontier. Invasions launched from one side or the other meant that Catalonia, the buffer between two crowns and perpetually mistrusted by both, was in a continual state of war. The part of Catalonia under Hispanic domination underwent a series of invasions. The most spectacular occurred during the so-called Nine Years’ War (1689-1697), when the French fleet bombarded Barcelona — and Alacant in the Valencian Country (1691) — and the troops of the Most Christian King occupied first the Vall d’Àneu, Puigcerdà, Bellver, Ribes de Freser and Camprodon, and later Roses, Girona and Hostalric. Barcelona was occupied as the war drew to a close (1697).94 The political restrictions imposed after 1652 along with the constant wars — which now concerned the Hispanic succession and the way the inheritance of the Habsburgs of Madrid was to be shared out — also led to risings south of the Alberes. The Revolta dels Barretines (Revolt of the Berets, 1687-1689)95 took place against the background of these unending hostilities and was triggered by a crisis caused by failing food supplies and excessive and unjust billeting (nearly three thousand troops, half of them cavalrymen), which chiefly affected the common people and the country areas. It had anti-noble overtones and demanded the reinstatement of the Catalan constitucions (laws), which afforded protection against military tributes, and the freedom of the Catalan electoral system (insaculació). The first sparks of rebellion were kindled in Centelles. The penalties inflicted by the High Court on the villages and the Diputació, which had taken timid steps to assist the peasants, helped fan the revolt south of the Alberes till it reached Collsacabra, Lluçanès, Segarra, Urgell, Vallès and the River Llobregat. Two years in a row (in 1688 and 1689) over ten thousand peasants massed beneath the walls of Barcelona: they were rebelling against the government of the monarchy and calling for free elections by the insaculació method and action against the troops. Their leaders were Antoni Soler — who was assassinated −, Sebastià Enric Torres, Josep Rocafort and Joan Rocabruna, all of them wealthy landowners.96 Just as the Vilafranca conspiracy north of the Alberes — which had been set off by the action of the Puigcerdà garrison against Rosselló — was motivated by pro-Catalan, not pro-Hispanic, reasons, so the leaders of the Revolta dels Barretines entered discussions with the Intendant of Roussillon, the Catalan Ramon Trobat, for pro-Catalan, not pro-French, reasons and with similar ideas. Enric Torres had been excluded from the general pardon granted on 14 March 1690 and repressive meas-

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ures had been taken against him by the Lieutenant of Catalonia, the Duke of Villahermosa. He now retreated north of the Alberes with over forty of his followers and the leaders of the Barretines became Miquelets de França (mountain fusiliers in the service of Louis XIV), just as Josep de la Trinxeria, after being forced to flee south of the Alberes a few years earlier, had become a Miquelet d’Espanya. The leaders of the Barretines acted as agents of the Intendant Trobat, who fostered another unsuccessful attempt to ally and annex the whole of Catalonia to France (1691).97 This attempt apparently had the support of a few nobles linked to the Diputació. In the War of the Spanish Succession, the Catalans, spearheading the whole Catalan-Aragonese crown, aspired to recover the political ground lost between 1652 and 1659, to modernize their political structures (both institutional and legislative) by reinstating their parliamentary system (the Catalan Corts), and to reunite the country.98 The key political role played by the Tres Comuns (Three Commons) made this possible. The Catalan economy had begun to grow in the second half of the 17th century, despite the wars and royal control, and this lent new momentum to political life as well. An ad hoc government known as the Tres Comuns, comprising representatives of the Consell de Cent, the Diputació and the estate made up of leading citizens of Barcelona,99 began to launch initiatives. The scope of the action of the Catalans of Barcelona even extended north of the Alberes, where the actions of the Sovereign Council enable us to detect the presence in Rosselló of sectors favourable to the Hague Alliance.100 But the Catalan alternative was put down by the now very united Franco-Spanish army. The examination of the Treaty of the Pyrenees and its consequences 350 years after the events is useful in that it enables us to grasp the plurinational character of the two monarchies and the dynastic-patrimonial nature of their frontiers. Diplomacy was merely the peaceful mirror-image of war and was set in motion only when money was running out and it became impossible to maintain fiscal pressure or military recruitment. The origin of the present-day frontiers lies in the military and diplomatic action of those monarchies, which took no account of the identity of the peoples involved. Historiography, moreover, has contributed decisively to endowing those dynastic-military frontiers with democratic legitimacy.

Notes and Bibliography [1]

Henri Vast studied all the negotiations, notably those between 1648 and 1658, in Les Grands Traités du règne de Louis XIV, I: Traité de Münster, Ligue du Rhin. Traité des Pyrénées (1648-1659). Alphonse Picard et fils éditeurs, Paris 1893, pp. 65-71. He writes: “The negotiations lasted from 1643 to 1650 but did not succeed”, p. 79. Joan Reglà also traced the various diplomatic meetings between the two

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[2]

[3] [4]

[5] [6]

monarchies from 1648 until the Treaty was signed on 7 November 1659 on Pheasant Island. The following list includes only the major dignitaries: Vantorte/Peñaranda (Brussels, 1648-1649), Lionne/Peñaranda (Brussels, 1649), Pimentel/Mazarin (Cologne, 1651), Marquis de Silleri/Hispanic authorities (Low Countries, 1651) and Lionne/Haro (Madrid, 1656), Mazarin/Pimentel (Lyon-Paris, 1658-1659). The latter, despite Turenne’s opposition, agreed on 7 May to suspend the hostilities and allowed Mazarin and Haro, who had full powers, to have the final word. Joan Reglà. “El Tratado de los Pirineos de 1659. Negociaciones subsiguientes acerca de la delimitación fronteriza”. Hispania, XI No. XLII, Madrid 1951, pp. 101-166, especially pp. 109-116. A more recent historiographical account can be found in Rafael Valladares. “El Tratado de Paz de los Pirineos: una revisión historiográfica (1888-1988)”. Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, Serie IV, Historia Moderna, 2 (1989), pp. 125-138. In this article it has not been possible to draw on the recent book by Daniel Séré. La Paix des Pyrénées: vingtquatre ans de négociations entre la France et l’Espagne, 1635-1659. Honoré Champion, Paris 2007. Núria Sales. “Tractà dels Pirineus, el Tractat dels Pirineus?” Estudis d’Història Agrària, 17 (2004), pp. 829-842 (the quotation is on pp. 832-833). H. Vast, for his part, writes: “The Treaty of the Pyrenees... (though) less important for Europe than the Treaties of Westphalia, was more important for France... France could hope to conquer and keep Belgium”. Les Grands..., pp. 89-90. Signatories of the League of the Rhine, Henri Vast. Les Grands Traités..., pp. 65-78. Articles 122 and 123 of the Treaty. I consulted the following edition: Tratado de Paz entre esta Corona y la de Francia ajustado por el excmo señor don Luís Méndez de Haro y Guzman, marqués del Carpio, conde-duque de Olivares, alcayde perpetuo de los Reales Alcazares y Ataraznas de la Ciudad de Sevilla, gran Canciller perpétuo de las Indias, comendador mayor del orden de Alcantara, del Consejo de Estado del Rey nuestro señor, gentilhombre de su Cámara y su cavallerizo Mayor y por el Eminmo señor cardenal Julio Mazarini. Madrid, Imprenta de Domingo Garcia Morrás, 1660. Editions of the diplomatic texts which should also be taken into account include that of Abreu y Bertodano. Colección de los los Tratados de Paz, Vol 7. Madrid 1740-1752, pp. 114-246, and the French edition by H. Vast. H. Vast. Les Grands Traités, I, p. 89. Vast’s bibliography refers to the existence of French, Spanish, Latin and German versions of the Treaty, p. 90. The spelling of place names in this article reflects the existence of two versions of the Treaty, one in French and one in Spanish. When the names of places in Catalan-speaking lands are referred to in

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[7]

[8] [9] [10]

[11] [12] [13] [14] [15]

[16] [17]

[18]

[19]

texts from the Treaty, their French and Spanish translations are used (e.g. Cerdagne/Cerdaña). Similary, when such places are mencioned in quotations from French or Spanish-speaking contemporaries, the names are cited in the language used by the author of the quotation. In all other cases — in the body of the article and as part of original quotations in Catalan — the criterion applied throughout this journal is maintained: the Catalan place name is used. George Clark. The seventeenth century. Oxford University Press, 1972, pp. 128-129 (first edition, 1929). Robert Mandrou. La France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Presses Universitaires de France, Paris 1967, p. 231. Henri Vast. Les Grands Traités..., “Introduction”, p. I. Article 2. The Treaty was actually drafted by the assistants of the two plenipotentiaries, Pedro de Coloma on the Hispanic side, and Hugues de Lionne on the French side. They wrote the articles in Hendaia on the basis of the minutes that reached them at the end of each day’s negotiations. Joan Reglà. El Tratado..., p. 115. Joël Cornette. Chronique du règne de Louis XIV. Sedes, St-Just-la-Pendue 1997, p. 71. Josep Sanabre. El tractat dels Pirineus i la mutilació de Catalunya, Barcelona 1960, p. 28. Josep Sanabre. La acción de Francia en Cataluña (1640-1659), Barcelona 1956, pp. 351-365. Josep Sanabre. El tractat..., p. 34. The Catalan government at this period was known as the Diputació (or Diputació del General, or Generalitat). The three names are used interchangeably in the present article. J. Sanabre. El tractat..., pp. 22-23. J. Sanabre. El tractat..., p. 49. Louis XIV considered that Rosselló belonged to him. He said to his foreign secretary Hugues de Lionne: “You cannot be unaware that the counties of Roussillon and Cerdagne are the most ancient patrimony of my crown; that the crown of Spain has retained them from me for a long time under an illegitimate title” (“vous ne pouvez pas ignorer que les comtés du Roussillon et de Cerdaigne sont de l’ancien patrimoine de ma coronne; que celle d’Espagne me les a retenues long temps sous titre ilegitime”). The memory of the ancient Carolingian March or the fact that Rosselló was pledged to the King of France in 1462 by John II of Catalonia-Aragon could have caused him to speak in these terms. Gaston Zeller. “La monarchie d’Ancien Régime et les frontières naturelles”. Revue d’Histoire Moderne, 8 (1933) pp. 305-333. Robert Mandrou. La France..., p. 230. Charles Vassal-Reig. La guerre en Roussillon sous

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[20]

[21] [22] [23]

[24] [25]

Louis XIII (1635-1639). Préface de M. Louis Batiffol, administrateur de la Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal. Éditions Occitania, Paris 1934, p. XII. C. Vassal-Reig. La guerre..., p. XIV. Article 13 of the Treaty of Péronne (18 April 1641) stipulated that the counties of Rosselló and Cerdanya could not be separated from the Principality of Catalonia. On the ambivalence of French historiography with regard to the acquisition of Rosselló in the 17th century, see: “Per què l’adquisició del Rosselló és presentada per la historiografia francesa com una conquesta militar més?” Revista de Catalunya, 90 (November 1994), pp. 23-38. The Catalans, in their plight, tended to legitimate the alliance with France and agreed to be vassals of Louis XIII “as their predecessors had formerly done in the times of Charlemagne”. Josep Sanabre. La acción de Francia en Cataluña. Barcelona 1956, p. 132 (other references to Charlemagne are on pp. 102, 134 and 701). C. Vassal-Reig, Richelieu et la Catalogne. Paris 1935, p. 188. Charlemagne, in view of the situation, was perceived by the Catalans as a sovereign who had emerged from the voluntary choice of a free people. On the relations between Catalonia and France, see also the recent book by Oscar Jané Checa. Catalunya i França al segle XVII. Identitats, contraidentitats i ideologies a l’època moderna (1640-1700). Afers, CatarrojaBarcelona 2006. C. Vassal-Reig. La guerre..., p. XIV. Peter Sahlins. Boundaries. The making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees, University of California Press, 1989, pp. 37-38. From the Catalan point of view these territories were: the magistracy of Rosselló and the sub-magistracy of Vallespir, the magistracy of Vilafranca del Conflent and the sub-magistracy of Capcir, and the magistracy of Puigcerdà. Lluís de Peguera. Practica, forma y stil de celebrar Corts Generals en Cata lunya y materias incidents en aquellas, Gerony Margarit, Barcelona. 1632. Facsimile edition, Ed. Base, Barcelona 1974, pp. 221-225, 227-234. Peguera was a Catalan jurisconsult (1540-1610) and in this work he provides a description of Catalonia, listing all the country’s towns and villages by magistracies and sub-magistracies. Peter Sahlins. Boundaries..., p. 65. This was highlighted by Catalan historiographical research into the wars of the second half of the 17th century. See: Ferran Soldevila. Història de Catalunya, Barcelona 1963, pp. 1060-1095. Joaquim Albareda. Els catalans i Felip V. Barcelona 1993, pp. 11-58. Josep Maria Torras. La Guerra de Successió i els setges de Barcelona (1697-1714). Barcelona 1999, pp. 27-42. Antonio Espino. Catalunya durante el reinado de Carlos II. Política y guerra en la frontera catalana, 1679-1697. Bellaterra 1999.

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[26] Perpinyà saw itself as “Catalonia’s perpetual rampart” (“muralla perpètua de Catalunya”) and its “frontier against the French and other enemies (...) and the frequent object of attacks by them and of numerous wars.” (i “frontera de francesos y de altres enemichs (...) y per aquells sovint infestada y molt garrejada”). Eva Serra. “Perpinyà, una vila a Corts catalanes (Montsó, 1585)”. Afers, 28 (1997) pp. 580 and 587. [27] Cròniques del Rosselló. Segles XVI-XVII in Antoni Simon i Tarrés; Pep Vila (Eds.). Barcelona 1998. pp. 100-101 and 103. [28] The Alberes mountains are the easternmost end of the Pyrenees. The part of Catalonia lying to the south of them still belongs to Spain, whereas the part lying to the north is part of France. [29] Under the Treaty the towns of Perpinyà, Argelers, Cotlliure, Salses, Tuïr, Vilafranca del Conflent, Vinçà and El Voló were deprived of representation in the Catalan parliament while Perpinyà and its magistracy were excluded from the law governing elections to the government of the Generalitat. Eva Serra. “Ciutats i viles a Corts Catalanes (15631632): entorn de la força municipal parlamentària”. El món urbà a la Corona d’Aragó del 1137 als decrets de Nova Planta. XVII Congrés d’Història de la Corona d’Aragó. Barcelona-Lleida, 7-12 de setembre de 2000. University of Barcelona 2003, Vol. III pp. 873-900. Eva Serra. “La representació de la Catalunya Nord a les Institucions Polítiques Catalanes abans de l’annexió amb França”. Sessió de la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica a Perpinyà (20 d’octubre de 2004), Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Secció HistòricoArqueològica, Barcelona 2005, pp. 13-19. [30] Josep Sanabre. El tractat..., Barcelona 1960, pp. 74-77. [31] Josep Sanabre. El tractat..., pp. 60, 62. [32] Joan Reglà. “El tratado...”, pp. 114-117. However, in order to get the negotiations underway Luís de Haro, according to Joan Reglà, took away documentation about Conflent, Cerdanya and Rosselló which the Viceroy of Catalonia, the Marquis de Olías, had taken from the Royal Archives in Barcelona along with a copy of the chapters of the Anales de la Corona de Aragón by Jerónimo Zurita which dealt with these territories. [33] Reglà explains that the terms for the restitution of these strongholds were modified in the secret treaties relating to the royal marriage. The handover was to take place when María Teresa crossed the Bidasoa. Then two French hostages were to enter in order to guarantee that the restitution was carried out. Reglà. “El tratado...” p. 120. The secret articles of the treaty and excerpts from the marriage contract between Louis XIV and María Teresa were published by H. Vast. Les Grands..., I, pp. 168-175 and 176-187. Abreu. Colección... published the

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Treaty and the marriage contract, VII, pp. 114-229 and 324-343. [34] Dr Andreu Bosch of Perpinyà dedicated Chapter 29 of his Títols d’Honor to the topic. It is entitled: “Of the five different opinions about what should be considered the beginning and promontory of the aforementioned Pyrenean mountains in the Mediterranean sea in the land of Rosselló and discourse in the land of Cerdanya for the purpose of establishing the demarcation between Spain and France and part of Narbonnese Gaul” (“De les sinch opinions differents ahont se té de pendrer lo principi y promontori dels dits monts Pyrineus en lo mar Mediterraneo terra de Rosselló y discurs a la terra de Cerdanya per fer la divisió entre Espanya y França y part de la Gal.lia Narbonesa”). Andreu Bosch. Summari, Índex o Epítome dels admirables y nobilíssims títols d’honor de Catalunya, Rosselló y Cerdanya y de les gràcies, privilegis, prerrogatives, preheminències, llibertats e immunitats gosan segons les pròpies y naturals lleys. Pere Lacavalleria estamper, Perpinyà 1628, Facsimile edition, Curial, BarcelonaSueca 1974, Chapter 29, pp. 117-124. The quotation is from page 117. P. Sahlins also explains that Mazarin had difficulties comprehending Pyrenean topography and consulted maps with assistance from the Catalan doctor in law Ramon Trobat to support the claim to Conflent and part of Cerdanya. Many of his maps, however, showed mountains where there were none. Boundaries..., pp. 54 and 55. [35] In fact the Marca Hispanica was a posthumous work, published in 1688 by the secretary of Pèire de Marca, Étienne Baluze, and dedicated to Jean-Baptiste Colbert, the minister of Louis XIV. Baluze took up Marca’s ongoing project and completed it. His preface to the reader contains an account of the Ceret negotiations from the viewpoint of the French commissaries. With respect to the Marca Hispanica, see Tomàs de Montagut [Bibliography]. Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español. Vol. LXX (2000), pp. 626-630, and Jesús Villanueva. “La Marca Hispanica de Pierre de Marca y Étienne Baluze a través de sus tres momentos de composición (1648-1650, 1660, 1688): de «ilustración» huma nista a colección documental”. Pedralbes, 24 (2004) p. 205-231. Núria Sales, commenting on the book by Blandine Barret-Kriegel. Les historiens et la monarchie (1988), explained the complex way in which interests of State intertwined with the patronage of scholars and monasteries in the 17th and 18th century. She writes: “in 1683 Colbert showed the need to commission knowledgeable people to produce vast compilations of ‘provincial’ history”. It seems likely that the Marca Hispanica was part of this plan of Colbert’s. Núria Sales. “Dom Mabillon, dom Lobineau” i el P. Villanueva una No-història?”. Afers, 10 (1990), pp. 521-532.

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[36] Ph. Torreilles. “La délimitation de la frontière en 1660”, Revue d’Histoire et d’Archéologie, I (Perpinyà, 1900) p. 24. Marca claimed the whole of Cerdanya, La Seu d’Urgell and its region and the viscountcy of Castellbò, Sanabre. El Tractat..., p. 82. [37] “Arguments relating to counties, magistracies and sub-magistracies, arguments taken from authors from Ancient Greece and Rome and geographical arguments were used by both sides,” writes Núria Sales, “except that different ones were selected and they were interpreted differently: thus when P. de Marca had to give up his Greater Cerdanya, he invoked the supposed original limits of the county of Rosselló to lay claim to Conflent, while the Spanish commissaries showed that Conflent had not formed part of it, but rather that the former counts of Cerdanya had also been counts of Conflent. As for Mount Canigó, P. de Marca simply wiped it off the map, claiming that there were no mountains between Rosselló and Conflent except ‘a hill called the Col de Terranère’ (‘une colline que l’on appelle le col de Terranère’). Sales. “Tractà dels Pirineus...”, p. 836, Note 17. [38] Article 33 and secret articles appended to the general treaty. Reglà. “El Tratado...”, pp. 115 and 120. [39] The King of France was to receive thirty-three villages. On 13 August 1660 Serroni wrote to Mazarin: “I have already managed to obtain twentyeight, which in fact means more than fifty, because the word Your Excellency added about villages under jurisdiction has enabled me to gain ten, though they count only as one, and I have received as two some that in fact number four or five” (“je me’n suis fait desja accorder vinghuit, qui sont effectivement plus de cinquante, car le mot que VE fait adjouter des villages avec jurisdiction, m’on fait gagner dix, que ne sont compter que par un, et je n’ay receu que par deux, ceux qui sont en effect que quatre ou cinc”), Sanabre. El tractat..., p. 88. It was its status as a town under royal jurisdiction that made possible the outlandish solution found for Llívia. [40] J. Sanabre. El Tractat..., p. 89. [41] Eduard Vivas i Llorens. “Panissars històric i monumental”. Annals de l’Institut d’Estudis Empordanesos, 26 (1993), pp. 35-58. [42] Ten articles set out the procedure to be followed for the normalization of legal affairs on the basis of the provisions in Articles 55, 57, 58, 59 and 112 of the Treaty. Reglà. “El Tratado...”, pp. 139-146; Sah lins. Boundaries..., pp. 54-59. [43] Núria Sales. “Tractà dels Pirineus...”, p. 830 Note 9. [44] In this connection Joan Reglà indicates that Ma zarin wanted to prevent parliamentary resistance such as had been put up by the States of Burgundy in 1526. At that time Francis I had taken advantage

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[45] [46]

[47] [48] [49] [50] [51] [52] [53] [54] [55] [56] [57]

[58] [59]

[60]

of the situation by refusing to relinquish Burgundy on the grounds that the States of Burgundy were withholding recognition of the 1526 Treaty of Madrid, which had been drawn up without consulting them. For the rest of the 17th century the Catalan government (Diputació del General or Generalitat) went on considering the magistracies of Rosselló, Conflent and part of Cerdanya as its own territory for electoral purposes (insaculació) and its administrative documents never acknowledge the renunciation of Northern Catalan territory. The meeting of the Catalan parliament (Corts de Barcelona) convened in 1705-1706 by Archduke Charles III alluded to it frequently. Several Catalan claims to the same effect were made, such as the anonymous booklet published in 1734, Via fora els adormits, mentioned by Ferran Soldevila in his Història de Catalunya. Barcelona 1963, p. 1067. Articles 34-40 and 61. Article 61. Articles concerning the restitution of territory to the Catholic King: 44 (county of Charolais but under the sovereignty of the King of France), 46 (Ieper/Ypres), 47 (Valenza on the Po and Mortara), 48 (county of Burgundy). Articles concerning the conditions governing evacuations: leaving without causing damage (50); artillery and other military equipment can be removed (51); debts to the inhabitants must be paid prior to departure (52); the Most Christian King pardons the Hesdin garrison (53); all types of documents and title deeds attesting ownership must be returned (54). Article 110. Article 41. Article 60. Articles 62-78 and 121 relate to the Duke of Lorraine. Articles 45, 79-87 and 117. Article 88. Articles 21, 22, 89, 90, 108 and 109. Articles 91-100. Article 101. Swiss cantons, Article 102; Grisons, Article 103; Monaco, Article 104; Duchesse de Chevreuse, Article 105. Articles 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119 and 120. Articles 49, 116 and 118 refer, as mentioned earlier, to the Catalan strongholds of Roses, Fort de la Trinitat and Cadaqués. On prisoners of war, Articles 106, 107 and 111. Article 124. Vast indicates that the Treaty was registered on 21 July 1660 in the Parliament in Paris and in the course of the year in various provincial parliaments, but says that “on the other hand, the court in Madrid seems to consider Article 124 as void”. The Treaty was registered neither in Castile nor in the Low Countries. Vast. Les Grands..., I, p. 166. Final considerations of the Treaty.

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[61] Articles 55, 56, 57, 58 and 59. The Treaty tries to establish patterns for solving the complex casuistry of the restitutions with regard to matters such as loans, property under dispute, lluïsmes (laudesima, a type of property transfer tax), pro-rata agreements and advance payments, and to regulate as far as possible the return of confiscated property, etc. The talks in Figueres laid down the rules to be followed in these matters in the case of Catalonia. Articles 28-31 also refer to civil restitutions in various geographical areas. In Article 32 both monarchs agree to uphold ecclesiastical appointments made during the war. [62] Articles 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 25, 26 and 27. Merchants and subjects who travel are entitled to a lawyer and can keep their accounts in “whatever language they want, Spanish, French, Flemish and others, and may not be importuned or investigated for this reason” (“la lengua que quisieran, en español, francés, flamenca o otras sin que por esto puedan ser molestados e inquiridos” ) (Article 25). [63] Article 10. [64] Articles 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23. [65] Article 24. [66] Articles 1,2, 3 and 4. Article 4 called for “All causes of enmity or disagreement [to] be wiped out and extinguished for ever and everything that has been said or has occurred as a result of the present war or during the time of the war [to] be relegated to perpetual oblivion”. (“ Todos los motivos de enemistad o mala inteligencia quedaran borrados y extinguidos para siempre y todo lo que se ha dicho y passado por razón de la presente guerra u en el tiempo della se pondran en perpètuo olvido”). [67] Sanabre. El Tractat..., p. 79. [68] For the quotations from Parets, see Antoni Simon i Tarrés. “L’estatus de Barcelona després de la pau dels Pirineus, presidi o ciutadella?”. Estudis, 32 (2006), pp. 240 and 241. [69] Ferran Soldevila. Història de Catalunya. Barcelona 1963, pp. 1090-1095; Sales. Història de Catalunya. Els segles de la decadència. Segles XVI-XVIII. Barcelona 1989, p. 396; Albareda. Els catalans..., pp. 36-50; Espino. Cataluña durante..., Chapters 1, 2 and 3. As Soldevila says, on the eve of the War of the Spanish Succession, “political intrigues mingled with the war, while the defence of Catalonia was subordinated to the interests of the pro-French party, which was rapidly gaining supporters at Court”, p. 1091. [70] Núria Sales. “Tractà dels Pirineus...”, p. 830, Note 9. [71] Pau de la Fàbrega Pallarès. L’oferiment de retrocessió del Rosselló a Espanya (1668-1677), Barcelona 1994. On this point H. Vast says that between 1643 and 1650 “Mazarin would have liked to facilitate France’s acquisition of all the conquests made in the Low Countries and Franche-Comté, in ex-

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[72]

[73] [74]

[75]

[76]

[77]

[78] [79] [80] [81] [82]

[83]

change for Catalonia and Roussillon”, Les Grands..., p. 80. Pau de la Fàbrega. L’oferiment..., pp. 30 and 38-39. In the letter Louis XIV also expressed his willingness to offer assistance to the Hispanic king in the form of troops, ships and money “for the conquest of Africa, which is so close to his Crown and which is so necessary to him for trade and for the security and defence of his maritime strongholds”. Sahlins. Boundaries..., p. XV. J. Sanabre. Resistència..., p. 73. Pere Gifre. “Família i patrimoni a l’època moderna, segles XVIXVIII” and Miquel Pérez Latre. “Els Llupià i la política a l’edat moderna”. Història dels Llupià (1088-1771) i dels llinatges incorporats: Icard, Roger i Vallseca. Edicions Trabucaire, Canet 2006, pp. 85-129 and 141-184. “[and] not to share their dislike of the French” D.M.J. Henry. Histoire du Roussillon. Paris 1835, II, p. 417. On factors of identity in Rosselló: Oscar Jané. Catalunya i França al segle XVII.... The Consell de Cent (Council of One Hundred) is the name given to the Barcelona municipal council. The Generalitat (cf. Note 14) is the Catalan government. The system of insaculació (also known as sac i sort) consisted of making appointments to public office by drawing lots. Josep Maria Torras i Ribé. “El projecte de repressió dels catalans de 1652”. La revolució catalana de 1640, Barcelona 1991, p. 251. On the criminalization of Barcelona, see Fernando Sánchez Marcos. “El nuevo ‘status’ de Barcelona tras su reincorporación a la monarquía hispánica en 1652”. Homenaje al Dr D. Juan Reglà Campistol. Valencia 1975, Vol I, pp. 597-609. Antoni Simon. “L’estatus de Barcelona...” and Antoni Simon. Ecos catalans i hispànics de la caiguda de Barcelona el 1652. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 2007. Sanabre. El tractat..., p. 91 and J. Sanabre. Resistència del Rosselló a incorporar-se a França, Barcelona, 1970, pp. 70-71. Sanabre. Resistència..., pp. 94, 96. Deputació is a variant spelling of Diputació (see Note 14). Josep Sanabre. El Tractat..., p. 91. J. Sanabre. La acción de Francia..., p. 596 and Sanabre. Resistència. pp. 91-92. Also G. Clerc. Recherches sur le Conseil Souverain de Roussillon, 1660-1790: organisation et compétences. 2 Vols. Law thesis. University of Toulouse, 1973. Moreover an edict issued in February made it compulsory for notarial deeds, public documents, proceedings and verdicts to be drawn up in French. Raymond Sala. Dieu, le roi, les hommes. Perpignan et le Roussillon (1580-1830). Perpinyà 1996, p. 218. Anette Smedley-Weill. Les intendants de Louis XIV. Fayard, 1995, p. 60.

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[84] Sahlins. Boundaries..., p. 56. [85] Sanabre. El Tractat..., p. 90. [86] Sahlins. Boundaries..., Chapter 2, pp. 61-102. On the continuation of trans-Pyrenean trade, see Patrice Poujade. Une société marchande. Le commerce et ses acteurs dans les Pyrénées modernes. Tempus, PUM, 2008. [87] Sahlins. Boundaries..., pp. 95-96. The English translation of the words of the Marquis d’Argenson is also taken from Sahlins. [88] Eva Serra i Puig. “Tarifs douaniers dans la Catalogne Moderne” in Gilbert Larguier (Ed.). Douanes. États et Frontières dans l’Est des Pyrénées de l’Antiquité à nos jours. PUP-AHAD, Perpinyà 2005, pp. 61-88, especially p. 81. [89] La guerra de la sal, R. Megerand and R. Sala (Eds.), Perpinyà 1985. [90] Alice Marcet. “Une révolte anti-fiscale et nationale: les Angelets du Vallespir (1663-1672)”. Actes du 102e Congrès National des Sociétés Savantes. Limoges 1977, Section d’histoire, Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris 1978, Vol. I, p. 35-48. Alain Ayats. Les guerres de Josep de la Trinxeria (1637-1694). La guerre du sel et les autres. El Trabucaire, Perpinyà 1997. [91] The nickname may have arisen out of the speed at which the rebels were able to appear and disappear, owing to their familiarity with the mountains and the form of guerrilla warfare they employed, or it may be a reference to Saint Michael, the patron of the wool manufacturers of Prats de Molló. [92] Sanabre. Resistència..., p. 112. [93] Sanabre. Resistència, pp. 113-114. Descatllar had the support of important families of Vilafranca del Conflent such as the Llar, Soler, Miquel and Prats families. “On seeing that the principality had rid itself of those who were now considered only as oppressors,” writes Henry, “they too sought to escape from them, and appealed to their compatriots for assistance”. Histoire..., II, p. 417. [94] Albert Garcia Espuche. Barcelona entre dues guerres. Economia i vida quotidiana (1652-1714). Vic 2005, pp. 147-198. [95] The name refers to the traditional headgear of Catalan peasants and sailors. [96] Joaquim Albareda. Els catalans..., pp. 31-50. Jaume Dantí. Aixecaments populars als Països Catalans (1687-1693). Barcelona 1990, pp. 119-158. [97] J. Albareda. Els catalans..., p. 35. [98] The Catalan laws (constitucions) approved at meetings of parliament (the Catalan Corts) held during the reign of Archduke Charles III (17051706) often refer to the “our towns in the Present Principality of Catalonia and the Counties of Rosselló and Cerdanya” (“viles nostres del Present Principat de Catalunya i Comtats de Rosselló i Cerdanya”). [99] Eduard Martí. “La Conferència dels Comuns. Una

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institució per a la defensa de les institucions a Catalunya (1698-1714)”. J. Sobrequés (coor.). Actes del 53 Congrés de la Comissió Internacional per a l’Estudi de la Història de les Institucions Representatives i Parlamentàries, Vol. I. Parlament de Catalunya, Museu d’Història de Catalunya, Barcelona 2005, pp. 447-466. Also Ibidem, La Conferència dels

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Tres Comuns, Treball d’iniciació a la recerca. Institut Universitari Jaume Vicenç-Vives-Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, September 2005. [100] Mònica Ferrer. “El suport a l’arxiduc en els comtats del Rosselló i la Cerdanya durant els primers anys de la guerra”. L’Avenç, 206 (September 1996), pp. 34-39.

About the Author Eva Serra i Puig (Barcelona, 1942) obtained her Ph.D. from the University of Barcelona (1978). She has taught at several Catalan universities and is currently at the University of Barcelona. She has been a member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans since 2002. She has specialized in the agrarian and institutional history of Catalonia in the 16th and 17th centuries. Her foremost publications include Pagesos i senyors a la Catalunya del segle XVII (1988) and the proceedings of the Catalan Corts (parliament) in the modern age, for which she acted as coordinator.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 101-112 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.7 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

The Mechanical Engineering Industry in Catalonia Santiago Riera*

Universitat de Barcelona

Abstract After an introduction in which he gives a broad outline of industrialization in Catalonia and the Valencian Country, the author focuses on the manufacture of heavy machinery in Catalonia. This enables him to present the major factories which brought prestige to Catalonia, including Nuevo Vulcano, Alexander y Hermanos, and La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima. The account he gives of the locomotives made by La Maquinista (Spain’s largest locomotive manufacturer) provides an opportunity to define the modest scale of industrialization in Catalonia in comparison with other parts of Europe. The author considers that the obstacles that hindered the country’s modernization were largely associated with excessive variety of output, brought about by deficient and relatively scarce demand, all of which accounts for the continual calls for protectionism made by Catalan industrialists. Even so, the author concludes that the only parts of Spain where it is possible to refer to industrialization in the 19th and early 20th centuries are Catalonia and the Basque Country.

Key words: Industrialization, locomotive, bridge, protectionism, steam engine, turbine

Notes on the Industrialization of Catalonia The industrialization of Catalonia was characterized by its early start and its steady development. The process was related by Pierre Vilar in an excellent work, in which he examined why and how it occurred.1 Since then much study and research has been carried out and today it is possible to offer a fairly complete overview. The first point to stress is that the process got underway in the 18th century, especially the second half of the century, when socio-economic conditions in Catalonia were optimal.2 However this first wave of development, which was concentrated in the cotton textile sector, was curbed first by the wars against the British and the Napoleonic Wars, and later by the establishment of absolute rule under Ferdinand VII. At the end of the 1820s, the trend towards industrialization resumed. Some consider that the starting point was 1832, the year in which Catalonia’s first steam engine was installed in a textile mill belonging to the Barcelona firm Bonaplata, Rull, Vilaregut y Compañía.3

* Corresponding author: Santiago Riera i Tuèbols. Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC), Secció Històrico-arqueològica. Carme 47. 08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 932701628. Fax: + 34 932701180. E-mail: sha@iec.cat

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During the 1830s and 1840s the cotton sector grew fast. Spinning was mechanized between 1835 and 1860; weaving followed suit, but more slowly, as happened in other countries. These developments triggered the construction of large factories on urban land. Since the energy to drive them was generated by coal, they were known as Vapors (‘steams’). The most characteristic were La España Industrial, founded by the Montadas brothers (1847) and nicknamed ‘El Vapor Nou’ (‘The New Steam’), and ‘El Vapor Vell’ (‘The Old Steam’), founded by Güell i Ferrer in Sants in 1840.4 In 1848 Spain’s first railway line was inaugurated. It ran from Barcelona to Mataró and was the first link in the state-wide network. Both the aforementioned advances — plus the construction of fleets of merchant and war ships — gave a boost to the steel industry and encouraged the creation of firms for making heavy machinery in general and steam engines in particular.5 Let us now consider the Valencian Country. In the 1960s it used to be thought that industrialization had passed the region by but this view has gradually been modified by studies and research and scholars have now concluded that the Valencian Country experienced considerable industrial development. Thus Jordi Nadal claims,6 on the basis of regional levels of industrialization, that in 1900 the Valencian Country was the second most industrialized region in Spain after Catalonia, having

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overtaken Andalusia, which ranked second during the 19th century (he excludes the Basque Country and Navarre, which had a different tax system): 1856 Region

% of output

% of population

Level of industrialization

Catalonia

25.60

11.22

2.28

Andalusia

24.05

19.89

1.21

New Castile

9.81

10.02

0.98

1900 Region

% of output

% of population

Level of industrialization

Catalonia

38.58

11.11

3.47

Valencian Country

8.31

8.25

1.01

Andalusia

19.08

20.13

0.95

(Estadística administrativa de la contribución industrial y de comercio for the years 1856 (1857) and 1900 (1901); 1857 and 1900 population censuses. The percentages of output and regional population have been calculated on the totals for Spain, and the level of industrialization is obtained by dividing the two aforementioned percentages. Quoted in NADAL, J., CARRERAS, A., Pautas regionales de la industrialización española, siglos xix y xx, Barcelona, Ariel, 1990, p. 298).

Moreover, the fact that both steam engines and water turbines were installed in the Valencian Country is proof of the existence of industrialization. Between 1846 and 1883, 157 steam engines made by Alexander Hermanos were fitted in the Valencian Country; in and around the city of Valencia there were 78 in operation in 1879 and 39 new permits were issued in the following three years. There is evidence, too, that 100 turbines (producing a total of 7,600 HP) out of over a thousand turbines built by the firm Planas, Flaquer y Compañía in 1910 were for delivery to the Valencian Country.7 The Balearic Islands, on the other hand, lie outside of the scope of this article on account of their island geography and their intrinsic characteristics. A few words about the emergence of a Catalan steel industry are in order before we focus our attention on mechanical engineering. One of the handicaps the industrialization of Catalonia came up against was the country’s lack of coal and iron ore. Despite this, Catalan entrepreneurs, realizing that it was absolutely essential to produce heavy machinery if industrial development was to go ahead, embarked on the adventure of building their own steel furnaces.8 Catalonia had six steel works. The first was built in Camprodon in 1844 by the firm El Veterano Cabeza de Hierro. It originally ran on charcoal but was to be converted to coke when coal from Sant Joan de les Abadesses became available. And it was indeed adapted to burn coal fourteen years later, though its operation was fraught with

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difficulties and its productivity was low. There is evidence that cast iron was being produced at Herrería Catalana in La Bordeta (Sants) between 1851 and 1856 and that the Alexander brothers, to whom we will refer later on, set up a third blast furnace at El Clot de la Mel, in the borough of Sant Martí de Provençals. In the 1850s three more steelworks commenced operation, two in Anglès and one in La Garriga, bringing the total to six. However, in the wake of Salaverría’s customs law of 1862, the price of imported iron fell and this put an end to what we have referred to as the Catalan blast furnace ‘adventure’. By 1866 all the furnaces had ceased production and the metallurgical industry had settled, once and for all, in Northern Spain.9 The only major steel manufacturing complex in the Catalan Countries was to be located in Sagunt and this was not founded until later on. When the Basque industrialist Ramón de la Sota and his partner Eduardo Aznar were looking for iron ore deposits for the Basque steel industry, they rented the mines of Ojos Negros (Teruel) and had to build 205 km of railway tracks to carry the ore to the port of Sagunt. They began working the mine in 1906. An ore improvement plant, comprising a plant for making pellets and a furnace, was located on the quayside at the new harbour, a few kilometres from the old harbour of El Grau. This plant became the nucleus of the future steel works. In 1917 the Compañía Siderúrgica del Mediterráneo was founded and in 1922 its first blast furnace went into operation. Seven years later output peaked at 139,655 tonnes. By then the plant employed 4,000 workers, twice as many as in 1923. After 1929, owing first to the economic crisis and then to the Civil War, production fell off and ultimately was halted. In the aftermath of the Civil War the complex was taken over by Altos Hornos de Vizcaya, which started it up again. Because of the overall situation, recovery was slow and output did not catch up with 1929 levels until 1954. In the second half of the 1960s Spain experienced a new wave of industrialization and the plant was turned into a complete steel-making complex (Altos Hornos del Mediterráneo). Finally, the restructuring of the sector towards the end of the 1970s brought about its closure.

The Manufacture of Machinery in Catalonia We will now examine a few of the factories and workshops in Catalonia and the Valencian Country which made heavy machinery, starting with Catalonia. Nuevo Vulcano The first firm we will discuss was called Nuevo Vulcano. The precise year of its foundation is not known. What we do know is that it got off the ground thanks to a shipping company — the Compañía Catalana de Vapores — somewhere between 1833 and 1835.11

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The Compañía Catalana de Vapores had been set up in 1833 and the engines for the steamship “Delfín”, which underwent its first trials in 1836, were made by its subsidiary, a boilermaker’s shop in La Barceloneta known as Nuevo Vulcano. The “Delfín” and the “Balear” were its first ships. They were followed, slightly later on, by the “Mercurio” which, like the “Balear”, was built in Liverpool. As the shipping company grew, the idea of setting up a new firm took shape. Its name was Navegación e Industria and its aim was “to facilitate navigation and the transport of merchandise in steamships, and the exploitation and working of coal mines which it has already bought and those it may consider it appropriate to acquire at some future time”.12 It also reserved the right to undertake other commercial activities.13 Navegación e Industria was incorporated on 23 March 1841. Naturally, the Nuevo Vulcano works, which had been fitted with the latest equipment for making marine engines and boilers, also became part of it. To put Nuevo Vulcano’s equipment to the best possible use, the idea of repairing engines from other ships, both foreign and Spanish, was also considered. By the beginning of the 1850s the plant had an English technical director, four foremen, twelve skilled workers and twelve apprentices. And it was going ‘full steam ahead’. In the mid-1850s, the importance of shipping within the company declined while the importance of the factory grew. A large number of steam engines and boilers were built there (fifty boilers have been counted in the five years from 1856 to 1861) and the Spanish Admiralty became one of its customers. In 1866 the company gained new vitality when it was granted the government contract to run the mail service to the Canary Islands. Nuevo Vulcano also benefited from the favourable situation that was starting to emerge and stepped up construction of stationary steam engines, for use in small industries and agriculture, and water pumps. The foreman was now Joseph White, who had acquired experience of the trade by opening a small factory of his own in Barcelona in 1849. White designed the steam engine for the “Remolcador”, one of the first ships entirely built in Catalonia, which came out of the Barcelona shipyard run by Pere Sisteré in 1849.14 Needless to say — for the reader will already have inferred this — the fortunes and misfortunes of the mechanical engineering plant were closely linked to the ups and downs of the shipping company, something which did not occur in other firms — Alexander Hermanos and La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima — as we will see later on. In 1885, when the political and economic context was leaning clearly towards protectionism, Nuevo Vulcano was commissioned to make the engines and boilers for several gunboats and the warship “Elcano”. In 1916 the Compañía Trasmediterránea was set up in Barcelona as a result of a merger involving several companies: Navegación e Industria, Línea de Vapores Tintoré, Compañía Valenciana de Correos de Africa, Ferret y Peset Hermanos, Compañía Anónima de Vapores Vinuesa, and

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Compañía Marítima de Barcelona. Navegación e Industria took the Nuevo Vulcano plant with it into the new firm. Finally, in 1925, Unión Naval de Levante was incorporated, under the auspices of Krupp. It included the Nuevo Vulcano plant in Barcelona, the Gómez shipyards and factory in Valencia, and the Tarragona shipyards. Alexander Hermanos Two Scottish brothers, David and Thomas Alexander, set up in trade in La Barceloneta under the name Alexander y Hermanos with the intention of building steam engines to compete with Nuevo Vulcano. They looked for partners to raise more capital, but it was not until 1857 that the elder brother, David, founded the firm Font, Alexander y Compañía in partnership with Eusebi Font. The new company opened a factory in the district of El Clot and also set up one of the steelworks referred to earlier, which closed down five years later.15 Its failure put an end to the brothers’ hopes of supplying raw materials to the factory in La Barceloneta themselves. This would have avoided the difficulty of obtaining supplies of foreign iron and, had they succeeded, would have given them a considerable advantage over their direct competitors, La Maquinista and Nuevo Vulcano. It should also be pointed out that prior to this, in 1852, the brothers had had discussions with Valentí Esparó. One topic, naturally, was steam engines, but another more innovative idea was also on the agenda: that of building locomotives. Esparó, however, preferred to set up his own company and ultimately he joined with other partners to found La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima. But to return to Font, Alexander y Compañía, in the very year of its foundation, 1857, the firm built a 32-tonne steam ship called the “Tarragonés”. But just as the owners’ hopes were soaring, the factory in La Barceloneta was destroyed in a spectacular fire that broke out on 20 March 1858 and gutted the entire building. The only item that was saved was the steam engine that supplied energy to the industrial complex, which was situated in an isolated annex. Admittedly, since the next-door building was a brandy warehouse, where large quantities of spirits were stored, the disaster was not a great as it might have been, for the whole neighbourhood could have gone up in flames. The Alexander brothers, in any event, decided on a change of scene and proposed erecting a new building in the district of El Poblenou, between the Mataró railway line and El Bogatell. The proximity to the sea would have made it easy to launch the ships they planned to build, while the site was large enough to isolate the plant from other buildings, safeguarding it from possible outside hazards, and protecting the surrounding area from any danger the factory itself might cause. However, the land was located in a military zone (the second line of defence of La Ciutadella, the fortification built after the War of the Spanish Succession) and a royal permit was necessary. The official application met with a precisely worded refusal:16 “The establishment can set itself up in any other spot that does not affect the defences of Barcelona since its

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products are not intended for the exclusive use of the city but for the use of the navy in general, wherever they may be required. Thus I am of the opinion that the application should be rejected.” After their application was turned down, the Alexander brothers decided to stay where they were, an example of the sort of thing that happens in a city under military occupation. They put their shoulders to the wheel and the firm made a rapid recovery: just two years later a 55-tonne ship, the “Catalán”, was built. It was the eighth ship to come out of the Catalan shipyards:17 Name

Tonnage (in tonnes)

Year Shipyard

Shipbuilder

“Primer Catalán”

116

1846 Blanes

Josep Vieta

“Barcelonés”

1848 Blanes

Josep Vieta

“Remolcador”

1849 Barcelona

Pere Sisteré

“Victoria”

110

1855 Barcelona

Pere Sisteré

“Tarragonés”

1857 Barcelona

Alexander

“Montjuich”

1857 Barcelona

Maquinista

“Indio”

1858 Barcelona

Maquinista

“Catalán”

1860 Barcelona

Alexander

The firm put its products on show at the 1860 Barcelona Exposition: steam engines, flour mills, and water pumps for irrigation. During its heyday, around 1884, it had 400 workers on the payroll. Later, though it also began to make water turbines, it started going downhill. By 1882, nevertheless, it had made 1,006 steam engines — its chief product — and six years later, when the Universal Exposition was held, it had produced 1,350, with a total power of 35,000 HP. Another ten years later, on the threshold of the 20th century, there was talk of reaching 1,500. It eventually went into liquidation in 1923.18 La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima The Firm’s Foundation We will devote rather more space than would be usual in a text of this nature to the foundation of the most important metallurgical firm in Spain because it will give us the opportunity to mention other companies which also played an important role in the Catalan economy at the time. Between 1839 and 1841 Valentí Esparó decided to extend the factory on Carrer Tallers that bore his name. This made it one of Barcelona’s largest machine manufacturing and repairing establishments, alongside Nuevo Vulcano, and Fundición de Hierro y Taller de Construcción de Maquinaria. Let us pause briefly to consider the origins of the latter company, which was known as La Barcelonesa. It dated from 1838, when Manuel Lerena had bought up the Perrenod factory and then, in partnership with Nicolau Tous i Soler, Joan Güell i Ferrer, Jaume Ricart and Manuel Serra, enlarged and transferred it to the premises of a

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former Capuchin convent. From this moment on, La Barcelonesa was a reality. Three years later Celedoni Ascacíbar joined the firm, which then became Tous, Ascacíbar y Compañía and opened a factory in a former Augustinian convent on Carrer de Sant Pau. It changed its name once more to Fundición de Hierro y Taller de Construcción de Maquinaria — though the nickname La Barcelonesa still endured — and decided to embark seriously on the construction of heavy machinery. The firm La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima was born in 1855 out of the partnership between V. Esparó and Tous, Ascacíbar y Compañía (or, to put in another way, out of the merger between V. Esparó’s factory and that of Fundición de Hierro, still known as La Barcelonesa). It had a capital of twenty million reales divided into 5,000 shares of 4,000 reales each. The main shareholders were J. Colomer (1,056 shares), V. Esparó (822), R. Bonaplata (469), N. Tous i Mirapeix (438), J. M. Serra (453), J. Güell i Ferrer (267), J. A. de Mendiguren (200), C. Ascacíbar (190), and N. Tous i Soler (170). The firm’s plans were clearly set out in the second of its articles of incorporation: “The purpose of the firm will be to smelt metals, to build ships, boilers, steam engines for use on land and water, railway locomotives, hydraulic motors, transmissions, spinning machines, machines for woven and printed fabrics, and any other type of machine that may be considered appropriate, using the factories it currently owns or any others which it may set up…”.19 This statement was a response to the challenges inherent in the industrialization of Catalonia and Spain. However, the building of the railway network soon made it apparent that bridges had been omitted from the list of intentions. Accordingly the company amended its articles in 1870 to include certain sectors — metal buildings and bridges — which had not originally been taken into consideration. In the coming years, as we will soon have an opportunity to see, these very sectors were to account for an important part of its activities. But before examining the company’s output, it is important to stress that La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima, Nuevo Vulcano, Alexander Hermanos, and Portilla & White of Seville, were to be the leading heavy machinery manufacturers in the Iberian peninsula. And La Maqui nista was to be the biggest of them all. The Manufacture of Machinery for Ships La Maquinista, as stated in its articles of incorporation, started out building ships: the “Montjuich” and the “Indio”. The “Montjuich” was a tug with an iron hull. It was 76 feet long (23.16 m), with a 14-foot beam (4.26 m) and a depth of 8 feet (2.43 m). The net tonnage was 30 tonnes, it had a 40-HP steam engine, and was entirely built on the firm’s own premises. The owners, Vicent and Jacint Torner, who paid 14,000 pesos fuertes, did not get much

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service out of it because five years later the boilers exploded and the “Montjuich” sank. The second ship, the “Indio”, was larger (43.28 m long, 5.63 m wide, and 2.89 m deep). Naturally it was heavier as well: total volume 112 tonnes, cargo, 52 tonnes. It had a 70-HP steam engine and cost the buyers, Gaspar, Roig y Compañía, 36,000 pesos fuertes. After these early experiments, the management of La Maquinista realized that shipbuilding was likely to cause many difficulties and decided to devote their energies exclusively to making and repairing steam engines and boilers for ships (and all the necessary accessories). Shipbuilding activities were left to the shipyards in Northern Spain, located near a major steel industry. In 1862 the works moved to La Barceloneta. The situation during these early years was dominated by free trade. Though La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima won several contracts from the Spanish Admiralty, free trade was gradually reinforced — as the 1869 tariffs showed — and the number of government contracts diminished. To weather the crisis, it had to accept many different kinds of orders and this, as we will see, had negative effects. The men of La Maquinista, needless to say, were always stalwart supporters of protectionism. Following the restoration of the monarchy in 1874, a mild form of protectionism was finally introduced, but it was not until the end of the century that protectionist policies were firmly established. This resulted in a rapid rise in the production of maritime motors at La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima. Both the law for the construction of a war fleet, passed in January 1887, and the 1906 customs law were beneficial to domestic industry, and thus to La Maquinista as well. Under the 1887 law the sum of 189,900,000 pesetas20 was earmarked for the building of new warships. The law also provided for an outlay of 22,600,000 pesetas for completing work already underway and 112,500,000 pesetas for improvements to the arsenals. All in all, 225 million pesetas. To illustrate the consequences, we will list all the maritime steam engines made by La Maquinista between 1887 and 1892: Ship

Year

The 1907 law, which followed immediately after the introduction of new tariffs the previous year, included a budget for an amount similar to that of the 1887 law, divided out under the same three headings. Between 1887 and 1907, however, lay the ill-fated year of 1898, when Spain lost its last colonies and its fleet played a role that was far from brilliant. The defeat showed that mistakes had been made, and now, in 1907, it was necessary to start all over again, at the same point as in 1887. To assess the scale of the work carried out at La Maquinista, we will examine, in some detail, the engines and boilers made for the cruiser “Reina Regente”. The hull was under construction in the shipyards in El Ferrol and the specifications for the engines and conditions of delivery were laid down by the ministry in a Royal Order dated December 1906. La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima responded with a counter-bid of 3,260,000 pesetas but took the liberty of expressing doubts about the Belleville boilers requested by the ministry in the Royal Order. Though Belleville had a good reputation, La Maquinista claimed it lacked experience in the boiler making field and offered to replace the Belleville boilers by other cylindrical, tubular boilers, with an inner furnace and return flue, with which La Maquinista itself had acquired considerable practice. The replacement would have meant a saving of 310,000 pesetas but the ministry did not give way. 21 The ship was to have two triple-expansion vertical inverted engines; they were to operate at 1,400 rpm and a pressure of 13 Kg/cm2; each engine was to rotate an axle equipped with its own propeller; and they were to generate 9,000 HP at natural draught and 11,000 HP at forced draught.22 The costs were as follows: Engines

Materials Labour Packing and shipping Total

Belleville boilers

1,004,957.14 pesetas

Total cost

2,446,657.72 pesetas23

Engines (horizontal)

948,318.95 pesetas 439,339.08 pesetas 54,042.55 pesetas 1,441,700.58 pesetas

Power (HP)

Pesetas

Natural draught

Forced draught

7,800

11,500

2,690,000

“Alfonso XIII”

1888

triple expansion

“Lepanto”

1888

7,800

11,500

2,690,000

“Ensenada”

1888

1,600

2,200

460,000

“Yáñez Pinzón”

1891

(vertical)

650

2,600

603,000

(horizontal)

10,500

15,000

3,675,000

10,500

15,000

3,525,000

“P. Asturias”

1891

“Cataluña”

1891

“Galicia”

1892

“

(vertical)

650

2,600

500,000

“Cisneros”

1892

(horizontal)

10,500

15,000

3,275,000

“Carlos V”

1892

15,000

18,000

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The contract was worth 3,260,000 pesetas. Thus the net profits, in this case, amounted to 813,342.28 pesetas, 33 % of the cost price. The operation was profitable. But this was not always the case. We know that La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima also made 569 stationary steam engines for use on land, representing a total power of 32,745 HP. Of these, 425 remained in Catalonia. The last one came out of the factory in 1935. If we examine the output by five-year periods, we see that production peaked in the period from 1871 and 1900, the largest number of units (70, with a total power of 3,167 HP) being made between 1871 and 1875. On the other hand, since demand for more powerful engines increased over time, the largest output in terms of power corresponds to the period from 1896 to 1900 (45 units, with a total power of 4,296 HP).24 The Bridges built by La Maquinista As already mentioned, La Maquinista did not originally anticipate building metal structures. However, the opportunities afforded by the construction of the Spanish railways — which required many bridges to overcome the numerous topographical barriers in the landscape — caused the men in charge of the firm to think again. Thus it came about that in 1870 the articles of association were amended to enable the firm to enter a sector that had not initially been envisaged: that of bridges and other metal structures. Under the latter heading, first mention must go to the El Born market in Barcelona, but La Maquinista also built many more markets in the city, including those of Sant Antoni, Hostafrancs, La Barceloneta, La Concepció and La Llibertat (in Gràcia). One of its most distinctive buildings was the Estació de França, Barcelona’s main railway station, which was built for the 1929 Exposition. It is one of the most original structures of its type, not merely in Spain, but anywhere in Europe. The experiment that led to the decision to amend the articles of association in 1870 was the building of the firm’s first two bridges — the Vall de Gurp and Jalón bridges — in 1868 and 1869 respectively. In 1871, following the re-definition of its sphere of activity, it built twenty-nine bridges and from then until the outbreak of the Civil War in 1936, La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima erected a total of 739 bridges.25 Among the most spectacular were two bascule bridges over the Guadalquivir — the Alfonso XIII (1920) and the San Telmo (1927) — and the bridge of San Juan de Aznalfarache, on the fertile Triana plain. The most interesting is the San Telmo bridge. To enable ships to pass underneath, it has two central rising leaves, each 25 metres long, and its width — 15 metres — is sufficient for wheeled traffic, a tramway, and a pavement for pedestrians on either side. It takes 90 seconds to raise and 105 seconds to lower. The longest of all the bridges built by La Maquinista was the eleven-span road bridge over the Ebro in Lo-

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groño, which has an overall length of 327.5 metres. The heaviest was the bridge over the Guadalquivir at Alcalá de Guadaira (1,760 tonnes). Locomotive Manufacturing Throughout the history of La Maquinista, it was industrialization that provided most work for its factories. And the feature of the industrialization process that generated most activity — apart from bridges, which we have already studied in some detail — was the building of the Spanish railways. Having made that statement, we must now qualify it: though for a long time Catalonia was the main hub of industrialization in Spain, it does not follow that development went ahead smoothly. There were difficulties: not only were the orders few and far between — even when economic development was at its peak, they were relatively scarce — but, to make things even more complicated, they were for a wide variety of items. But these were just two of the problems the men of La Maquinista had to face: other factors that had a decisive impact on the emblematic Barcelona firm were the fact that the railway network was built mainly with foreign capital — and thus the materials came from abroad as well −, the high cost of raw materials, and technological subordination.26 The firm’s management reacted, as mentioned earlier, by appealing constantly for protectionist policies, which were finally implemented towards the end of the century. They also asked the government, time and again, to place orders for as many units as possible, instead of splitting them between several suppliers in an attempt to give each firm an approximately equal share in the budget. It is easy to see that this policy was harmful to specialization, which was the only way economic and industrial development at home could be put on the same footing as in the leading industrial countries, notably England, Germany and France. The construction of the Spanish railway network began with the Barcelona-Mataró line in 1848 and was complete, broadly speaking, by 1898. It was not until 1883 that La Maquinista produced its first two locomotives. They had been ordered by the Compañía de Tranvías y Ferrocarriles Económicos, which ran the Barcelona-Sant Andreu line. They weighed eight tonnes, had horizontal tubular boilers, and each cost 46,998.65 pesetas to make. A larger order was for two 42-tonne locomotives to pull coal wagons for the Ferrocarril de Langreo in Gijón. The price, of course, was different: 193,511.69 pesetas, including the boiler. The firm was now beginning to make sizeable engines and its success had opened the doors to a sector which in time was to be of crucial importance to it. It produced many different models.27 Model 1.400 weighed 77 tonnes and used re-heated steam. It was inspired by a locomotive known as the 1.300, manufactured by the prestigious firm Hannomag since 1914, which was already in use on the Spanish railways. Then

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there were models 1.600 and 1.700 — legendary locomotives which gave surprisingly good results — and a model 1.800 as well. Having found the right product, the firm inaugurated a new locomotive plant in Sant Andreu, Barcelona, in 1920. Here the units under construction were placed one beside the other and groups of specialized workers were moved about in accordance with a careful plan so as to speed up the manufacturing process and make the best possible use of their skills. During this first phase, four of the six sheds planned (9,500 m2) were opened. Another famous locomotive also deserves to be singled out. It was called the Santa Fe, a name highly appropriate to the new era that got underway in the aftermath of the 1936-1939 Civil War.28 It was a 2-10-229 and was designed to haul goods trains over terrain with steep inclines and tight bends. The exact specifications stated that it must be capable of pulling 350 tonnes at a speed of 40 Km/H up a 20: 1,000 incline with bends of a radius of 300 metres.30 In order to fulfil its function, the Santa Fe had considerable adhesive weight (105 tonnes). It also had three expansion cylinders, two of which were exterior and horizontal, and the other interior and sloping. Each was equipped with a Walschaerts valve gear. The boiler was 2 m in diameter and nearly 11 m long. The grate was designed in such a way that coal of 7000 Kcal/Kg had to be used. This caused problems because in the post-war years it was not always available. Twenty-two units were built. The Santa Fe was the most powerful locomotive in Europe at the time, apart from the Soviet-built 2-10-4. Another engine that caused a sensation in its day was the Confederación (4-8-4), built at the time of La Maquinista’s centenary. It presented an important new feature: it ran on diesel oil instead of coal, though the process was that of a steam engine since the heat generated was used to produce steam, which expanded in the cylinders. The indicated power was 2,700 CV,31 the maximum power delivered was 4,226 CV, and it set a new Spanish speed record for steam engines: 135 km/h. To show what a locomotive cost, we reproduce, in summary form, the price of a 2.700 model made in the 1940s:32 Locomotive

1,161,451 pesetas

Labour

1,737,785 ˝

Tender

497,272 ˝

Total

3,396,508 ˝

The last steam locomotive built by La Maquinista was delivered to the RENFE (the Spanish government railways) on 18 April 1961. It was number 721 and was made for the publicly-owned company Calvo Sotelo for use on the line from Andorra to Escatrón in the province of Teruel. Christened “Samper de Calenda”, it was a 4-8-4 and remained in service until the 1980s.

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In summary, La Maquinista heads the ranking for the number of steam locomotives made in Spain:33 La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima

721

Babcock & Wilcox

523

Euskalduna

341

Devis-MACOSA

143

Sociedad Española de Construcción Naval

Total

1,754

Though this list reflects the importance of the Barcelona firm, we must also stress, with all due humility, that the industrialization of Spain was unimpressive in comparison with flagship countries such as Germany. By 1858, for instance, the German firm Borsig had made a thousand locomotives; the eleven thousandth came out of its factories in 1911. Another German firm, Henschel & Sohn, which had also produced 11,000 locomotives by 1911, doubled its production capacity in eleven years. Thus there is no possible comparison. To each his due.

Material para Ferrocarriles y Construcciones S.A. The firm that bore this name was founded in Barcelona on 23 December 1881. It absorbed another firm — Herrería del Remedio — and the main shareholders, the members of the Girona family, held 37.5 % of the shares. Though the articles of association stated that it was to set up steelworks, it never actually did so. Instead it devoted its efforts almost exclusively to making various items of railway equipment, wagons and coaches being its speciality. It was one of the few Catalan companies that was not led astray by the mirage of diverse orders, and which understood, in other words, that specialization in just a few products was vital to competitiveness. It is significant, in this respect, that when the Dirección General de Comunicaciones issued a call for tender for the construction of sixty two- and three-axel coaches to be used as travelling post-offices, Material para Ferrocarriles y Construcciones S.A. had to compete against several important companies including Neufville from Liverpool and Machinenbau from Nuremberg.34 This was in 1892. Winning this contract was an important achievement, despite the fact that the estimate had been low and so the profit margin was slender, if indeed it existed at all. But from then on the firm enjoyed prestige at home and abroad and this brought noteworthy benefits in the long term. The results of specialization are apparent from the data for 1905: in addition to the 60 coaches made for the Dirección General de Comunicaciones, the firm had produced 604 train wagons and 200 trams. It also built a few

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bridges but in 1892 — a key year in its history — it withdrew from this sector. In the 20th century, Materiales modernized and put two new Siemens furnaces into operation, in 1907 and 1928. By the year of the Barcelona Exposition (1929), it had built over 1,800 wagons. In 1947, after the Civil War, it merged with Devis S.A. of Valencia. Under the name MACOSA (Material y Cons trucciones SA), it became one of the foremost factories in Catalonia during this last phase of industrialization, which took place in the 1950s and 1960s. Planas, Flaquer y Compañía Joan Planas i Castañer — who had set up in business in Girona in 1824 — created the metallurgical company Planas, Junoy, Barné y Compañía in 1857. It had a capital of 260,000 reales and was to specialize in making turbines. Joan Planas was convinced that hydraulic power was under-utilized in Catalonia and that more benefit should be derived from it: in view of the low efficiency of water wheels, people should turn their attention to turbines, which were beginning to spread throughout Europe. He therefore bought the exclusive rights to the Fontaine turbine, an axial-flow turbine that was very suitable for small waterfalls, and set about making as many of them as he could.35 It is worth mentioning that turbines represented a considerable advance over water wheels, since they rotated faster and increased efficiency to almost 90%. The technical improvements, which were strictly practical in nature at the outset, were gradually enhanced with the help of science.36 But to return to the company, it put its traditional model on show at the 1871 Exposition — by which time it had changed its name to Planas, Junoy y Compañía — and reported that it had already produced one hundred and fifty units. When Joan Planas i Castañer died, he was succeeded by his son Joan Planas i Escubós, who was an industrial engineer. The son went into partnership with another engineer, Alfons Flaquer, and together they founded Planas, Flaquer y Compañía (1884). With the up-to-date know-how they had acquired at the Escola d’Enginyers de Barcelona, they made improvements to their turbine so that it could compete with foreign imports. They also decided to add other machines to their catalogue (which included turbines, continuous paper machines, grinding mills, etc.) and to direct their efforts towards the manufacture of electrical supplies. The success they achieved in this field would be worth relating, were it not for the fact that this article is confined to heavy machinery. In any event, between 1858 and 1910, the firm (under its three different names) built 1,212 turbines with a total power of 86,173 CV (an average of 71 CV each).37 Nearly half were delivered to other parts of Spain and most were purchased by the textile, paper, flour and electricity sectors.

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Santiago Riera

Mechanical Engineering in the Valencian Country Having referred to the industrialization of the Valencian Country at the beginning of this article, we will now return there to highlight a few further points. It is important to recall, in the first place, that the region of Valencia is the least well endowed in underground mineral resources in the entire Iberian peninsula, and in the second place that it was demand from the agricultural sector that lent impetus to mechanical engineering and machine production. In 1856, 11 firms belonging to the machine manufacturing sector were paying tax in the Valencian Country, as opposed to 84 in Catalonia. By 1900 the numbers were 58 and 725 respectively. It should be noted, however, that not all the firms in the Valencian Country made heavy machinery — some specialized in industrial appliances and light machinery — and that their total power was 70 CV, as opposed to 266 in Catalonia. Reliable proof that mechanical engineering plants were present in the Valencian Country, though not in large numbers, is provided by the existence of various factories: one in Alcoi belonging to Tomás Aznar y Hermanos; another belonging to two British businessmen, G. Bartle and E. Morris; another under Belgian ownership (A. y J. Donnay y Compañía, known as La Maquinista Belga); and the Alexander brothers’ plant, which was in the Valencian Country from 1846 to 1849 before it moved to Barcelona. Fundición Primitiva Valenciana, set up by Isidre Bofill in 1843, became a major firm and finished up in the hands of Valerio Cases Domingo, a self-made man, trained in Barcelona, who made a meteoric ascent from apprentice to entrepreneur. He had an inborn flair for mechanics and had dreamt from his early youth of building steam engines like the ones made at Alexander y Hermanos. His dream came true, as is shown by the two silver medals he was awarded at the 1876 Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia: one for an iron noria and the other for a steam engine.38 The next year Fundición Primitiva Valenciana made two Corliss-type steam engines and a small 4 CV road engine, which was probably the first in Spain. After the death of Valerio Cases, the firm continued under a new name — Viuda e Hijos de Cases S. A. — with his son Ramón, an industrial engineer, at the helm. He went on making small steam engines, but also embarked enthusiastically on the construction of more powerful ones. The result was a 100-CV Corliss, which came out of the factory in 1884. It was made for the Alzucen flour mill, in Ciudad Real, and could grind 20,000 kg of wheat per day using the new Austro-Hungarian system.39 A more important development was the first locomotive entirely made in the Iberian peninsula, on which the firm started work that same year. It was for use on the line from Barcelona to Sant Joan d’Horta. At the trials that took place on 13 April, it was driven by the painter Ramon Casas.40 Another important Valencian firm was the one founded in 1897 by Miquel Devis Pérez, which also specialized in equipment for the Spanish government railways. By

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the time it became a limited company in 1929, it occupied premises of 50,000 m2, employed 2,000 people, and was about to inaugurate another factory in Alcázar de San Juan. It built five 2-4-0 locomotives in 1932 and three years later produced two more of the same type. In 1947 it merged with the Barcelona firm Material para Ferrocarriles y Construcciones which, as mentioned above, had a plant that specialized in manufacturing coaches and wagons and, once its Siemens furnaces had been fitted, in producing steel as well. The new company was called Material y Construcciones S.A. (MACOSA) and Construcciones Devis S.A. contributed its plants in Valencia for building and repairing coaches, wagons and locomotives and those in Alcázar de San Juan, which were devoted exclusively to wagons. MACOSA was to become one of the most powerful firms in the sector.41 We conclude this section with a brief reference to the boilermakers Felip Genevois and Joan Marco Dolz, whose had premises on Camí Vell de El Grao.

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In short: to meet these conditions, Catalan industry’s productive capability had to be broadened, and this meant sacrificing quality to diversification in order to find customers. This was the exact opposite of what happened in England. As for the Valencian County, the gigantic efforts deployed enabled it to become the second most industrialized region in Spain (not counting the Basque Country and Navarre, for reasons already mentioned) in the early 20th century. However, the economic and industrial development of Spain as a whole was both slow and irregular.

Notes and Bibliography [1]

Summary The industrialization of Catalonia, a land lacking in coal and iron ore and therefore dependent on the steel industry of Northern Spain, was fraught with obvious contradictions. Despite this, Catalonia and the Basque Country are the only parts of Spain where it is possible to refer to an industrialization process at all. One of the problems was that Spain itself — a backward, agricultural country — was the main customer of the Catalan textile industry. Consequently Catalan industrialization was handicapped by the fact that supply often outpaced demand. These difficulties, unsurprisingly, had more serious effects on the heavy machinery manufacturing sector. Moreover, not only were raw materials more expensive than in other countries — because of the mineral-poor subsoil and the deficient transportation system (railways, roads, etc.) — but major factories (La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima, Nuevo Vulcano, and others) had to adapt to a situation in which orders were excessively varied and not very numerous.42 These fluctuations in demand, of course, obliged firms to concentrate on short production lines and consequently to adapt their factories each time the product changed (totally or partially). This inevitably made costs, which were already high because of expensive raw materials, even higher. In short: if machines (looms, spinning machines and locomotives) cost more than they did abroad, this in turn made products (such as thread or transportation) more expensive, and consequently consumers, whose purchasing power was low, did not, and could not, perform their function, which has always been to buy. Thus, apart from situations like the one created by the First World War, which was an exception in the overall panorama we have described, the only factor capable of giving impetus to Catalan industrialization was protectionism, an economic policy rife with inherent defects and problems.

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[2] [3]

[4]

[5]

P. Vilar. Catalunya dins l’Espanya Moderna, 4 vols. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1966; also, by the same author, “La Catalunya industrial: reflexions sobre una arrencada i sobre un destí”, Recerques, 3, 1974, pp. 7-22. Vicens Vives addressed the topic in Jaume Vicens Vives and Montserrat Llorens, Industrials i polítics del segle xix. Teide, Barcelona 1958. Jordi Maluquer de Motes published an excellent article on the subject: “La revolució industrial a Catalunya”. L’Avenç, No. 73, 1984, pp.18-34. It should be recalled, however, that between 1804 and 1806 Francesc Santponç had designed and built three steam engines — one Newcomen engine and two Watt engines — at the instigation of Jacint Ramon, a manufacturer of printed calico. The last of these engines, which had a power of 6 HP, served to raise water to drive the water wheels that powered the factory: J. Agustí. Ciència i tècnica a Catalunya en el segle xviii o la introducció de la màquina de vapor. Barcelona, Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1983. Nor should we overlook the industrial villages built along the banks of two Catalan rivers, the Ter and the Llobregat, which used hydraulic power. This topic is dealt with in two very important monographs: I. Terradas Saborit. Les colònies industrials. Un estudi del cas de l’Ametlla de Merola. Editorial Laia, Barcelona 1979 (an enlarged and revised edition was published later: T. Terradas. La qüestió de les colònies industrials. L’exemple de l’Ametlla de Merola. Centre d’Estudis del Bages, Manresa 1994). Gràcia Dorel-Ferré. Les colònies industrials a Catalunya. El cas de la colònia Sedó. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1992. Some have observed that, while the industrialization of Catalonia unquestionably received a definitive impulse between 1830 and 1860, its contribution to the growth of Spain’s gross domestic product was slight: J. R. Rosés. “Industrialización regional sin crecimiento nacional: la industrialización cata-

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[6]

[7] [8]

[9]

[10]

[11]

[12]

[13]

lana y el crecimiento de la economía española (1830-1860)”. Revista de Historia Industrial, 25 (2002), pp. 49-79. Jordi Nadal. “El desarrollo de la economía valenciana en la segunda mitad del siglo xix: ¿una vía exclusivamente agraria?” in Jordi Nadal, Albert Carreras (Eds.). Pautas regionales de la industrialización española (siglos xix y xx). Ariel, Barcelona (1990), pp. 296-314. J. Nadal, A. Carreras, op. cit. (1990), p. 298-299. Catalonia had a reputation for high-quality iron (and even steel, known at the time as ferro bo, ‘good iron’). A specific native process, handed down from generation to generation, was used to produce it and the Catalan iron industry was known as la farga. To understand how the method worked, see: P. Molera i Solà. La farga. Barcelona, series “Conèixer Catalunya”, No. 29. Dopesa, Barcelona 1980. A revised, enlarged edition of this book came out three years later: P. Molera, C. Barrueco i Jaoul. Llibre de la farga. Barcelona, series “Nissaga”, No. 1. Rafael Dalmau editor, Barcelona 1983. An exhaustive economic study of three ironworks in the Pallars Sobirà region has also been published: C. Mas. Història de la farga catalane. Pagès editors, Lleida 2000. J. Nadal. Moler, tejer y fundir. Ariel, Barcelona 1992, pp. 144-146. The first part of this book reproduces texts from the catalogue to the exhibition Catalunya la fàbrica d’Espanya, 1833-1936, staged at the El Born market in 1985. The expression ‘Northern Spain’, used several times in this article, refers to the area west of the Pyrenees, primarily the Basque Country, Asturias and Galicia, and therefore does not include Catalonia. J. Carrera i Pujal claims that a plant bearing this name had existed since 1826 but it has not been possible to prove this: J. Carrera Pujal. La economía de Catalunya en el siglo xix, Vol. IV. Bosch, Barcelona 1961, p. 26. Navegación e Industria. Pactos y condiciones de la contrata de dicha Sociedad Anónima establecida en Barcelona por acciones de 5.000 rs una. Reglamento de la misma; aprobados unos y otros por el tribunal de comercio de dicha plaza, Barcelona, Imprenta de A. Brusi, 1842, III, p. 4, Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat de Barcelona. The capital of Navegación e Industria (864 shares of 5,000 reales each, or a total of 4,320,000 reales) was initially divided up as follows: J. Reynals, 181 shares; J. Vilardaga, 107 shares; J. Castañer, F. Broca, I. Villavecchia and Girona Hermanos Clavé y Compañía, 144 shares each. In 1843 new shareholders entered the company — J.M. Serra, J. Safont, J. Plandolit and R. Vieta — as well as shareholders from other port cities and from Madrid. Their arrival increased the capital to 7,500,000 re-

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Santiago Riera

[14]

[15]

[16]

[17]

[18] [19]

[20] [21]

[22]

[23] [24]

[25]

ales. See: Santiago Riera i Tuèbols. Dels velers als vapors. Associació d’Enginyers de Catalunya, Barcelona 1993, pp. 176-181. The actual steam engine designed by White was made in the factory of Valentí Esparó, while the boilers were made by Nuevo Vulcano, and the hull, as stated in the text, was made in the shipyards of Pere Sisteré. See: S. Riera i Tuèbols. Dels velers als vapors, op. cit. pp. 183-184, and Note 61 on page 184. Carreras Pujal tells us that when the furnace commenced operation, the event drew much attention in the city. A report published in El Diario de Barcelona remarked that the site (in El Clot) was “extremely advantageous [...], because one day it will put it in fast, direct communication with the coal fields at San Juan de las Abadesas”. J. Carreras Pujal. La economía de Cataluña en el siglo xix, II. Barcelona, Bosch, Barcelona 1961, p. 389. J. Nadal, X. Tafunell. Sant Martí de Provençals, pulmó industrial de Barcelona (1847-1992). Barcelona, Columna, Barcelona 1992, p. 30-34, where the complete response to the application can be found. J. Ricart Giral. “El siglo de oro de la marina vele ra de construcción catalana”. Memorias de la Real Academia de Ciencias y Artes de Barcelona. López Robert y Compañía, Barcelona (1924), p. 25. These results were very meagre, owing to the lack of minerals in the Catalan subsoil, which explains why the steel industry, and consequently the shipyards as well, moved to Northern Spain. S. Riera i Tuèbols. op. cit. (1993), pp.185-188. Contrata social, Estatutos y Reglamentos de la Compañía Anónima “La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima”. Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya, Inv. 77, UI 11. Art. 2º. We give the amounts in pesetas, as they appeared in contemporary documents. This is stated in Escritura de contrata de construcción de las máquinas para el crucero “Reina Regente” otorgada por La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima de Barcelona… Madrid, Imprenta del Ministerio de Marina, 1898, p. 2, Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya, Inventory No. 77, Ref. 2.06.22/48-2/2. Especificaciones de máquinas de 9.100 caballos indicados tiro natural y 11.000 caballos indicados tiro forzado para el nuevo crucero “Reina Regente”, undated, p. 2, Inventory No. 77, Ref. 2.06.22/43-1/2. Libro de Recopilaciones de Trabajos de Marina (1897-1902), pp. 271-353, Arxiu Nacional de Ca talunya. Data taken from J. Nadal. “La metal·lúrgia” in J. Nadal, J. Maluquer de Motes, C. Sudrià, F. Cabana. Història Econòmica de la Catalunya Contemporània, Vol. 3, Indústria, transports i finances. Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 1991. La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima (1856-1944),

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[26]

[27]

[28] [29] [30]

[31]

[32]

[33] [34]

[35]

[36]

[37]

Barcelona, La Maquinista, undated. Also, A. Pérez Núñez. Ponts per a una nova època. Els ponts de ferro de la Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima, 18681900, Universitat de Barcelona, unpublished second-year doctoral memoir, 2000-2001 academic year. See P. Pasqual i Domènech. Los caminos de la era industrial. La construcción y financiación de la Red Ferroviaria Catalana (1843-1898). Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona 1999. For a detailed list of locomotives, see S. Riera i Tuèbols. Quan el vapor movia els trens. Enginyers Industrials de Catalunya/Marcombo, Barcelona 1998, especially Chapter IV. The literal meaning of Santa Fe is ‘holy faith’. It was appropriate because of the militant Catholicism of the Franco dictatorship. The formula means: one idle front axle (with two wheels, naturally), five powered axles (live or coupled), and an idle rear axle. See: Caminos de hierro del Norte de España. Locomotoras 2-10-2. Memoria descriptiva i cálculos justificativos, Inventory No. 77, Dossier 2,329, Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya. Power was initially measured in horsepower (HP). Later on this unit was replaced in Europe by CV (cheval-vapeur). The two are very similar, however: 1 HP = 1.0146 CV. Locomotoras 4-8-2 para los Ferrocarriles del estado de Chile. Estudio de precio partiendo del de las locomotoras 1.701-25 de MZA, Inventory No. 77, Dossier No. 2,587, Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya. S. Riera Tuèbols, op. cit. (1998), pp. 247-249. See Francesc Cabana. Fàbriques i empresaris. Els protagonistes de la revolució industrial a Catalunya. Vol. I. Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 1992, pp. 88-97. This very useful work consists of four volumes: the first is devoted to the metallurgical and chemical sector; the second to the cotton sector; the third to the wool, silk, knitwear, jute and textile finishing sectors; and the fourth to the graphic arts, paper, cement, construction materials, food, cork and leather sectors. See Jordi Nadal. “Los Planas, constructores de turbinas y material eléctrico (1858-1949)”. Revista de Historia Industrial, Nº. 1, (1992), pp. 63-93, which underlines and explains the importance of Planas turbines in the industrialization of Spain. Also F. Cabana. op. cit. (1992), Vol. 1, and J. Nadal, J. Maluquer de Motes, C. Sudrià, F. Cabana. op. cit. (1991), pp. 178-183. More information about turbines can be found in any of the numerous works on the history of technology. We will give just one reference: B.Gille. Histoire des Techniques. Gallimard, Paris 1968. Data taken from J. Nadal, J. Maluquer, C. Sudrià, F. Cabana. op. cit. (1991), p. 181.

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[38] Jordi Nadal. “El desarrollo de la economía valenciana en la segunda mitad del siglo xix: ¿una vía exclusivamente agraria?” in J. Nadal; A. Carreras. op. cit. (1990), especially pp. 302-305. [39] A more up-to-date system in which millstones were replaced by rollers. [40] This was the first locomotive entirely built in Spain. A few months later La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima built its own first locomotive (the second in Spain) for the train and tram line from Barcelona to Sant Andreu del Palomar. It should be pointed out that certain authors have considered that the first two engines were those built in the Barcelona factory of the Barcelona-Mataró railway under the supervision of the British engineer White, but these locomotives were assembled there, rather than built from scratch. J. M. Alonso Vigueras. La ingenieria industrial española en el siglo xx. Madrid 1944, pp. 128-129. The author specifies the locomotive’s technical characteristics. [41] F. Cayon, M. Muñoz Rubio. “¡Que fabriquen ellos! La fabricación de locomotoras de vapor en España: ¿una ocasión perdida para la industria?”. Working Papers in Economic History, No. 2005/02, http://ideas.repec.org/p/uam/wpapeh/200502. html. Also M. Muñoz. RENFE (1941-1991). Medio siglo de ferrocarril público. Fundación de los Ferrocarriles Españoles/ Ediciones Luna, Madrid 1995. On Devis, see M. Del Álamo Andrés. “Constructores ferroviarios valencianos. Construcciones Devis S.A. (1929-1947) y Material y Construcciones S.A. (1947-1989)” in F.J. Olivares, M. Muñoz Rubio, J. Sanz Fernández. Siglo y medio del ferrocarril en España, 1848-1998, economía, industria y sociedad, Instituto Alicantino Juan-Gil Albert, Alacant 1999, pp. 809-828. [42] The firms referred to in the article were not, of course, the only ones that experienced these difficulties. Another example was Arsenal Civil de Barcelona. Alejandro Wohlguemuth, a Belgian civil engineer, moved to Barcelona around 1870 and opened a machine manufacturing plant. After the 1886 law for the construction of the Spanish fleet was passed, he received an order for three sets of boilers and thought he was made. The order enabled him to build the first of the three buildings that were to house Arsenal Civil de Barcelona on the seafront at Can Tunis. However, the only order he received after this was for a small steam engine for the “Condor”. To remain in business, he had to accept other orders: one was to build the monument to Christopher Columbus, another for a group of sculptures to adorn the waterfall in the Parc de la Ciutadella. A bit later, however, Compañía Trasatlántica commissioned him to make the engines for the “Joaquín de Piélago” and, as a result of these contacts, bought the factory and

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founded Arsenal Civil de Barcelona (11 November 1891) with a capital 1,250,000 pesetas. The founding partners were Compañía Trasatlántica and Claudio López Bru, the second Marquis of Comi llas (who was also the chairman of Compañía Tras atlántica). But the usual difficulties soon arose: there were not sufficient orders and it became nec-

Santiago Riera

essary to diversify. Arsenal Civil did not last long and on 23 March 1905 the shareholders decided to halt production and wind up the company. M. Rodrigo, “La industria de construcciones mecánicas en Cataluña: el Arsenal Civil de Barcelona”. Revista de Historia Industrial, No. 16, 1999, pp. 163-176.

About the Author Dr Santiago Riera i Tuèbols, an engineer and historian, is emeritus professor of the history of science and technology at the University of Barcelona and a member of the Section of History and Archeology of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. He has taken part in various European projects, notably “Education, Technology and Performance in Europe, 1850-1939”. He has also been the chief researcher in the Theme Network “L’home i el ferro a Catalunya” (Man and Iron in Catalonia) and the recognized group “L’home i el ferro a Europa” (Man and Iron in Europe). He was the director of a project on the engineering profession in Catalonia and another on La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima, both funded by the Col·legi d’Enginyers Industrials de Catalunya. He has been the curator of various exhibitions, one of which was to commemorate the 1888 Exposition at the Parc de la Ciutadella in Barcelona. He has written over twenty books dealing with his specialized field.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 113-132 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.8 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

The Modernist Visual and Plastic Arts in the Catalan-speaking Lands Francesc Fontbona*

Biblioteca de Catalunya

Abstract Studies on Catalan Modernism got underway shortly before the Spanish Civil War but did not become widespread until about 1950, when the books Modernismo y modernistas by J.-F. Ràfols and El arte modernista catalán by A. Cirici Pellicer were published. Substantial biographies of Gaudí appeared from the start but some considerable time was to pass before in-depth studies of most of the key figures of Catalan Modernist Art were undertaken. In 1969 a major official exhibition was devoted to Modernism and in the 1970s there was an outburst of research into Modernism in fields including art and literature. In the 1980s major exhibitions on Modernism began to the staged in countries such as England, Japan and Sweden and were boosted by the presence of the names of Gaudí himself or the young Picasso, both of whom arose from the core of Modernism. Monographs with catalogues raisonnés have appeared on various Modernist painters: AngladaCamarasa (1981), Santiago Rusiñol (1995) and Ramon Casas (1999), while new overall exhibitions have been dedicated to Catalan Modernism (1990) and Valencian Modernism (1997). Between 2002 and 2004, knowledge about Catalan Modernism and its background was condensed into five volumes comprising contributions from some eighty specialists.

Key words: Modern Style, Modernism, Art Nouveau, Catalan art For fifty years and more, Modernism1 has been one of the most widely studied and fiercely debated features of Catalan art. The reason is undoubtedly that it was precisely through Modernism that Catalan art recovered the prominence it had lost virtually since the 15th century. Hence the enthusiasm it has aroused, not merely within the Catalanspeaking lands but abroad as well, for scholars interested in the movement have emerged in places far removed from the area where Modernist art was produced, such as the United States, France, Japan and Italy. Whenever we Catalans discuss Modernism before an international audience, the first thing we must do is to point out that the concept is untranslatable: it must on no account be confused with what the Anglo-Saxon world calls ‘Modernism’, but nor does it correspond − as is often said, for purposes of simplification − to what is termed Modern Style or Art Nouveau outside Catalonia. Modernism was an attitude taken up in the last two decades of the 19th century − some prolong the period into the first decade of the 20th century − by a series of Catalan writers, artists and musicians who were conscious of the fact that

* Corresponding author: Francesc Fontbona i Vallescar. Biblioteca de Cata lunya. Hospital, 56. 08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 932702300. Fax: +34 932702304. E-mail: ffontbon@bnc.cat

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Catalonia was in need of cultural modernization. The exponents of the visual and plastic arts who are studied in the works we will comment on here interpreted this modernization in different ways − not through a single style, in other words, but through as many styles as were able to convey the idea of modernity they pursued. Modernism is the name given by a generation of intellectuals and artists to their determination to keep up with the times, to create literary and artistic works that were not only well crafted but a clear manifestation of their concern for modernity. The principal new European trends, such as Impressionism, Symbolism, post-Impressionism, Art Nouveau and all its variants, provided the models, but they were adapted to the personality of each individual Catalan artist who followed along the same paths. Some of these artists − notably architects of the stature of Antoni Gaudí and Lluís Domènech i Montaner − achieved such totally original creations that it is superfluous to look for many outside sources. Thus despite what is often said, Modernism is not a style but a particular attitude, a very fin-de-siècle attitude, in which the pursuit of artistic modernity is an end in itself, and a tool for modernizing the entire country. However it must also be pointed out − because otherwise the full complexity of the issue cannot be grasped − that once the movement’s heyday was over − around 1910

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it can be considered complete −, the next generation of Catalans developed a growing aversion to Modernism and its fruits and it spent a good forty years in Purgatory. During this time the Modernists were defended only for old times’ sake, or out of friendship.2 Not until the aftermath of the Civil War did this very distinctive cultural phenomenon gradually become an object of study and respect. Josep F. Ràfols, a non-practising architect who engaged primarily in teaching and research into history and art, was the first to revive interest in Modernism. As early as 1928 he had written the first biography of Gaudí,3 and after the war he brought out a first small volume on Modernist art.4 This volume ultimately evolved into Moder nismo y modernistas (1949), the first major book to be published on the movement as a whole.5 At the same period the writer Josep Pla reinstated the figure of Santiago Rusiñol, viewed as an outstanding personality, however, rather than a leader of Modernism.6 The publisher of Pla’s book, Alberto Puig Palau, himself a collector of art works from the period, may well have played a part in the resurgence of the Modernist era. The role of Rafael Benet in the revival of the Modernist period was also of some significance. Benet, a leading art critic and gifted painter from before the Civil War, contributed much valuable information about the art of the Modernist generation both before and after the conflict.7 A young critic named Alex-

Francesc Fontbona

andre Cirici, who was to exert considerable influence in the future, was already tackling the pivotal theme of Picasso’s Modernist works with considerable insight, though not always with sufficient documentary rigour.8 The same qualities and shortcomings were to mark his approach to Gargallo and Barcelona many years later.9 Ràfols’ great book on Modernism resembled a long essay, but two years later another major study by Alexandre Cirici appeared, El arte modernista catalán.10 This time Cirici had looked up numerous sources and cited them properly in a substantial critical apparatus. Thus in no time at all Modernism had ceased being an object of scorn and was becoming a stage in the history of Catalan culture which had already warranted two extensive and authoritative monographs. Both Ràfols and Cirici approached Modernism from the broad perspective mentioned above, rather than considering it merely the Catalan version of Art Nouveau. This latter view was to predominate later on, but more as an attempt at simplification than as a veritable theory. In Madrid Bernardino de Pantorba set about producing a quite useful biography of the prolific painter Eliseu Meifrèn (1942), a member of the initial L’Avenç group. Owing to the complexity of the artist’s life and work, however, the biography remained an isolated attempt that merely outlined the topic.11

Figure 1. Tres dones collint fruita (Three women gathering fruit, c. 1905-1906), mosaic and ceramic panel designed by Josep Pey i Farriol and made by Gaspar Homar, in collaboration with Antoni Serra, Joan Carreras and Mario Maragliano (Barcelona, Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya).

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In 1954 an exhibition in Barcelona was devoted to Els Quatre Gats, the tavern that became the Modernist cenacle’s magical meeting place. The initiative once more came from Puig Palau and it proved unexpectedly popular, with visitors queuing up to discover this fascinating era in Catalonia’s cultural history. The catalogue, by Rafael Benet, an author we mentioned earlier, became another major milestone in the discovery of Modernism.12 At about the same time (1955) a book by the daughter of Santiago Rusiñol − undoubtedly the most popular figure of Catalan Modernism, alongside Gaudí − yielded some important family testimony about the artist.13 Mario Verdaguer’s perspicacious and vital memoirs of Barcelona in the Modernism age were also published, again by Puig Palau, providing abundant information from a man who had observed Els Quatre Gats at close quarters.14 It was also during those years that specific attention began to be paid to Ramon Casas. Ràfols published monographs about him15 and a first major official retrospective was held under the curatorship of the archeologist, medieval historian and art critic Alberto del Castillo.16 The substantial text Castillo wrote for the exhibition was one of the first major biographical studies of the painter. Isidre Nonell also received his first official retrospective,17 while another was devoted to the sketcher and decorator Joaquim Renart, whose role in the art world of the period was more important than might appear.18 Both exhibitions were the upshot of the quite deliberate task of cultural reconstruction carried out − discreetly but very efficiently − by Joan Ainaud de Lasarte, the director general of the art museums of Barcelona and secretary of the Junta de Museus. Both bodies were inevitably part of the Francoist government apparatus but, under the management of persons of Ainaud’s stature and sensibility, were prevented from lapsing into trivialization and distortion. The first great international effort to reassess the ‘artistic sources’ of the 20th century took place in 1961 and was the work of Jean Cassou, Émile Langui and Nikolaus Pevsner.19 It warrants a mention here because Catalan Modernism was included, on a modest scale, with references to works by Gaudí,20 Isidre Nonell and Picasso, during his Catalan period. Compared to the stress laid on coetaneous art from France, Germany or England, it was not much, but it was more than had been customary up till then. Europe was becoming interested in the Catalan Picasso too: Anthony Blunt − the historian of the British royal family’s art collections, who was later unmasked as a famous spy − contributed substantially to the discovery of the young Picasso, as did Pierre Daix.21 Meanwhile in Catalonia itself the poet Josep Palau i Fabre was beginning to publish monographs on Picasso’s Catalan period.22 During the next phase Modernist architecture began to draw attention. Joan Bergós, an architect who had known Gaudí well, published a couple of very enlightening monographs about him,23 while Puig Boada, another architect who in his youth had taken part in an informal discussion

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Figure 2. Primera Comunió (First Communion, 1897), bronze by Josep Llimona (Barcelona, Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya).

group that included Gaudí, issued a study of the Sagrada Família, which was republished several times in later years.24 Other foreign scholars were following the example of Sweeney and Sert by studying Gaudí: the Italians Roberto Pane25 and Lara V. Masini,26 for instance, each published a book about him. Enric Casanelles, the active secretary of the Amics de Gaudí, brought out a stimulating essay about him in 1965,27 and in 1967 another of the genius’s unofficial disciples, Cèsar Martinell, published a very complete monograph about him.28 Then came a major study by Prévost and Descharnes, inspired by Salvador Dalí who, before the Civil War, had been the first to defend Gaudí and Art Nouveau in general in his own characteristic style, using photographs by Man Ray.29 Included in this work was an earlier text by the essayist Francesc Pujols, whom Dalí always greatly admired.30 The reinstatement of another great figure of Modernist architecture, Lluís Domènech i Montaner, began with a special issue of the journal Cuadernos de arquitectura which was devoted to him in 1963. It contained texts by various authors, some new, some well-established, notably one by Oriol Bohigas.31 Enric Jardí wrote a biography of Josep Puig i Cadafalch encompassing all his three facets: the architect, the politician and the man of learning.32 Oriol Bohigas himself was the author of the first major work devoted to Modernist architecture as a whole, which appeared in 1969. It contained photographs by Leopoldo Pomés and achieved a wide readership. Several editions in a more economical format came out later33 and these contained a small amount of information on Valencia. Bohigas’ book played a role in the strictly architectural field equivalent to the one the works of Ràfols and Cirici had played in the study and dissemination of Catalan Modernism generally. The same year Ramon Planes brought out a very substantial work about the decisive contribution of his home town of Sitges to the development of Modernism.34

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In 1969 a major exhibition entitled El Modernismo en España was held in Madrid and Barcelona. The initiative came from Joan Ainaud de Lasarte. With over six hundred and fifty exhibits, it provided an overwhelming demonstration of the importance of Modernist art and a powerful stimulus towards continued research into the movement.35 By then interest was beginning to be displayed in Modernism − notably Modernist architecture − in Valencia. Works on the subject were published by Tomàs Llorens,36 Eduardo Mangada,37 Salvador Aldana,38 Immaculada Aguilar,39 and Irene Garcia Antón.40 In the midst of that same period − in 1973 − the key work on the topic appeared. Significantly enough the author, Trinidad Simó, asked Joan Fuster to write the prologue. 41,42 The prime researcher into Modernist visual and plastic arts in Valencia was Miguel Ángel Catalá Gorgues.43 A book by Miquel Seguí, issued two years later, performed the same function in the Balearic Islands.44 Modernist architecture in Catalonia was also studied in the 1970s,45 and small con-

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centrations of Modernist buildings outside Barcelona came in for attention.46 A small book published by the Carulla-Font family in 1973 for use as a Christmas gift was devoted to Lluís Domènech i Montaner. The text was by various authors, with a section on architecture by Oriol Bohigas, and it proved quite a useful monograph.47 The following year the Catalan architects’ association, the Col·legi d’Arquitectes, published a work on Jujol with contributions from Salvador Tarragó and J.M. Jujol junior, among others.48 In the late 1960s and 1970s there was an upsurge of interest in other forms of Modernist art, apart from architecture. Enric Jardí published a series of books purportedly aimed at the general public but which nevertheless yielded considerable information about core aspects and personages of Modernism and post-Modernism.49 The collected works of the main post-Modernist painters − Nonell, Mir and Canals − went on show in well documented exhibitions prepared with rigorous criteria by historians with an academic background.50 Other painters

Figure 3. Palau de la Música Catalana (1905-1908), Barcelona. Overall view from the dress circle. Architect: Lluís Domènech i Montaner; director of sculptural decoration, Eusebi Arnau, with the participation of Pau Gargallo and Dídac Masana in the groups of sculptures on either side of the stage; mosaics by Lluís Bru; stained glass by Rigalt & Granell.

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and sculptors belonging to the Modernist circle were studied in some depth: Josep Triadó,51 the Llimona brothers,52 Néstor Martín Fernández de la Torre,53 and the ceramicist Antoni Serra.54 In 1975 I myself published a book that concentrated on the closing phase of Modernism, during which the originality of Catalan painters and sculptors attained its height, and christened this period with the name of post-Modernism.55 And Palau i Fabre, leaving aside his general studies on Picasso, tackled a very far-reaching, detailed monograph on the artist himself, which was to extend far beyond his Catalan period.56 In 1973 Eduard Valentí Fiol wrote a book focussing on literary Modernism but which also constituted an outstanding contribution to the study of Modernism as a whole and included numerous references of use to the art historian.57 A new book embracing all the facets of Modernism – architecture, literature, sculpture, painting, music and the decorative arts − appeared in 1976 and was later republished. The title was Modernismo en Cataluña and the editor José M. Infiesta. Its weak point, perhaps, was that it constituted a string of chapters by different authors rather than a coherent overview, but it contributed many new data and showed that Modernism was now a theme of interest to a wider audience.58 That same year a book devoted primarily to Modernism in Girona came out, but it was written from the viewpoint of literature.59 The applied arts were also arousing interest: Josep Mainar published an overall study of Catalan furniture which devoted considerable space to Modernism,60 and Eliseu Trenc, a French professor whose parents were from La Franja61 and who had attended the courses for foreign students given by the IEC (Institut d’Estudis Catalans), published his thesis on Modernist graphic arts in 1977.62 The book became a benchmark work in the field from then on and turned its author into one of the foremost authorities on Catalan Modernist art.63 Victoria Salom published a very thoroughly researched and groundbreaking study that was a summary of the memoir she had written for her bachelor’s degree. It concerned a topic frequently omitted from bibliographies: Modernist posters.64 Moreover, not only art but art criticism as well was beginning to attract attention.65 Catalan Modernism was also becoming the subject of academic research in the United States. George R. Collins of Columbia University gave a considerable boost to studies of Gaudí66 − and Catalan architecture and art generally − through his work in setting up the Catalan Archive of Art and Architecture. Documents belonging to the builder Rafael Guastavino are among the materials deposited there. Several specialists emerged from this group: they include Rosemarie Bletter, who studied Josep Vilaseca,67 Judith Rohrer who, as we will see, has specialized in Puig i Cadafalch, and Phyllis Braff. Two doctoral theses − one by Marilyn McCully (Yale, 1975),68 another ex-student of the IEC’s courses for foreigners, the other by Joseph Phillip Cervera (Berkeley, 1976)69− opened up new perspec-

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Figure 4. Le paon blanc (The white peacock [1904]), oil painting by Hermen Anglada-Camarasa (Carmen Thyssen-Bornemisza Collection, on loan to the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, Barcelona).

tives in America, as is shown by the exhibition on Els 4 Gats held at Princeton in 1978, with McCully herself as curator.70 Catalan Modernism was also becoming better known in Germany but here the approach was very different, for the discovery was the outcome of the militant Catalan Weeks staged in Berlin in 1978 as part of a deliberate political operation spearheaded by the Catalanophile professor Til Steegman.71 Interest in Modernism and post-Modernism gained momentum in the 1980s. A few foreigners wrote monographs on the topic, though most were published in Catalonia;72 at an exhibition in Sabadell, which was more remarkable than it seemed, Symbolism in Catalan art went on show and was described in a catalogue;73 and half of the seventh volume of Història de l’Art Català, published by Edicions 62, concerned itself solely with Modernist art and included many of the contributions on the movement made in recent years.74 Another general work published at that time but written years earlier contained a highly enlightening but little known chapter on Modernism by Marçal Olivar. In it this elderly humanist and unobtrusive mentor presented his own version of Modernism, enriching it with knowledge that only he possessed, the fruit of a curiosity which always drove him to delve deeply into things.75 In 1982 an interdisciplinary and somewhat controversial symposium was held: the Col·loqui Internacional sobre el Modernisme. The acts came out six years later.76 Barcelona City Council’s Àrea d’Urbanisme published its catalogue of the architectural heritage, which of course included data sheets on Modernist buildings with plentiful references.77 The GRACMON, a research group specializing in Modernism and Noucentism78 headed by Professor Mireia Freixa, was set up at the University of Barcelona in 1986. In 2001 it was recognized as a ‘consolidated group’

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and has given rise to several doctoral theses and publications. Attempts were made, not for the first time, to view Modernism, which was a basically Catalan movement, within the overall context of Spain, because the word Modernism was applied at the same period in Spanishspeaking Spain to various aspects of modernity, primarily in literary circles, though it could be extrapolated to the visual and plastic arts as well.79 Some of these attempts were confined to architecture and the decorative arts, however, rather than referring to the arts in general.80 Some also sought to apply the term Modernism to all the new international art of the period.81 Publishing houses that catered to the general public were already planning works for widespread dissemination, such as the one published by the Mendoza brothers in 1989.82 In the 1980s Catalan art was again a topic of interest outside Catalonia and Catalan Modernism was well represented at exhibitions held abroad or was even the main attraction. Each one generated a catalogue. The highly ambitious Homage to Barcelona, staged in London in 198583 and again in Japan in 1987, was one example.84 Another was Modernismen i Katalonien, held in Stockholm in 1989.85 Closer to home, the graphic arts of the Basque Country and Catalonia were brought face to face at an exhibition held in the Basque Country.86 This decade was especially propitious to the cult of Gaudí: a book containing his scattered writings was published87 and an exhaustive catalogue of his drawings appeared.88 In Japan he was already arousing keen interest;89 in Spain Carlos Flores made an in-depth study of his work, comparing him to his outstanding disciple and collaborator Josep M. Jujol;90 and Joan Bassegoda published a book that assembled further documentation about him.91 Bassegoda was also the author of the ‘scenario’ for a major Gaudí exhibition organized by the Fundació Caixa de Pensions in 1984.92 A few books on Domènech i Montaner appeared which, though short, contained fresh contributions.93 An unexpected documentary study of one of his main buildings, the Palau de la Música,94 came out, and a major retrospective made a public reassessment of the personage.95 Similar developments occurred at about the same time with regard to the third great Catalan Modernist architect, Josep Puig i Cadafalch.96 Interest continued to be shown in clusters of Catalan Modernist architecture outside Barcelona, in cities such as Terrassa, Tortosa, Vic, Sabadell and La Garriga.97 Stained glass, an applied art that was used to especially brilliant effect in architecture, began to be studied in publications accessible to the general public which put its spectacular achievements to good advantage.98 Metal constructions manufactured at Can Torras, a key feature of many buildings from the period, were examined from a constructional and entrepreneurial perspective.99 Manuel García Martín − a researcher from outside academe who had already produced a few volumes about Modernist buildings for a large company, Catalana de Gas, which used them as sumptuous Christ-

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mas presents − seized the opportunity to produce several more studies packed with previously unexplored information from the archives.100 The best known painters of the Modernist period – Rusiñol, Casas and Nonell − continued to attract attention in exhibitions devoted to selections of their works organized by governmental bodies.101 The publication of Rusiñol’s annotated correspondence yielded much valuable information102 whereas the German researcher Heidi J. Roch’s study of the same artist produced less impact because it was never translated into Catalan.103 Picasso continued to arouse more interest than any other artist,104 though some other equally talented contemporaries also began to be studied. These included Alexandre de Riquer,105 Anglada-Camarasa – the subject of one of the first catalogues raisonnés to be dedicated to a Catalan painter −,106 Darío de Regoyos – who was an integral part of the history of Catalan art during two periods of his life −,107 and Josep Maria Tamburini.108 The engravings and lithographs of Ismael Smith were also studied in depth.109 Nor should we overlook the great and versatile Apel·les Mestres, who straddles the border between Modernism and earlier styles: a book about him was issued as a Christmas gift in 1985 by the Fundació Jaume I and the Caixa de Barcelona mounted an exhibition about him the following year.110 Aside from painters, Raimon Casellas, the art critic most closely involved with the core Modernist group, was the subject of a substantial monograph written from a literary viewpoint, for he was also a writer of fiction. It contributed plenty of information, though the conclusions were often disagreeably aprioristic.111 A biography of Miquel Blay, one of the most prominent Modernist sculptors, also came out.112 The book as a work of art merited the attention of the Biblioteca de Catalunya, which published a doctoral thesis on the subject.113 Modernist jewellery was included in an overall study of Catalan jewellery by Núria de Dalmases,114 who – with Antoni José i Pitarch − had already done research into art and industry.115 Certain manufacturers of industrial ceramics – such as Pujol i Baucis − began to attract interest from researchers.116 A extensive summary of the graphic arts throughout Spain was included in Volume XXXII of Summa Artis,117 and Modernist posters were studied in detail118. Miquel Utrillo’s memoirs about the entourage of Santiago Rusiñol’s group − a source of first-hand but hitherto unpublished testimony, though some were familiar with it, and had even plundered it − appeared in 1989. Its aim was anecdotal rather than profound, but even so it was a direct account of Modernism from one of its foremost participants.119 An overview of Modernism in the Valencian Country – which was virtually confined to architecture − was given in one volume of the vast Historia del arte valenciano (1987) by Trinidad Simó, who played a pioneering role in the study of Valencian Modernism.120

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Figure 5. La cala Sant Vicenç (Mallorca) (The cove of Sant Vicenç [Majorca]) (1902), oil painting by Joaquim Mir, panel from the former Gran Hotel de Palma (Museu de l’Abadia de Montserrat).

By the nineties Catalan Modernism − once virtually unknown elsewhere in the world − was so famous that besides appearing frequently in general works from abroad,121 it also began to be the subject of specialized works aimed at the general public in other lands,122 and paperback handbooks on the subject were multiplying fast.123 Any exhaustive treatment of such publications would require long lists of bibliography and this is certainly not the place for that. I refer the reader instead to a very detailed work by Eliseu Trenc, who updated his own study from thirty years earlier by making a highly systematic and complete review of the bibliography124 which is inevitably more extensive than this can be. The historical, social and artistic backcloth to the Modernist period was studied at a conference entitled Escolta Espanya that marked the centenary of the 1898 crisis. The acts were subsequently published.125 Mention should be made of the Catàleg de monuments i conjunts històrico-artístics de Catalunya (1990), a catalogue of the buildings declared national monuments, which arose from the work carried out by the Servei del Patrimoni Arquitectònic de Catalunya.126 This tool, which is of the utmost interest, naturally includes those Modernist buildings which were officially considered the most important. A less scholarly and more thoughtful and lit-

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erary approach was taken by the writer Oriol Pi de Caba nyes in his survey of several Catalan Modernist houses, skilfully illustrated by the photographer Toni Catany.127 Another major exhibition on Modernism, organized in 1990 by the Barcelona Cultural Olympiad, ushered in the nineties. The very extensive catalogue it left behind featured contributions from numerous specialists which helped update earlier monographs on the movement as a whole.128 At the same time the organizers launched another exhibition entitled El Quadrat d’Or (1990) devoted exclusively to Modernist architecture in the core of Barcelona’s Eixample district. Albert Garcia Espuche, who has conducted intensive research into the urban history of Barcelona, was responsible for both the exhibition and the catalogue.129 Meanwhile another research team – Raquel Lacuesta and Antoni González, who had enlarged and revised the classical catalogue by Oriol Bohigas years before − brought out a similar guide covering not just Barcelona but the whole of Catalonia.130 An exhibition held in 1993 reviewed the history and significance of the Cercle Artístic de Sant Lluc,131 and another at the MNAC (Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya) highlighted the role played by Catalan Modernism in the revival of interest in El Greco.132 An exhibition at the Museu Salvador Vilaseca in Reus highlighted that city’s status as Catalonia’s second

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Figure 6. Poster advertising Adrià Gual’s Llibre d’hores, designed by the author (1899), chromolithograph.

largest city at the turn of the century. It was backed up by an excellent catalogue, in which art was well represented.133 Other exhibitions in which Modernism played a prominent or leading role were staged abroad in the early 1990s in collaboration with the Generalitat: one visited three Japanese cities,134 while another, held at the Fondazione Giorgio Cini in Venice, aroused much comment throughout Italy and generated quite a large printed catalogue.135 A further showing outside Catalonia took place in Santillana del Mar and was entitled Arquitectura modernista. Domènech i Montaner. Jujol .136 New perspectives on Gaudí were afforded by two essays that appeared in the early nineties: Conrad Kent and Dennis Prindle published Hacia la Arquitectura de un Paraíso (1992), on the Parc Güell,137 and Juan-José Lahuerta gave a less ‘hagiographical’ and more politically orientated vision of the great architect in Antoni Gaudí: 1885-1926. Arquitectura, ideología y política.138 Gaudí was becoming an increasingly appealing topic both in Catalonia and elsewhere. In a monograph published by the Diputació de Barcelona and entitled El Palau Güell − which was also attractive to the non-specialist reader − various authors undertook an in-depth study of the building named in the title (1990). The Càtedra Gaudí at the Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya published Aproximación a Gaudí (1992) in Madrid. The same body contributed to the publication in Italy of Idee per l’architettura,

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a collection of the Catalan architect’s own writings and thoughts (1995). Other Modernist architects came in for study. An exhibition and its catalogue were devoted the Bassegoda family of architects and builders,139 for instance, and a substantial monograph by Joan Tarrús and Narcís Comadira − Rafael Masó arquitecte noucentista140 − dealt with an architect who, though sometimes considered a Modernist, should really be viewed as a Noucentist with a distinct personality influenced by the Viennese Sezession. Other substantial monographs were devoted to Muncunill141 and Cèsar Martinell,142 and short books appeared on Josep Maria Jujol143 and Enric Sagnier.144 This was a period that saw the publication of many works devoted to specific buildings from the Modernist era: El Palau de Justícia de Barcelona145 (about the Barcelona law courts designed by Enric Sagnier and Josep Domènech Estapà); El cementiri de Lloret de Mar146 (about the cemetery of Lloret de Mar, which contains works by several architects and even more sculptors); Els edificis de la Caixa d’Estalvis de Sabadell 147 (about bank buildings designed by Jeroni Martorell). The unflagging Garcia Martín provided still more original data in L’Hospital de Sant Pau (1990) and Fonda de España (1991, on two buildings by Domènech and Montaner), Comillas modernista (1993, on Comillas [Santander] where numerous works by Catalan Modernists are located), and Paisatge d’Astorga (1994, about Astorga [León], which has a bishop’s palace built by Gaudí).148 Many more Catalan towns and cities, among them Olot, Manresa and Igualada, developed an interest in studying their own Modernist heritage.149 A monograph on the Cercle del Liceu in Barcelona, published in 1991, undertook an overall study of the organization and the works of art housed in its headquarters − most of which are Modernist − and also touched on the topic of architecture.150 Some important monographs on Modernist painters appeared in the nineties. One, a very thorough and enlightening study of Santiago Rusiñol by Josep de C. Laplana, contained the first catalogue raisonné of his paintings but surprisingly enough had no illustrations.151 The papers given at a conference on Rusiñol held in Paris − some new, others already in circulation − were also published 152. The Museu de Vilafranca had awarded a prize to a research monograph by Isabel Coll, also on Rusiñol which was published some years afterwards.153 Later still the author herself brought out an enlarged and well illustrated version.154 Exhibitions focussing on Rusiñol’s paintings were held in Valencia, Corunna, Pamplona and Girona.155 A study that concentrated on Ramon Casas’ portrayal of women appeared.156 Even more important was the publication of a monograph which sought – at long last − to arrange the documentation sheets on all his paintings into a catalogue raisonné.157 Francesc Miralles commenced his research into Joaquim Mir with a monograph dealing solely with the period the painter spent in Tarragona.158 Jordi À. Carbonell wrote his doctoral thesis,

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which was later published, on Francesc Gimeno, a frontranking painter of the Modernist period who was not, however, strictly a Modernist.159 Another highly ambitious work on a Modernist painter was written by Juan San Nicolàs on Darío de Regoyos. Regoyos was not a Catalan but he was closely associated with Catalan Modernism and lived and died in Barcelona. Though unfortunately only the first volume of this work was published, it has remained the prime reference work on this Catabrian artist, who had been a leading figure of the new Belgian school of painting.160 A large tome was devoted to another great Modernist painter, Eliseu Meifrèn. It was the first work about him to appear since the 1940s but it contained too little text and the illustrations, despite their technical quality, were not always well chosen.161 Another handsomely published book on Ramon Casas had the same failings but was nevertheless greeted by some as the great monograph that painter lacked.162 A smaller but substantial and very well illustrated monograph on the versatile Adrià Gual was issued by the Diputació de Barcelona. It contained items by several authors, each dealing with one of his many activities.163 Other artists were rescued from oblivion: the first, modest exhibition on Aleix Clapés was held in Vilassar de Dalt;164 the first monograph was published on the most gifted female Catalan painter of her generation, Lluïsa Vidal;165 the post-Modernist painter Pere Ysern was studied for the first time in adequate depth;166 and the work of his close friend, the sculptor Emili Fontbona, was put on show for the first time and studied by the Museu Frederic Marès.167 Various initiatives to do with the work of Anglada-Camarasa and Mir were launched. An exhibition mounted by the Madrid delegation of the Generalitat focussed on Anglada-Camarasa’s Parisian period;168 another, held in Manresa, concentrated on the paintings he did at Montserrat during the Civil War;169 and in Majorca an exhibition examined his relationship with the Gran Hotel de Palma, a Modernist building which had had close links to art at

Figure 7. Petó de mare (A mother’s kiss, 1898), marble sculpture by Eusebi Arnau (Barcelona, Fundació “la Caixa”).

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various stages in its existence.170 The curators of the first two exhibitions were Francesc Fontbona and Francesc Miralles. Several banks organized exhibitions devoted to Joaquim Mir: a selection of his works went on show in Madrid,171 and two more exhibitions in Palma de Mallorca dealt respectively with the decisive period he spent in the Camp de Tarragona region172 and with a more limited selection of his output.173 Teresa Camps was the curator for all three. An exhibition staged in Madrid with support from the Banc de Sabadell made a small contribution to knowledge about Ramon Pichot, a personality who has been little studied, despite his importance.174 In Girona an exhibition was devoted to Prudenci Bertrana, who was both a painter and a writer.175 Those were years marked by frequent exhibitions all over Spain about the leading figures of Modernist art: the works of Casas went on show in several cities176 and in Madrid the Fundació MAPFRE drew attention to the work of Gosé, without the collaboration of the MNAC strangely enough, but with that of the Museu Morera in Lleida.177 An accumulative study of data on Symbolist painting throughout Spain was published in Granada.178 Accounts of the lives of artists from the Modernist period − such as Pidelaserra, Cusachs and Maillol (1991) − continued to appear in a dynamic series of small-format biographies entitled “Gent Nostra”.179 Some fairly ambitious exhibitions began to be staged about certain interesting but minor artists, such as the tormented painter and writer Hortensi Güell, the delightful painter Laura Albéniz, or the Symbolist photographer Pla Janini.180 A biography of the painter, decorator, collector and man of the world Olaguer Junyent came out in 1994.181 The following year a very well documented work, with excellent illustrations, dealt with certain aspects of the world-famous mural painter Josep Maria Sert.182 The Caixa del Penedès launched a series of exhibitions on artists including the Llimona family (1991) and Lambert Escaler (1992), which brought to light some noteworthy documentation, though they were staged with very limited means and the catalogues were too brief. Catalan public museums made several contributions to knowledge about the pictorial art of the Modernist period: charcoal portraits by Ramon Casas were almost exhaustively compiled and studied in 1995 by the MNAC,183 which also staged the first showing of selected works by Nicolau Raurich (1996),184 and organized an exhibition on Rusiñol (1997);185 the Museu Picasso, which was continually producing research-based exhibitions on the great artist, dedicated one to his early landscapes, another to his relationship with Els 4 Gats, and yet another to his formative years.186 Outside the field of painting, a broad selection of the large collection of drawings assembled by the Modernist art critic and writer Raimon Casellas was shown by the MNAC in 1992 in both Barcelona and Madrid. For the purposes of the exhibition, much of the collection, which is

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housed at the MNAC itself, was studied.187 The same museum held an exhibition about the cabinet maker Gaspar Homar (1998), under the curatorship of Maria Àngels Fontdevila.188 Two savings banks staged exhibitions of bookplates: Ex-libris modernistes (1996), organized by the Fundació “La Caixa” in Palma de Mallorca and curatored by Joan Lluís de Yebra189, and Cent anys d’ex-libris del Modernisme a l’actualitat, organized by the Caixa de Sabadell under the curatorship of Francesc Orenes (1997).190 The theme of graphic illustration was studied in some depth in Valencia191 while Alacant was the scene of a large interdisciplinary exhibition that included art from the Modernist period.192 The organizer of the latter event, the Caja de Ahorros del Mediterráneo, has undoubtedly been the prime instigator of the diffusion of Modernism in Valencia, working primarily through the Casa-Museu Modernista de Novelda: it has restored the unusual building itself,193 built up a good specialized library there, and nurtured understanding of Modernism in the Valencian Country by holding courses and exhibitions there periodically. The most extensive overview of Valencian Modernism was offered by an exhibition staged at the Centre Cultural La Beneficència in Valencia in 1997.194 In 1993 the Fundació “la Caixa” inaugurated its new headquarters in Majorca in the former Gran Hotel, an outstanding Modernist building designed by Domènech i Montaner which houses a permanent exhibition of works by Anglada-Camarasa owned by the foundation itself. A noteworthy exhibition was also staged to mark the official opening.195 Another Balearic savings bank, “Sa Nostra”, put a good selection of the works of Laureà Barrau on view in Palma and Eivissa. Barrau, a Catalan-born painter, made his home in Eivissa and was in Paris at the same time as Rusiñol and Casas.196 In the field of sculpture, Montserrat Abbey published an important volume of research by Judit Subirachs on 19th century sculpture in Catalonia (L’escultura al segle XIX a Catalunya). Though it claims to span the period from Romanticism to Realism, it does of course extend to the Modernist era as well.197 An Italian dictionary compiled by two acknowledged specialists, Fanelli and Godoli, who have also written other works, gives such detailed coverage to Catalan graphic arts as to make it an essential reference work, not merely for foreigners but within Catalonia as well.198 In 1994 the publishing house Postermil, which was set up specially for the purpose, started issuing a series of large illustrated catalogues of a very rich private Catalan collection of posters, many of which are from the Modernist period. This series does not amount to an indepth study or aim to be exhaustive − except in its coverage of the collection −, but it does include an exceptionally large number of good reproductions of Modernist posters.199 During the 1990s a monograph about the greatest of Catalan Modernist jewellers, Lluís Masriera, was also published, situating him against the backcloth of the Masriera family’s long tradition.200 In 1995 the publication of a unique document − the di-

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ary of Joaquim Renart − got underway. Though Renart began writing his voluminous Diari in 1918, after the Modernist period was over, it offers the unparalleled testimony of an artist who lived Modernism to the full and afterwards maintained such prestige and moral authority that he earned unanimous respect. His diary was thousands of pages long and six volumes of extraordinary first-hand testimony have appeared to date.201 The Institut d’Estudis Catalans funded and published lists of the catalogues of exhibitions held in Catalonia, including those that took place during the Modernist period. These catalogues constitute a practical and hitherto unexpected tool for researchers.202 By 2000 Modernism was viewed as a fully consolidated artistic − and cultural − movement and could even be said to enjoy a certain degree of veritable popularity. Proof of this was the project launched by a publishing house within the orbit of Enciclopèdia Catalana, Edicions L’Isard, which realized that the topic was sufficiently attractive to the man in the street for an extensive, lavishly illustrated work covering all its different dimensions to be successfully launched. The outcome was the five-volume El Moder nisme, edited by Francesc Fontbona.203 Most of the eighty or so authors who took part were the leading specialists in the aspects dealt with − many have already been mentioned in this article − and they summarized their own previous studies, often enriching them with new data. Though the spotlight was on art and architecture, other aspects of Modernism (literature, music, drama and the cinema) were also covered. Considerable attention was even paid to other coetaneous forms of ‘modernism’, such as religious modernism. These in fact had little to do with the great cultural movement but, since the name and time frame were the same, they had to be dealt with for purposes of clarification and to avoid terminological confusion. “Puig i Cadafalch Year” was celebrated in 2001 and a well illustrated biography of the architect appeared204 as well as other more specialized monographs.205 The numerous events and publications that marked “Gaudí Year” in 2002 gave an additional boost to his already vast popularity206. One book, which contained a respectable synthesis but added little that was new, actually became an international best-seller.207 Later the bibliography on Gaudí was further expanded as international publishing houses brought out large-format books aimed at the general public.208 Special studies were also devoted to Domènech i Montaner209 and Josep Puig i Cadafalch.210 The proclamation of 2006 as “Rusiñol Year” had positive effects on the diffusion of that artist’s works.211 Jeroni Granell, a architect of wide-ranging talents and one of the most significant Catalan Modernist stained-glass artists, is being studied in depth by Núria Gil Farré. The very meticulous researcher Raquel Lacuesta has recently joined the ranks of specialists in Rafael Masó and acted as curator of an exhibition about him held in 2006. A quarter of a century after the publication of his previ-

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Figure 8. La Pedrera (1905-1911), Barcelona. Architect: Antoni Gaudí.

ous study of Modernist architecture in the Balearic Islands, Miquel Seguí produced an extended and updated version.212 Works of some note were also published on specific regions, including that of Girona,213 and on cities such as La Garriga, Terrassa, Esplugues de Llobregat and Tortosa.214 New exhibitions on Modernist artists and other aspects of the movement have been staged recently by public museums. The MNAC organized exhibitions on Nonell (2000),215 Casas (2001)216 and Pidelaserra (2002),217 in cooperation with the Fundación Cultural MAPFRE Vida from Madrid. The latter foundation mounted exhibitions of its own on Anglada-Camarasa (2002)218 and Mir (2004).219 All the corresponding catalogues contain original contributions. Other exhibitions staged by the MNAC include Jujol dissenyador (2002)220 – which attracted much attention from the media − and Les arts industrials als cartells modernistes (2002).221 The Museu Diocesà in Barcelona organized an exhibition on Els 4 Gats, which brought to light certain previously unknown materials.222 The major exhibition Paris-Barcelone 1888-1937, organized by the Museu Picasso in conjunction with the French Réunion des Musées Nationaux, was an outstanding international contribution. This encounter between French and Catalan art from Modernism to the Avantgarde went on show at the Grand Palais in Paris in 2002 and gave rise to a large catalogue containing articles by

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the foremost specialists.223 Another event staged in Paris was a conference at which four national schools of architecture from the Modernist period − one of them being the Catalan school − were discussed. The acts were published.224 In the United States Catalan Modernism occupied a prominent position in an exhibition held in New Mexico225 and was the prime focus of attention at another exhibition prepared well in advance by the Museum of Cleveland. This same exhibition − slightly whittled down − produced a greater impact, however, at its later showing at the Metropolitan Museum in New York.226 In Italy two different exhibitions of Catalan paintings, which included Modernist works, took place in Brescia and Cremona (in 2002 and 2003),227 and in 2007 the exhibition Barcelona 1900 was staged to great acclaim in Amsterdam.228 A noteworthy exhibition on Catalan Modernism took place in Madrid, with Javier Tusell as the curator (2000), and helped to make the movement better known in Spain.229 A similar exhibition was staged in Vitoria-Gasteiz in 2002.230 An exhibition in Granada analysed Rusiñol’s relationship with that city.231 A selection of Meifrèn’s works − documented by Elvira Sánchez Gimeno and more thorough than earlier approaches to the same painter − went on show in Valencia232 and Ibercaja offered a very acceptable selection of Nonell’s works in Saragossa.233 The Museu d’Olot undertook an extensive exhibition on the sculptor Miquel Blay;234 the Museu de Terrassa organ-

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ized a showing of Modernist applied arts;235 the IVAM in Valencia devoted an exhibition to the sculptor Pau Gargallo;236 the city of Ripollet staged another on the painter Andreu Solà i Vidal, one of Casas’ companions in Paris;237 and yet another exhibition, held by the Caixa de Tarragona under the patronage of the Museu d’Art Modern de Tarragona, was devoted to the unusual sculptor Carles Mani238 on the basis of a recent monograph about him.239 The Fundació “la Caixa” presented an exhibition on Anglada-Camarasa and his entourage.240 Un segle de paisatgisme a les Illes Balears was the title of an exhibition that went on show at Es Baluard in Palma (Majorca) in 2007 and included, not only Modernists from Majorca, but others from Catalonia who had stayed on the island.241 More monographs continued to appear. Isabel Marín, for instance, conducted the first study of the Cercle Artístic de Barcelona, a body that was part and parcel of Modernism.242 Often however, the topics were more specialized: examples include the catalogue Carme Illa drew up of the largest known collection of bookplates in Catalonia,243 a study of Anglada-Camarasa and his close relationship to Argentina,244 the catalogue raisonné of the same painter’s drawings,245 a volume by Jordi À.Carbonell on Joaquim Vancells,246 or Isabel Marín’s concise study of Eusebi Arnau,247 which was a summary of her doctoral thesis. Marín also published a book on Arnau as a medallist.248 Input from other scholars who joined in the research into Anglada-Camarasa brought new perspectives.249 The first monographs were written about such highly characteristic Art Nouveau artists as Gaspar Camps and Lambert Escaler.250 A new monograph on Rusiñol by P. Laplana warrants special mention, since it included a − long overdue − illustrated and enlarged catalogue raisonné of his works.251 Just before this, Vinyet Panyella had published a fat volume on Rusiñol which was more in the style of an essay,252 while a book based on research about the same versatile artist had come out in Poland.253 Subsidiary aspects of Modernism, such as Wagner’s influence on the visual arts, were also studied in detail during this phase.254 The manifestations of Modernism concerned not only the “major” arts but also the so-called “decorative” or “applied” arts, a topic that came in for overall treatment from Pilar Vélez in 2000.255 Other very detailed studies of cabinet makers,256 textile designers,257 exponents of the book arts,258 medallists,259 and bookbinders260 began to appear in the form of books or exhibition catalogues. Monographs were devoted to such all-round artists as Modest de Casademunt.261 The magazine Coup de fouet was launched during this period. Since 2003 it has been published in Catalan and English by Barcelona City Council’s Institut del Paisatge Urbà and is the organ of an interesting project known as the Art Nouveau European Route. The design is very attractive, with excellent illustrations, and the articles, by authors from many countries, cover topics to do with Art Nouveau all over Europe.

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Thus since the mid-20th century Modernism has become a topic of the utmost interest. This is undoubtedly due to widespread awareness that Modernism was the first great Catalan style of modern times, and indeed virtually the first style since the 15th century that rescued Catalan culture from provincialism, enabled it to take off, and placed it − to an increasing extent − in the international orbit.

Notes and References [1]

[2] [3] [4] [5] [6]

[7]

[8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15]

The term Modernism and all its derivatives, including post-Modernism, are used throughout this article in the sense defined in the following paragraph by the author. Josep Maria Jordà. Ramon Casas, pintor. Catalonia, Barcelona 1932. Josep F. Ràfols. Antoni Gaudí. Editorial Canosa, Barcelona 1928. J. F. Ràfols. El arte modernista en Barcelona. Librería Dalmau, Barcelona 1943. J.F. Ràfols. Modernismo y modernistas. Ediciones Destino, Barcelona 1949. Josep Pla. Rusiñol y su tiempo. Barna, Barcelona 1942. Pla also pays attention to other figures from the Modernist period such as Mir in El pintor Joaquín Mir. Destino, Barcelona 1944, though his vision, of course, is more that of a portrait artist than that of a scholar. Rafael Benet. “Joan Llimona. Dades per a una bio grafia i assaig crític”, La Paraula Cristiana (Barcelona), Vol. III (1926), pp. 301-308 and 494-500, and Vol. IV (1926), pp. 219-227. Rafael Benet. Isidro Nonell y su época. Iberia, Barcelona 1947, and Rafael Benet. Joaquim Vancells. L’home i l’artista. Edicions Figures i Paisatges, Barcelona 1953. A. Cirici Pellicer. Picasso antes de Picasso. IberiaJoaquín Gil, Barcelona 1946. Alexandre Cirici. Gargallo i Barcelona. Editorial Ariel-Fundació Picasso-Reventós, Barcelona 1975. A. Cirici Pellicer. El arte modernista catalán. Aymà editor, Barcelona 1951. Bernardino de Pantorba. Eliseo Meifren. Ensayo biográfico y crítico. Editorial Delta, Barcelona 1942. Quatre Gats. Primer Salón “Revista”. Editorial Barna, Barcelona 1954. Maria Rusiñol. Santiago Rusiñol vist per la seva filla. Aedos, Barcelona 1955. Mario Verdaguer. Medio siglo de vida íntima barcelonesa. Editorial Barna, Barcelona 1957. J.F. Ràfols. Ramón Casas, dibujante. Ediciones Omega, Barcelona s.a.; J. F. Ràfols. “Ramon Casas en el vigésimo quinto aniversario de su muerte”, Goya (Madrid), 18 (May/June 1957), pp. 344-351. J. F. Ràfols. Ramón Casas, pintor. Ediciones Omega, Barcelona s.a.

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[16] Exposición Ramón Casas. Conmemorativa del XXV aniversario de la muerte del artista. Catálogo, text by Alberto del Castillo, Junta de Museos de Barcelona, 1958. [17] Exposición Isidro Nonell. Conmemorativa del L aniversario de la muerte del artista. Catálogo, texts by Enric Jardí and Joan Barbeta, Junta de Museos, Barcelona 1962. Jardí had already published his book on the painter, Nonell i altres assaigs. Selecta, Barcelona 1958. [18] Exposición Renart. Ayuntamiento de Barcelona 1965. [19] Jean Cassou, Emile Langui, Nikolaus Pevsner. Les sources du vingtième sècle. Éditions des Deux Mondes, Paris 1961. [20] An international monograph on Gaudí had just come out at the time: James Johnson Sweeney; Josep Lluís Sert. Antoni Gaudí, Verlag Gerd Hadje, Stuttgart 1960. It had been preceded by another by Le Corbusier. Gaudí. Ed. R.M., Barcelona 1958. [21] Anthony Blunt, Phoebe Pool. Picasso. The formative years, Studio Books, London 1962, and Pierre Daix; Georges Boudaille. Picasso 1906-1906. Ides et Calendes, Neuchâtel 1966. [22] Josep Palau i Fabre. Picasso a Catalunya. Edicions Polígrafa, Barcelona 1966. Josep Palau i Fabre. Picasso i els seus amics catalans. Aedos, Barcelona 1971. [23] Joan Bergós. Gaudí, l’home i l’obra. Ariel, Barcelona 1954. Joan Bergós i Massó. Antoni Gaudí, arquitecte genial. Millà, Barcelona 1972. [24] Isidre Puig Boada. El temple de la Sagrada Família. Barcino, Barcelona 1929. [25] Roberto Pane. Gaudí. Edizioni di Comunità, Milan 1964. [26] Lara V. Masini. Antoni Gaudí. Sadea Sansoni editori, Florence 1969. [27] E. Casanelles. Nueva visión de Gaudí. La Polígrafa, Barcelona 1965. [28] César Martinell y Brunet. Gaudí. Su vida, su teoría, su obra. Colegio de Arquitectos de Cataluña y Baleares, Barcelona 1967. Martinell himself was an important architect and disciple of Gaudí. César Martinell. Construciones agrarias en Cataluña. COACB, Barcelona 1967. [29] Salvador Dalí. “De la beauté terrifiante et comestible de l’architecture Modern style.” Minotaure (Paris, 3/4 1933), pp. 69-76. [30] Clovis Prévost and Robert Descharnes. La visió artística i religiosa de Gaudí. Aymà S.A. editora, Barcelona 1969. The original edition, dated the same year, was published by Edita, Lausanne. [31] Domènech y Montaner. Cuadernos de Arquitectura (Barcelona), Nos. 52-53 (2nd and 3rd quarters 1963). [32] Enric Jardí. Puig i Cadafalch, arquitecte, polític i historiador de l’art. Ariel, Barcelona 1975.

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[33] Oriol Bohigas. Arquitectura modernista. Lumen, Barcelona 1968. The paperback re-editions, from the third edition onwards, were enlarged and revised, and this made the book an established reference work; Oriol Bohigas. Reseña y catálogo de la arquitectura modernista. Catalogue enlarged and revised by Antoni Gonzalez and Raquel Lacuesta, Lumen, Barcelona 1983, 2 vols. [34] Ramon Planes. El Modernisme a Sitges. Selecta, Barcelona 1969. [35] Catalogue of El Modernismo en España, Dirección General de Bellas Artes, Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia, Madrid 1969. A kind of dress rehearsal of this exhibition gave rise to the catalogue Modernismo barcelonés, Ajuntament de Barcelona 1964. [36] Tomàs Llorens. “La renovació modernista a València, en l’urbanisme”. Serra d’Or (Montserrat), 103 (April 1968), pp. 97-101. [37] Eduardo Mangada. “El mercado de Colón en Valencia”. Arquitectura (Madrid, March 1968). [38] Salvador Aldana Fernandez. “Arquitectura mo dernista en Valencia”. Goya, 98 (Madrid, September/ October 1970), pp. 86-93. [39] Inmaculada Aguilar. “Demetrio Ribes (18751921)”. Estudios Pro Arte, No. 11. Barcelona (1977), pp. 50-69. Immaculada Aguilar. Demetri Ribes. Eliseu Climent editor, Valencia 1980. [40] Irene García Antón. “Dos edificios representativos del influjo catalán de 1900 en Alcoy”. Estudios Pro Arte, 7/8. (Barcelona, 1976), pp. 61-68. Irene García Antón. “Problemática alicantina del mo dernismo arquitectónico”. Estudios Pro Arte, 5 (Barcelona 1976), pp. 46-55. [41] Joan Fuster (1902-1992) was a Valencian writer who actively defended the cultural and linguistic unity of the Catalan-speaking lands. [42] Trinidad Simó. La arquitectura de la renovación urbana en Valencia. Albatros Ediciones, Valencia 1973. [43] Miguel Ángel Catalá Gorgues. 100 años de pintura, escultura y grabado valencianos 1818-1978. Caja de Ahorros de Valencia 1978. [44] Miguel Seguí Aznar. La arquitectura modernista en Baleares. Caja de Ahorros y Monte de Piedad de las Baleares, Palma de Mallorca 1975. A first approach to the theme had been made in S. Sebastián; A. Alonso. La arquitectura mallorquina moderna y contemporánea. Palma 1973. [45] Lluís Domènech i Montaner en el 50è aniversari de la seva mort. Lluís Carulla i Canals editor, Barcelona 1973. Ignasi Solà-Morales Rubió. Joan Rubió i Bellver y la fortuna del gaudinismo. Publicaciones del Colegio Oficial de Arquitectos de Cataluña y Baleares, Barcelona 1975. [46] Immaculada Bover. “Arquitectura modernista en Vic”. Estudios Pro Arte, No. 5. Barcelona (1976), pp. 56-63; Mireia Freixa. “Lluís Muncunill, cons-

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[47] [48] [49]

[50]

[51] [52]

[53] [54] [55] [56]

tructor de la ciudad industrial”. Estudios Pro Arte, No. 5. Barcelona (1976), pp. 6-20. Lluís Domènech i Montaner. En el 50è Aniversari de la seva mort 1850-1923. Lluís Carulla i Canals, Barcelona 1973. La arquitectura de J.Mª Jujol. Publicaciones del Colegio de Arquitectos de Cataluña y Baleares, Barcelona 1974. Enric Jardí. Nonell. Polígrafa, Barcelona 1969 (new enlarged edition published in 1984). Enric Jardí Casany. Història de Els Quatre Gats. Aedos, Barcelona 1972. Enric Jardí. Torres García. Ediciones Polígrafa, Barcelona 1973. Enric Jardí. J.Mir. Polígrafa, Barcelona [1975] (new enlarged edition published in 1989). Enric Jardí. Història del Cercle Artístic de Sant Lluc. Destino, Barcelona 1976. Enric Jardí. Jaume Mercadé. Pintor de una tierra. Ediciones Polígrafa, Barcelona 1977. Enric Jardí. Gimeno. Gent Nostra, Edicions de Nou Art Thor, Barcelona 1978. Lluís-Emili Bou i Gibert. “Les anades de Nonell a París”. D’Art, 2, (Barcelona May 1973), pp. 3-19. catalogue of Joaquin Mir (1873-1940). Exposición antológica. Dirección General de Bellas Artes - Ayun tamiento de Barcelona, Madrid 1971; catalogue of Exposición Joaquin Mir (1873-1940), texts by María Teresa Camps Miró and Teresa Basora Sugrañes, Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, Museos Municipales de Arte, Barcelona 1972. María Teresa Camps. Bases para una tipificación de la obra de Joaquín Mir. Estudios Pro Arte (Barcelona), 3 (1975), pp. 6-29. Jaume Socias Palau. Canals. EspasaCalpe, Barcelona 1976. The first period of Joaquim Sunyer, a painter who was well studied by Rafael Benet in Sunyer. Polígrafa, Barcelona 1975, is related to Modernism. Sert, another famous painter of this generation, can only be considered as a Modernist very indirectly, but a very complete monograph was devoted to him very early on Alberto del Castillo; A. Cirici Pellicer. José María Sert, su vida y su obra. Argos, Barcelona 1949. María Victoria Salom. “José Triadó Mayol”. Estudios Pro Arte, No. 7/8. Barcelona (1976), pp. 6-23. Josep M. Infiesta Monterde (coord.), Mercè Escalas Llimona, Manuela Monedero Puig. Josep Llimona y Joan Llimona. Vida y obra. Ediciones de Nuevo Arte Thor, Barcelona 1977. A first version of the part written by Monedero had been published separately in 1966 by Editora Nacional de Madrid. Rafael Santos Torroella. Néstor [su etapa barcelonesa]. Espasa-Calpe, Bilbao 1978. Francesc Xavier Puig Rovira. Els Serra i la ceràmica d’art a Catalunya. Editorial Selecta, Barcelona 1978. Francesc Fontbona. La crisi del Modernisme artístic. Curial, Barcelona 1975. Josep Palau i Fabre. Picasso vivent (1881-1907).

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[57]

[58]

[59] [60] [61] [62] [63]

[64] [65] [66] [67] [68] [69] [70] [71]

Polígrafa, Barcelona 1980. Another two information-packed volumes were yet to appear, covering the life and work of Picasso, who was now an international figure, up till 1926. Eduard Valentí Fiol. El primer modernismo literario catalán y sus fundamentos ideológicos. Ediciones Ariel, Esplugues de Llobregat 1973. Though its repercussions on the field of art were slighter, we must also refer to another book − Joan Lluís Marfany. Aspectes del Modernisme. Curial Barcelona 1975 − which made a major contribution to the assessment of the Modernist movement in general. José M. Infiesta (coord.). Modernismo en Ca taluña (authors: Juan Bassegoda, José Casanovas, José Mª Garrut, J. M. Infiesta, Joaquín Marco, Jaime Socías). Ediciones de Nuevo Arte Thor, Barcelona 1976. Maria Dolors Fulcarà i Torroella. Girona i el Modernisme. Instituto de Estudios Gerundenses, Girona 1976. Josep Mainar. El moble català. Photographs by Francesc Català Roca. Destino, Barcelona 1976. La Franja is the name given to the Catalan-speaking part of Aragon. Eliseu Trenc Ballester. Les arts gràfiques de l’època modernista a Barcelona. Gremi d’Indústries Gràfiques de Barcelona, 1977. Eliseu Trenc-Ballester. “El renacimiento del exlibris en Cataluña, en la época modernista”. Estu dios Pro Arte, 4. (Barcelona 1975), pp. 51-61. Eliseu Trenc-Ballester. “Santiago Rusiñol: del realismo al simbolismo”. Estudios Pro Arte, 5. (Barcelona 1976), pp. 64-75. Eliseu Trenc-Ballester. “Adrià Gual grafista modernista”. Serra d’Or, 223. (April 1978), pp. 243-251. Victoria Salom Vidal. “El cartel modernista catalán”. D’Art, 5. Barcelona (September 1979), pp. 78101. Francesc Fontbona. “La crítica d’art en el Moder nisme català (primera aproximació)”. Daedalus, 1. Barcelona (1979). George Collins. Antonio Gaudí. Georges Braziller Publisher, New York 1960. Rosemarie Bletter. El arquitecto Josep Vilaseca i Casanovas. Sus obras y dibujos. Colegio de Arquitectos de Cataluña y Baleares, Barcelona 1977. Marilyn McCully. Els Quatre Gats and Modernista painting in Catalonia in the 1890s. University Microfils International, Ann Arbor-London 1978. Joseph Phillip Cervera. Modernismo: The Catalan Renaissance of the Arts. Garland Publishing Inc., New York and London 1976. Marilyn McCully. Els Quatre gats. Art in Barcelona around 1900. The Art Museum, Pinceton University, 1978. Art i modernitat als països catalans. Katalanische

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[72]

[73] [74] [75]

[76] [77]

[78] [79]

[80] [81] [82] [83] [84] [85] [86] [87]

[88]

Kunst des 20. Jahrhunderts. Staatliche Kunsthalle, Berlin 1978. André Barey. Barcelona: de la ciutat pre-industrial al fenomen modernista. La Gaya Ciencia, Barcelona 1980; David Mackay. L’arquitectura moderna a Barcelona (1854-1939). Edicions 62, Barcelona 1989. This work had previously been published in English: Modern Architecture in Barcelona, 1854-1939 (Anglo-Catalan Society occasional publications, Sheffield 1985). Simbolisme a Catalunya. Museu d’Art de Sabadell 1983. Francesc Fontbona, Francesc Miralles. Del Modernisme al Noucentisme (1888-1917). Edicions 62, Barcelona 1985. Marçal Olivar. El Modernisme. In Dolça Catalu nya. Gran Enciclopèdia temàtica catalana. L’art a Catalunya-II. Editorial Mateu, Barcelona 1983, pp. 135-210. Olivar had already published a short but magnificent study on Carles Casagemas (Daedalus, Barcelona 1979). Actes del Col·loqui Internacional sobre el Modernisme, Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1988. Josep Emili Hernández-Cros, (ed.). Catàleg del Patrimoni Arquitectònic Històrico-Artístic de la Ciutat de Barcelona. Ajuntament de Barcelona 1987. Noucentism was the dominant current in Catalan art immediately after the Modernist period, from approximately 1911 onwards. Francesc Fontbona. La pintura modernista en España. In Hans H. Hofstäter. Historia de la pintura modernista europea. Editorial Blume, Barcelona 1981, pp. 247-274. Mireia Freixa. El Modernismo en España. Cátedra Cuadernos de Arte, Madrid 1986. Francesc Fontbona. Las claves del arte modernista. Ariel, Barcelona 1988. Cristina Mendoza. Barcelona modernista. Planeta, Barcelona 1989. Homage to Barcelona. Arts Council of Great Britain, London 1985. Homage to Catalonia. Barcelona Art City. KobeKamakura-Gifu 1987. Modernismen i Katalonien. Kulturhuset and Gene ralitat de Catalunya, Stockholm 1989. Arte Grafikoak Euskadin eta Kataluinan. Gobierno Vasco-Dpto. de Cultura y Turismo, Vitoria-Gasteiz 1989. Antoni Gaudí. Manuscritos, artículos, conversaciones y dibujos. Ed. Marcià Codinachs, Comisión de Cultura del Colegio Oficial de Aparejadores y Arquitectos técnicos - Galería-Librería Yebra Consejería de Cultura del Consejo Regional, Murcia 1982. George R. Collins, Joan Bassegoda Nonell. The

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[89] [90] [91] [92] [93]

[94] [95]

[96]

[97]

[98]

[99]

designs and drawings of Antonio Gaudí. Princeton University Press, Princeton 1983. Tokutushi Torii. El mundo enigmático de Gaudí. Instituto de España, Madrid 1983. Carlos Flores. Gaudí, Jujol y el modernismo catalán. Aguilar, Madrid 1982. Joan Bassegoda Nonell. El gran Gaudí. Ausa, Sabadell 1989. Antoni Gaudí (1852-1926). Fundació Caixa de Pensions, Barcelona 1984. Joan Bassegoda i Nonell. Lluis Domènech i Montaner. Gent Nostra, Edicions de Nou Art Thor, Barcelona 1980; and Consol Bancells. Sant Pau. Hospital Modernista. Edicions de Nou Art Thor, Barcelona 1988. The author of the latter study was to play an important role, notably in the diffusion of Modernist decorative arts, through other publications and initiatives. Manuel García-Martín. Benvolgut Palau de la Música Catalana. Catalana de Gas, Barcelona 1987. Catalogue of the exhibition Lluís Domènech i Montaner i el director d’orquestra. Fundació Caixa de Barcelona, Barcelona 1989-90, written by Lluís Domènech i Girbau, Lourdes Figueras i Burrull, Roser Domènech i Amadó. Joan Bassegoda i Nonell. Puig i Cadafalch. Gent Nostra, Edicions de Nou Art Thor, Barcelona 1985; catalogue of the exhibition Josep Puig i Cadafalch: l’arquitectura entre la casa i la ciutat, Fundació Caixa de Pensions, Barcelona 1989-90, with texts by Judith Rohrer, Ignasi de Solà Morales, Xavier Barral, Josep Termes, Alba Casellas, Josefina López, Hermínia Ordeig, Lluïsa Vallicrosa. L’arquitectura modernista a Vic. Una proposta didàctica. Eumo Editorial, Vic 1987. Mireia Freixa. “Progressisme i tradició a l’arquitectura de Lluís Muncunill”. D’Art, No. 6-7 Barcelona (1981), pp. 194-206; Jesús Francesc MASSIP. “L’arquitectura en ferro a Tortosa: el Mercat Públic (1884-1887)”. D’Art, No. 11 Barcelona (1985), pp. 191-215; Pere Melero i Sánchez, Josep Maria Romance i Sinués. El Modernisme a Sabadell. Editorial Ègara, Terrassa 1987; Lluís Cuspinera. Manifestacions de l’art modernista a La Garriga. La Garriga 1988. Manuel García-Martín. Vidrieres d’un gran jardí de vidres. Catalana de Gas y Electricidad, Barcelona 1981. Joan Vila-Grau, Francesc Rodon. Els vitra llers de la Barcelona modernista. Edicions Polígrafa, Barcelona 1982. Catalogue of the exhibition Contrallums. Vitralls de l’Eixample, Ajuntament de Barcelona 1983. Catalogue of the exhibition El vi trall modernista, Departament de Cultura, Gene ralitat de Catalunya, Barcelona 1984. Francesc Cabana, Asunción Feliu. Can Torras dels ferros: 1876-1985. Torras, Ferreria i Construccions, S.A., 1987.

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[100] These included Manuel García-Martín. La casa Lleó Morera. Catalana de Gas, Barcelona 1988, in addition to the studies mentioned in previous notes. [101] Catalogues of the following exhibitions: Nonell, Ajuntament de Barcelona, Serveis de Cultura, Barcelona 1981. Ramon Casas. Retrats al carbó. Ajuntament de Barcelona, Serveis de Cultura, Barcelona 1982. Ramon Casas. Exposició, Ajuntament de Barcelona, Serveis de Cultura, Barcelona 1982. Santiago Rusiñol. Exposició antològica commemorativa del cinquantenari de la seva mort, Departament de Cultura i Mitjans de Comunicació de la Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona 1981. [102] Vinyet Panyella. Epistolari del Cau Ferrat 1889-1930. Grup d’Estudis Sitgetans, Sitges 1981. [103] Heidi Johanna Roch. Santiago Rusiñol (1861-1931). Ein Beitrag zur Kunst des ausgehenden 19. Jhs. in Katalonien. Peter Lang, Frankfurt am Main 1983. [104] Francesc Fontbona. “Picasso, aspectes desconeguts de la seva joventut”. Serra d’Or, No. 262-263. (Montserrat 25 July 1981), pp. 51-56; Francesc Fontbona. Picasso en la Barcelona postmodernista. catalogue of the exhibition. 1881-1981. Picasso i Barcelona. Ajuntament de Barcelona 1981, pp. 1014; Francesc Fontbona. Picasso und Barcelona, catalogue of the exhibition Der Junge Picasso, Kunstmuseum, Bern 1984, pp. 46-51. [105] Elisée Trenc-Ballester. “Alexandre de Riquer, ambassadeur de l’art anglais et nord-américain en Catalogne”, Mélanges de la Casa de Velazquez, Vol. XVIII. Paris (1982), pp. 311-359. Elisée TrencBallester. “Rapports d’Alexandre de Riquer avec l’art français, belge, allemand, autrichien et italien”. Mélanges de la Casa de Velazquez., Vol. XIX. Paris (1983), pp. 317-346. Joan Lluís de Yebra. Alexandre de Riquer i l’exlibrisme. Universitat de Barcelona 1983. Catálogo de la exposición Alexandre de Riquer 1856-1920. Text by Eliseu Trenc Balles ter, Caixa de Barcelona. Obra Social, Barcelona 1985. Eliseu Trenc Ballester; Alan Yates. Ale xandre de Riquer (1856-1920). The British Connection in Catalan Modernisme, The Anglo-Catalan Society, Exeter 1988. [106] Francesc Fontbona, Francesc Miralles. AngladaCamarasa. Polígrafa, Barcelona 1981. [107] Catalogue of the exhibition Darío de Regoyos 18571913. Texts by Juan San Nicolas, Francisco Calvo Serraller, Francesc Fontbona. Fundació Caixa de Pensions, Barcelona 1986. [108] Jaume Soler. J.M.Tamburini. Fundació Caixa de Barcelona - Àmbit Serveis Editorials, Barcelona 1989. [109] Enrique García Herraiz; Carmina Borbonet. Ismael Smith, gravador. Biblioteca de Catalunya- Calcografía Nacional, Barcelona-Madrid 1989. [110] Apel·les Mestres (1854-1936). En el cinquantenari de la seva mort 1936-1986. Fundació Jaume I, Bar-

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celona 1985. Apel·les Mestres, Fundació Caixa de Barcelona 1986. [111] Jordi Castellanos. Raimon Casellas i el Moder nisme. Curial – P.A.M., Barcelona 1983, 2 vols. [112] Carme Sala i Giralt. Miquel Blay, un gran mestre de l’escultura moderna. Diputació Comarques Gironines, Olot 1981. [113] Pilar Vélez. El llibre com a obra d’art a la Catalunya vuitcentista (1850-1910). Biblioteca de Catalunya, Barcelona 1989 [1990]. [114] Núria de Dalmases, Daniel Giralt-Miracle. Argenters i joiers de Catalunya. Photographs by Ra mon Manent. Destino, Barcelona 1985. [115] Núria de Dalmases Balañá, Antonio José Pitarch. Arte e Industria en España, 1774-1907. Blume, Barcelona 1982. [116] Mª Pia Subias Pujadas. Pujol i Bausis, centre productor de ceràmica arquitectònica a Esplugues de Llobregat. Ajuntament d’Esplugues 1989. [117] Francesc Fontbona. “La ilustración gráfica. Las técnicas fotomecánicas”. In: Summa Artis. Historia General del Arte. El grabado en España (siglos xix y xx), Espasa-Calpe, Madrid 1988, pp. 427-607. [118] Núria Casals. “El cartellisme i l’Anís del Mono.” Carrer dels Arbres, 18 (Badalona, 1981), and the catalogue of the exhibition El concurs dels Cigarri llos, París, Buenos Aires, 1901, Cajamadrid, Barcelona 1984. [119] Miquel Utrillo. Història anecdòtica del Cau Ferrat. Grup d’Estudis Sitgetans, Sitges 1989. [120] Trinidad Simó. Arquitectura y Urbanismo. 18741920. In: Vicente Aguilera Cerni (Ed.). Historia del arte valenciano, Biblioteca Valenciana, Valencia 1987, Vol. 5 (Entre dos siglos), pp. 65-85. [121] Gabriele Fahr-Becker. Jugendstil, Könemann. Cologne 1996 (also published in Spanish). [122] François Loyer. L’Art Nouveau en Catalogne. Le Septième Fou, Geneva 1991 (Spanish edition published by Taschen, Cologne 1997). [123] Mireia Freixa. El Modernisme a Catalunya. Barcanova, Barcelona 1991. Joan Campàs. L’art modernista. Una visió històrica. Barcanova, Barcelona 1993. [124] Eliseu Trenc. Bibliografia crítica del Modernisme. In Francesc Fontbona (Ed.). El Modernisme, Volume IV, Edicions L’Isard, Barcelona 2003, pp. 265-301. [125] “Escolta Espanya”. Catalunya i la crisi del 98. Museu d’Història de Catalunya-Proa-Departament de Cultura, Barcelona 1998. [126] Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de Cultura, Barcelona 1990. [127] Oriol PI de Cabanyes. Cases modernistes de Cata lunya. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1992. [128] El Modernisme. Olimpíada Cultural – Lunwerg, Barcelona 1990, 2 vols.

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[129] Albert Garcia Espuche. El Quadrat d’Or. Centre de la Barcelona modernista. Olimpíada CulturalLunwerg, Barcelona 1990. In addition to this catalogue, an extremely useful guide to a selection of buildings was published under the title El Quadrat d’Or. 150 cases al centre de la Barcelona modernista. Guia. Olimpíada Cultural – Ajuntament de Barcelona 1990. The authors, Garcia Espuche himself, Santi Barjau and Teresa Navas, drew on an exhaustive study by Lluís Aragó. The Olimpíada Cultural S.A. − chaired by the mayor of Barcelona, with the participation of the Spanish Olympic Committee, the Generalitat, COOB92, and the Spanish Ministry of Culture − promoted an exhibition entitled L’artista al seu taller (1990), devoted to the magnificent portraits of artists by the Modernist photographer Francesc Serra i Dimas. [130] R. Lacuesta, A. González. Arquitectura modernista en Cataluña. Editorial Gustavo Gili, Barcelona 1990. [131] Cercle Artístic de Sant Lluc 1893-1993. Cent anys. Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de Cultura, Barcelona 1993. [132] El Greco. La seva revaloració pel Modernisme català. Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, Barcelona 1996-97. [133] Albert Arnavat (Ed.). Reus 1900. Segona ciutat de Catalunya. Ajuntament de Reus – Fundació “la Caixa”, Reus 1998. [134] Mestres de la pintura catalana. Asahi Shimbun/ Generalitat de Catalunya, Tokyo 1990. [135] Da Gaudí a Picasso. Il Modernismo catalano. Fondazione Giorgio Cini, Venice 1991. [136] Fundación Santillana, Santillana del Mar 1990. [137] Editorial Hermann Blume, Barcelona 1992. [138] Electa, Madrid 1993. [139] L’obra arquitectònica de Pere, Joaquim i Bonaventura Bassegoda (1856-1934). Caixa de Catalunya, Barcelona 1995. [140] Col·legi d’Arquitectes de Catalunya / Lunwerg Editores, Girona-Barcelona 1996. [141] Mireia Freixa. Lluís Muncunill (1868-1931). Caixa Terrassa - Lunwerg, Barcelona 1996. [142] Raquel Lacuesta, Josep I. de Llorens. Cèsar Martinell, Col·legi d’Arquitectes de Catalunya, Barcelona 1998. [143] Joan Bassegoda Nonell. Gent Nostra. Jujol, Labor, Barcelona 1990. An exhibition on Jujol was held in Paris that same year: Josep Maria Jujol architecte. 1879-1949, Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris 1990. Nor was this the only international initiative devoted to Jujol. [144] Santi Barjau. Gent Nostra. Sagnier. Labor, Barcelona 1992. [145] Josep M. Mas i Solench. El Palau de Justícia de Barcelona. Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona 1990. [146] Rosa Alcoy. El cementiri de Lloret de Mar. Inda-

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gacions sobre un conjunt modernista. Ajuntament, Lloret de Mar 1990. [147] Santiago Alcolea i Gil. Els edificis de la Caixa d’Estalvis de Sabadell. Fundació Caixa de Sabadell, Sabadell 1994. [148] All published in Barcelona by Catalana de Gas, which has been known since 1993 as Gas Natural. [149] Manuel de Solà-Morales i Rosselló. Visió sintètica de l’arquitectura “modernista” i la seva incidència a Olot. Comissió dels Premis Ciutat d’Olot, Olot 1990; Ignasi Segon, Jaume Serra, Anna Torruella. El Modernisme a Manresa. Raima, Manresa 1996. Maria Dolores del Castillo Álva-rezCedrón. Cent obres modernistes d’Igualada. Ajuntament d’Igualada – Fundació Caixa de Manresa, 1999-2000. [150] Francesc Fontbona (coord.) El Cercle del Liceu. Història, art, cultura. Cercle del Liceu, Barcelona 1991. [151] Josep de C. Laplana. Santiago Rusiñol, el pintor, l’home. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1995. Margarida Casacuberta’s extensive monograph, published in 1997, is not included here because it focusses on Rusiñol as a writer. [152] Rusiñol et son temps. Éditions Hispaniques – Université de Paris-Sorbonne, Paris 1994. [153] Isabel Coll. Rusiñol. Gràfiques Llopart, Sant Sadurní d’Anoia 1990. [154] Isabel Coll Mirabent. S. Rusiñol. Editorial Ausa, Sabadell 1992. [155] Francisco Iturrino. Santiago Rusiñol. Jardins d’Es panya. Bancaixa, Valencia 1993. Santiago Rusiñol (1861-1931). Obra pictórica y literaria. Fundación Caixa Galicia, La Coruña 1996. Rusiñol. Caja de Ahorros de Navarra, Pamplona 1999. Els jardins de l’ànima de Santiago Rusiñol. Fundació Caixa de Girona, 1999 (the exhibition was also held in Sabadell). [156] Erika Bornay. Aproximación a Ramon Casas a través de la figura femenina. Editorial Ausa, Sabadell 1992. [157] Isabel Coll. Ramon Casas. Una vida dedicada a l’art. El centaure groc, Barcelona 1999. A Spanish edition appeared slightly later. [158] Francesc Miralles. Joaquim Mir al Camp de Tarragona. Diputació de Tarragona-Museu d’Art Modern. Columna, Tarragona-Barcelona 1998. Later Miralles was to published more monographs about later periods in Mir’s life. [159] Jordi A. Carbonell i Pallarès. Francesc Gimeno. Diccionari Ràfols, Barcelona 1990. [160] Juan San Nicolás. Darío de Regoyos 1857-1913. Tomo I (1857-1900). Diccionari Ràfols-Edicions Catalanes, Barcelona 1990. [161] M. Vidal Solé, P. Maisterra. Meifrén. Ausa, Sabadell 1991. [162] Alfonso Alcolea. Ramon Casas. Ausa, Sabadell 1990.

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[163] Adrià Gual, mitja vida de Modernisme. Diputació de Barcelona, 1992. [164] Aleix Clapés 1846-1920. Ajuntament de Vilassar de Dalt, 1998. [165] Marcy Rudo. Lluïsa Vidal, filla del Modernisme. La Campana, Barcelona 1996. Later on this book gave rise to a travelling exhibition organized by “La Caixa”. [166] Rafael Manzano. Pere Ysern Alié 1875-1946. Edicions Catalanes S.A., Barcelona 1990. [167] Emili Fontbona 1879-1938 Escultor. Museu Frederic Marès, Barcelona 1999. [168] El París de Anglada-Camarasa. Generalitat de Cata lunya, Barcelona-Madrid 1994. [169] Anglada-Camarasa a Montserrat. Fundació Caixa de Manresa, 1993. [170] Anglada-Camarasa al Gran Hotel. Fundació “la Caixa”, Palma de Mallorca 1993. [171] Joaquim Mir cincuenta años después. Banco BilbaoVizcaya, Madrid 1990. [172] Joaquim Mir al Camp de Tarragona. 1906-1914. Fundació “la Caixa”, Palma de Mallorca 1991. [173] Joaquim Mir, itinerari vital. “la Caixa”, Palma de Mallorca 1997. [174] Los Pichot, una dinastía de artistas. Centro Cultural del Conde-Duque, Madrid 1992. [175] Prudenci Bertrana. La presó de l’ànima. Diputació de Girona - Museu d’Art de Girona 1999. [176] Ramon Casas. El modernismo pintado (text by Isabel Coll Mirabent). Caixavigo, Saragossa 1998; Ramon Casas. Caja de Ahorros de Navarra, Pamplona 1999. [177] Xavier Gosé (1876-1915). El París de la Belle Époque. Fundación Cultural MAPFRE VIDA, Madrid 1999. [178] Lola Caparrós Masegosa. Prerrafaelismo, Simbolismo y Decadentismo en la pintura española de fin de siglo. Universidad de Granada, 1999. [179] Francesc Fontbona. Gent Nostra. Pidelaserra. Labor, Barcelona 1991. Josep Ll. Alcofar. Gent Nostra. Cusachs. Barcelona 1991. Josep Sánchez i Ferré. Gent Nostra. Maillol, Barcelona 1991. [180] Hortensi Güell. “la Caixa” - Museu Comarcal S. Vilaseca, Reus 1993. Laura Albèniz 1890-1944. Fundació Caixa de Manresa, 1993. Joaquim Pla Janini. Fundació “la Caixa” - Lunwerg, Barcelona 1995. [181] Francesc Miralles. Olaguer Junyent. Cetir, Barcelona 1994. [182] Manuel García-Martín. Sert a l’Argentina i Espanya. Gas Natural, Barcelona 1995. [183] Cristina Mendoza. Ramon Casas. Retrats al carbó. Editorial Ausa – MNAC, Barcelona 1995. [184] Nicolau Raurich 1871-1945. Visions mediterrànies. Editorial Ausa, Barcelona-Sabadell 1996. The curator of this exhibition was Teresa Moreno, who had written her doctoral thesis on Raurich. [185] Santiago Rusiñol (1861-1931). MNAC – Funda-

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ción Cultural MAPFRE VIDA, Barcelona-Madrid 1997. [186] Mª Teresa Ocaña (Ed.). Picasso. Paisatges 18901912. Lunwerg - Museu Picasso, Barcelona 1994; Mª Teresa Ocaña (Ed.). Picasso i Els 4 Gats. Lunwerg - Museu Picasso, Barcelona 1995; Mª Teresa Ocaña (Ed.). Picasso. La formació d’un geni, 18901904. Lunwerg - Museu Picasso, Barcelona 1997. [187] La col·lecció Raimon Casellas. MNAC – Museo del Prado, Barcelona - Madrid 1992. [188] Gaspar Homar. Moblista i dissenyador del modernisme. MNAC – Fundació “la Caixa”, Barcelona 1998. [189] Ex-libris modernistes. Fundació “la Caixa”, Barcelona 1996. [190] Cent anys d’ex-libris del Modernisme a l’actualitat. Caixa de Sabadell, 1997. [191] Javier Pérez Rojas, José Luís Alcaide. Del Mo dernismo al Art Déco. La Ilustración gráfica en Valencia. Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fer nando – Universitat de València, Madrid – Valencia 1991. [192] Los inicios de la modernización en Alicante 18821914. CAM, Alacant 1999. [193] Irene García Antón. La Casa-Museu Modernista de Novelda. CAM Fundación Cultural, Alacant 1994. [194] El Modernisme en la Comunitat Valenciana. Gene ralitat Valenciana, Valencia 1997. [195] Passat i present del Gran Hotel. Fundació “la Caixa” Illes Balears, Barcelona 1993. [196] Laureà Barrau. “Sa Nostra” Obra Social i Cultural, Eivissa 1996. [197] Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1994. [198] Giovanni Fanelli; Ezio Godoli. Dizionario degli illustratori simbolisti e Art Nouveau, Florence 1990. [199] Jordi Carulla et al. Catalunya en 1000 cartells, des dels orígens fins a la Guerra Civil, Postermil S.L., Barcelona 1994. Jordi Carulla, Arnau Carulla. España en 1000 carteles. Postermil, Barcelona 1995; Jordi Carulla, Arnau Carulla. La publicidad en 1000 carteles. Postermil, Barcelona 1998, 2 vols. [200] Pilar Vélez. Joies Masriera, 200 anys d’història. Àmbit, Barcelona 1999. [201] Joaquim Renart. Diari 1918-1961. Curial – Fundació Revista de Catalunya – Proa, Barcelona 19952003 (still in progress). The manuscript has been slightly edited and shortened by eliminating references to excessively domestic matters; in 1975 a very condensed, one-volume edition had been issued by Destino in Barcelona. [202] Francesc Fontbona (Ed.). Repertori d’exposicions individuals d’art a Catalunya (fins l’any 1938), compiled by Antònia Montmany, Montserrat Navarro, Marta Tort, Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1999, and Repertori de catàlegs d’exposicions col·lectives d’art a Catalunya (fins l’any 1938), compiled by Antònia Montmany, Teresa Coso, Cristi-

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na López, Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 2002. [203] Francesc Fontbona (Ed.). El Modernisme. Edicions L’Isard, Barcelona 2002-2004, 5 volumes. [204] Lluís Permanyer, Lluís Casals. Josep Puig i Cadafalch. Ed. Polígrafa, Barcelona 2001. [205] Joan Bassegoda Nonell, Antoni Pladevall i Font, Carme Puyol i Torres. L’arquitecte Puig i Cadafalch a Osona. El Casal de Sobrevia 100 anys. LL.T.S., Seva 2001, and Ramon Balius i Juli et al. Josep Puig i Cadafalch. La casa Company.... Genera litat de Catalunya – Secretaria General de l’Esport, Barcelona 2002. [206] In exhibitions such as Pintors i escultors amics de Gaudí. The catalogue, which bears the same title, was published by Fundació Francisco Godia. Barcelona 2002. [207] Gijs Van Hensberhgen. Gaudí. Harper Collins Publishers Ltd. 2001. [208] Isabel Artigas. Antoni Gaudí. Obra completa 1852-1926. Evergreen-Taschen GmbH, CologneBarcelona 2007. [209] Lluís Domènech i Girbau (Ed.); Marc Llimargas i Casas (photographs). El Palau de la Música Catalana de Lluís Domènech i Montaner. Fundació Orfeó Català, Palau de la Música - Lunwerg Editores Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Barcelona 2000. [210] Albert Balcells (Ed.). Puig i Cadafalch i la Cata lunya contemporània. Jornades Científiques de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Secció Històrico-Arqueològica, Barcelona 2003. [211] Rusiñol desconegut/desconocido. Ajuntament de Sitges-Ministerio de Cultura, Sitges 2006. [212] Miquel Seguí Aznar. El Modernisme a les Illes Ba lears. Arquitectura i Decoració. Govern de les Illes Balears, Barcelona 2000. [213] Pilar Soler i Gordils. El Modernisme. Quaderns de la Revista de Girona – Diputació de Girona – Caixa de Girona 2001. [214] Lluís Cuspinera i Font. La Garriga, crònica d’una destrucció. Rourich, Sant Cugat del Vallès 2000. El Modernisme a Terrassa. Ajuntament de Terrassa – Lunwerg, Barcelona 2002. Lluís Bru: fragments d’un creador. Ajuntament d’Esplugues de Llobregat, 2005. Mercè Vidal i Jansà (Ed.). Cicle de conferències sobre Patrimoni i Ciutat – Esplugues i el moder nisme. Grup d’Estudis d’Esplugues, Ajuntament d’Esplugues de Llobregat 2000. Núria Gil Duran. “Modernisme a Tortosa i a Amposta?”. Revista de Catalunya, 194. Barcelona (April 2004), pp. 65-96. Cuspinera had also studied Modernism in Les Franqueses and Granollers. [215] Isidre Nonell 1872-1911. Museu d’Art Modern, MNAC / Fundación Cultural MAPFRE VIDA, Barcelona-Madrid 2000. [216] Ramon Casas. El pintor del Modernisme. Fundación

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Cultural MAPFRE Vida – MNAC, Barcelona-Madrid 2001. [217] Marian Pidelaserra 1877-1946. Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya-Fundación Cultural MAPFRE VIDA, Barcelona-Madrid 2002-2003. [218] Anglada-Camarasa [1871-1959]. Fundación Cultural MAPFRE VIDA, Madrid 2002. [219] Joaquim Mir 1873/1940. Fundación Cultural MAPFRE VIDA, Madrid 2004. [220] Jujol dissenyador. MNAC – Fundació “la Caixa”, Barcelona 2002. [221] MNAC, Barcelona 2002. [222] 4 Gats de Casas a Picasso. Museu Diocesà – Bancaja, Barcelona 2005. [223] Paris-Barcelone 1888-1937. Réunion des Musées Nationaux – Museu Picasso, Paris-Barcelona 2002. Editions of this catalogue were also published in Catalan and Spanish. [224] Idée nationale et architecture en Europe 1860-1919. Finlande, Hongrie, Roumanie, Catalogne [symposium held at the Institut Hongrois de Paris, 2003]. Presses Universitaires de Rennes, Rennes 2006. [225] Prelude to Spanish Modernism, Fortuny to Picasso. The Alburquerque Museum, Alburquerque, New Mexico 2005. [226] Barcelona and Modernity: Picasso, Gaudí, Miró, Dalí. Cleveland Museum of Art and Yale University Press, New Haven and London 2006. [227] Catalani a Parigi / The Catalan painters and Paris. Brescia Mostre Grandi Eventi-International Service-Editorial Mediterrània, Brescia 2002; Moder nismo e Avanguardia. Picasso, Miró, Dalí e la pittura catalana. Maria-Josep Balsach (Ed.), Skira, Cremona 2003. [228] Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam 2007. [229] El Modernismo catalán, un entusiasmo. Fundación Santander-Central-Hispano, Madrid 2000. [230] Modernismo catalán. Fundación Caja Vital Kutxa, Vitoria-Gasteiz 2002. [231] Santiago Rusiñol en Granada. La visión simbolista. Junta de Andalucía – Caja de Granada, Granada 2001. [232] Eliseo Meifrèn i Roig. Museo del siglo xix, Valencia 2001. [233] Isidro Nonell. Antológica. Ibercaja, Saragossa 2007. [234] Miquel Blay i Fàbrega 1866-1936. L’escultura del sentiment. Fundació Caixa de Girona-Museu Comarcal de la Garrotxa, Olot 2000. [235] Neus Peregrina. Arts aplicades modernistes a Terrassa. Museu de Terrassa, 2000. [236] Pablo Gargallo. IVAM, Valencia 2004. [237] Andreu Solà Vidal (1863-1902). Després de l’oblit. Comissió Promotora de l’any Solà, Ripollet 2003. [238] Carles Mani. Un modernista al marge. Fundació Caixa de Tarragona, Tarragona 2007. [239] Francesc Fontbona. Carles Mani, escultor maleït.

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Vienna-Museu d’Art Modern de Tarragona, Barcelona-Tarragona 2004. [240] El món d’Anglada-Camarasa. Obra Social Fundació “la Caixa”, Barcelona 2006. [241] Un segle de paisatgisme a les Illes Balears. Es Baluard, Museu d’Art Modern i Contemporani de Palma, 2007. [242] Maria Isabel Marín Silvestre. Cercle Artístic de Barcelona 1881-2006. Primera aproximació a 125 anys d’història. Reial Cercle Artístic, Barcelona 2006. [243] Maria Carme Illa. Catàleg raonat dels ex-libris catalans de la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres, Barcelona 2007. The Modernist period was the heyday of Catalan book plates. [244] Francesc Miralles, Charo Sanjuán. Anglada-Camarasa y Argentina. Ausa, Sabadell 2003. [245] Francesc Fontbona, Francesc Miralles. AngladaCamarasa. Dibujos. Catálogo razonado. Editorial Mediterrània, Barcelona 2006. [246] Jordi À. Carbonell i Pallarès. Joaquim Vancells. Caixa Terrassa – Lunwerg, Barcelona 2002. [247] Maria Isabel Marín. Eusebi Arnau. Gent Nostra. Infiesta Editor, Barcelona 2006. [248] Maria Isabel Marín Silvestre. L’obra medallística de l’Escultor Eusebi Arnau. Societat Catalana d’Estudis Numismàtics - IEC, Barcelona 2005. [249] M. Lluïsa Faxedas. “Anglada-Camarasa i el Simbolisme rus, 1900-1914”. Revista de Catalunya, 191. Barcelona (January 2004), pp. 23-52. Yuri R Saveliev. “Anglada-Camarasa a Rússia, a través de la revista” Mir Iskusstva in the catalogue El món d’Anglada-Camarasa, referenced above, pp. 3643. [250] Glòria Escala i Romeu. Gaspar Camps. Gent Nostra. Infiesta Editor, Barcelona 2004. Juan Carlos Bejarano Veiga. Gaspar Camps. Gent Nostra. Infiesta Editor, Barcelona 2005. [251] Josep de C. Laplana, Mercedes Palau-Ribes

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O’Callaghan. La pintura de Santiago Rusiñol. Obra completa. Editorial Mediterrània, Barcelona 2004, 3 vols. [252] Vinyet Panyella. Santiago Rusiñol. El caminant de la terra. Edicions 62, Barcelona 2003. [253] Anna Sawicka. Paryz –Barcelona - Sitges. Modernistyczny genius loci w kataloníi z perspektywy Santiago Rusiñola. Ksiegarnia Akademicka, Cracow 2003. [254] Lourdes Jiménez Fernández. “La recepció de la imatge wagneriana pels modernistes catalans”. Revista de Catalunya, 154. (Barcelona - September 2000). The author, who lives in Malaga, has devoted several other studies to the same topic. [255] Pilar Vélez. De les arts decoratives a les arts industrials in Xavier Barral (Ed.). Art de Catalunya. Vol. 11, Edicions L’Isard, Barcelona 2000, pp. 176 et sqq. [256] Teresa-M. Sala. La Casa Busquets. Una història del moble i la decoració del modernisme al déco a Barcelona. Memoria Artium, Barcelona-Girona-Lleida 2006. This was the fruit of a doctoral thesis, which had been condensed by the author herself into a brief monograph published in 1989. [257] Sílvia Carbonell Basté, Josep Casamartina Parassols. Les fàbriques i els somnis. Modernisme tèxtil a Catalunya. Centre de Documentació i Museu Tèxtil, Terrassa 2002. [258] Santi Barjau Rico, Víctor Oliva Pascuet. Barcelona. Art i aventura del Llibre. La Impremta Oliva de Vilanova. Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2002. This work also covers the Noucentist period. [259] Javier Gimeno. La medalla modernista. MNAC, Barcelona 2001. [260] Aitor Quiney. Hermenegildo Miralles. Arts gràfiques i enquadernació. Biblioteca de Catalunya, Barcelona 2005. [261] Pia Subias. Modest de Casademunt. Museu d’Art de Sabadell, 2001.

About the Author Francesc Fontbona de Vallescar holds a Ph.D. in modern history from the University of Barcelona. He is a full member of the Reial Acadèmia de Belles Arts de Sant Jordi in Barcelona and a member of the Section of History and Archeology of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans. He is also an honorary member of the Hispanic Society of America in New York. He has served on the Spanish Ministry of Culture’s Junta de Calificación, Valoración y Exportación de Bienes del Patrimonio Histórico Español and is currently the chairman of the Junta de Qualificació, Valoració i Exportació de Béns del Patrimoni Històric i Artístic de Catalunya, the equivalent heritage board of the Generalitat de Catalunya (Catalan government). He is the director of the Unitat Gràfica of the Biblioteca de Catalunya in Barcelona and the author of numerous books and papers on his specialized subject.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 133-147 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.9 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

The Francoist Repression in the Catalan Countries Conxita Mir*

Universitat de Lleida

Abstract This article offers an overview of Francoist repression in the Catalan Countries from the outbreak of the Civil War to the first decade after the establishment of the dictatorship. It covers both physical violence and measures such as economic repression, imprisonment, professional purges and the social and moral control to which the population as a whole was subjected. First the type of violence and domination exercised by the insurgents in the territories occupied is briefly examined. Then the author offers an account of the events: she commences in the summer of 1936 in Majorca, the only Catalan-speaking territory to remain in rebel hands, then proceeds to the Lleida region, which was occupied in the spring of 1938, and concludes with the final offensive against Catalonia and Valencia, launched in the winter of that same year. Special stress is laid on the repercussions of the 1939 Law of Political Responsibilities and the meaning attached by the occupiers to the pacification and reconstruction of the conquered territories.

Key words: Francoism, repression, political violence, Civil War, post-war period, economic repression

The widespread attention paid in recent years to the debate over the memory of the Civil War, the Franco dictatorship, and the treatment given to victims of the hostilities and the repression is a sign, above all, that the difficulty of reconciling individual and collective memories still subsists.1 The controversy, far from being specific to our own country, is reminiscent of the experiences of other countries, such as Germany, Italy and Russia, that suffered dictatorial regimes of their own at some time during the crisis that affected Europe in the first half of the 20th century. Another good example is provided by the ‘paths of memory’ followed by Latin American countries which have emerged from military dictatorships imposed during the second half of the century. Everywhere it has been necessary to draw the slender dividing line between historical and critical knowledge of the past, on the one hand, and diverse memories of that past on the other. In Catalonia the Fundació Pi i Sunyer, to mention one nearby example, invited several historians and jurists to a symposium in June 2007 on “Violence and justice in Catalonia between 1936 and 1975”. The aim was to stimulate reflection on the meaning of the different forms of violence and repression and the legal and administrative

* Corresponding author: Conxita Mir i Curcó. Facultat de Lletres. Campus del Rectorat. Pl. Víctor Siurana, 1. 25003 Lleida, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 973 702147. Fax: +34 973702050. E-mail: cmir@historia.udl.cat

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procedures recorded all over Catalonia between the outbreak of the Civil War and the end of dictatorship. As a result, certain brief conclusions − always based on the more intensive and rigorous historical research undertaken from the 1980s onwards − were made public. The idea was to influence the debate on the topic, a debate not devoid of biased, self-interested interpretations, which frequently ignore the fact that all these forms of violence arose out of the military insurrection of July 1936.2

Violence and Domination The victory of the democratic Left in the election held in February 1936, at a time when the rising tide of Fascism in its various forms was reaching its climax, confirmed civil society’s preference for a progressive Republic. A few months later, part of the army rose against the Republic. Furthermore, in those places where the coup failed − as occurred in the greater part of the Catalan Countries − a parallel revolutionary movement broke out which, in the early stages, the Republican authorities were unable to control. These spontaneous outbreaks of violence initially received a boost from repressive acts committed by militants from various groups and political organizations acting under instructions that can in no way be attributed to the Republican government.3 Once the government had

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Figure 1. Remains of the barricades erected at the intersection of Carrer Cavallers and Carrer Major when General Franco’s troops entered the city of Lleida. Porta collection - University of Lleida.

recovered from the surprise, it not only publicly condemned the extremism but attempted to halt it and helped those persecuted by the revolutionaries to escape or go into exile. In contrast, the violence perpetrated by the insurgents at the same period was conceived as a tool for destroying parliamentary democracy, a prior step towards the imposition of a new social order. Those who had risen against the Republic followed the lead of Europe’s growing Fascist movement by internalizing the Civil War as a campaign to defend western civilization against Soviet barbarity. This campaign was based on the defence of order, religion and social harmony, values which had supposedly been endangered by the Republicans, or ‘Reds’, as they were generically termed. The rebels’ corpus of doctrine exalted the use of force and violence. Consequently it was the all-powerful army which took charge of the chastisement of society, an operation baptized by the Church as a ‘crusade’. Those who had rebelled against the legally constituted Republic considered they had been called upon to carry out a historical mission that did not need the legitimating support of society.4 Thus they set out to destroy the legitimate government and the structures that upheld it through the perpetual use of ‘war-time decrees’ and to demobilize and subdue the population by subjecting them to fear and terror.5 From the legal point of view, once a state of war had been declared and the primacy of military power was ratified,

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the door was open to the proliferation of special jurisdictions, which efficiently backed up the emergency application of summary justice. The proceedings of courts such as the Tribunales de Responsabilidades Políticas (Political Responsibilities Tribunals), the various commissions set up to purge the administration, and the provincial authorities in charge of maintaining public order, are our best sources of information as to the meaning of the Francoist legal system, which afforded protection to the repressive measures that were systematically applied immediately after the July 1936 rising.6

Summer 1936: The Triumph of the Coup in Majorca On 18 July 1936, the island of Majorca was the only Catalan-speaking area to fall into rebel hands. Despite the lack of culprits who could be accused of violent opposition to the coup, the plan of repression implemented from the very first days precisely matched what the rebels had defined in advance as urgent ‘surgical’ extermination. The title of a book on the history of the Civil War in the village of Porreres − Desfilades de dia, afusellaments de nit (Parades during the day, shootings at night) − accurately reflects how the routine violence that got underway after the victory of the military coup on the island was turned into a daily spectacle.7

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Catalonia, Valencia and Minorca remained on the Republican side, but in Majorca hundreds of arbitrary executions took place, while many other people were tried and had their property confiscated, and still others finished up in prisons and concentration camps scattered round the island. Josep Massot gives us the most vivid account of the situation. He tells how Alberto Bayo, a lieutenant colonel in the Air Force, tried to win back the Balearics for the Republic in August 1936 – not just Majorca, but Eivissa, Formentera and Cabrera as well, where the rebellion had initially been victorious – and relates the sinister wave of repression that was unleashed in response to his landing. This reaction can hardly be described as ‘uncontrolled violence’ since it involved seeking out the leaders of leftwing parties and labour organizations, along with teachers, journalists, professional people and Free Masons, who were unable to leave the island. Some civilians did take part, however, at the head of secret bands of exalted right-wingers − most, but not all of them Falangists − and it was they who identified the persons to be eliminated. These even included Republicans who had originally been released for lack of charges.8 According to eye-witnesses accounts, two days after the military rising some 1,500 suspects had been imprisoned. It is difficult to estimate how many deaths were imputable to the repression that took place between the summer of 1936 and the first quarter of 1937 − the date of the arrival of the Italians headed by ‘Count Rossi’ − because many of the victims were from elsewhere or had no relatives. Not long after the events, Georges Bernanos, in Les Grands Cimetières sous la lune (Paris, 1938), referred to 3,000 dead. Some later considered this an exaggeration, while others believed it fell short of the truth. Current estimates range from a minimum of 1,000 − the number of fully documented executions − to a maximum of 2,000. Only a few hundred were tried by a military court before being killed.9 David Ginard has no hesitation in describing the Balearic archipelago, which had only 300,000 inhabitants, as one of the most severely punished areas in the Catalan Countries or in Spain. It was here, in his view, that the rebels, by the way they dealt with the popular classes of democratic and left-wing ideology, revealed their determination to stamp out any possible upsurge of protest. Neither fear of Bayo’s militia force which was trying to reconquer lost territory, nor the island’s strategic situation or social structure can account for the ruthlessness of their acts. The only explanation for the reprisals that were carried out immediately wherever the coup was successful is to be found in the underlying logic of terror.

Spring 1938: Lleida and the Segre front When the Aragon front collapsed in the spring of 1938, part of the region around Lleida fell into rebel hands. The

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victors occupied a stretch of territory running north to south along the Noguera Pallaresa and Segre rivers. For nine months the new front along the banks of these two rivers held. The only weak points were the bridgeheads at Seròs (Segrià), Balaguer and Baronia de Sant Oïsme (Noguera), and Tremp (Pallars Jussà). In all these strategic areas, fierce fighting took place and the Republican army failed to force the occupiers to retreat. At the Balaguer bridgehead, attempts by the Republicans to recapture positions such as Déu hill − nicknamed El Merengue (The Meringue) − caused hundreds of casualties. Today the spot has been restored as a memorial site at the instigation of veterans of the contingent due for call-up in 1941, which received particularly severe punishment on this front. These soldiers, who were mobilized at the tender age of eighteen (seventeen in some cases), have been remembered, year after year, by the Associació d’Excombatents de la Quinta del Biberó (Association of ex-combatants of the ‘baby-bottle contingent’). The name comes from an expression coined by Frederica Montseny, then Minister of Health, moved at the sight of these youths − barely more than adolescents − who had been sent to fight after just a few days’ military training.10 Soon the consequences of political repression were added to the numerous military casualties on the Segre front. In the Lleida region − unlike Majorca −, by the time Franco’s troops arrived many of those with political links to the Republic had retreated to the rearguard, while many of those involved in rearguard revolutionary violence had fled. This, however, did nothing to abate the fury of the occupiers, which was vented upon a defenceless, exhausted population, living in a backward region that had been further impoverished by the proximity of the front. As soon as the troops arrived, arbitrary, systematic violence got underway. Military courts started operation immediately. José María Fontana, a Falangist from Tarragona, bore witness in his memoirs to the consequences of the arrival of Franco’s troops in Lleida: the occupation of Catalonia, he maintained, took place in a fairly levelheaded manner, except for what he describes as “the blemish” of Lleida. The euphemism recalls the cost of the occupation, in human terms, which still cannot be accurately assessed today. Various studies by historians such as Josep Mª Solé, Joan Vilarroya, Manel Gimeno, and later Mercè Barallat and Joan Sagués, report that repression in the Lleida region was indiscriminate and resolute, and was carried out by the military authorities in cooperation with the Falangists and local right-wingers. Dozens of non-combatants were executed merely on the grounds that they were perceived as sympathetic towards the Republican cause. Certain extremely violent acts were perpetrated against women from the Pallarès region. These are documented by the historian Manel Gimeno and are highly reminiscent of the fate of five nurses from Bayo’s expedition to Majorca, who were captured, brutally raped, and finally shot. The latter episode is better known than those in the moun-

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Conxita Mir

Figure 2. The streets of Lleida when General Franco’s troops entered the city. Collection of the Biblioteca Nacional.

tains of Lleida, possibly because at the time it aroused controversy even among the regime’s supporters, some of whom tried to exculpate their fellow Francoists on the grounds that Republican women deserved little respect.11 In any event, the number of extrajudicial deaths recorded in Majorca and the Lleida region was extremely large, as is pointed out in the chief summary on the topic to appear to date: Víctimas de la guerra civil (Temas de Hoy, 1999), edited by Santos Julià. Even so, the figures quoted in the book for the total number of victims caused by repression in each province are constantly being updated. In Lleida, for instance, the historian Mercè Barallat puts the number of persons executed under sentence from a military court at 558, rather than 450 as stated by Solé Sabaté. She also provides evidence of the shooting of 148 Republicans who were never tried by a war tribunal and the deaths of 169 political prisoners, and estimates that hundreds of undocumented deaths occurred, presumably as the result of uncontrolled violence during the initial phase of the occupation, when the cemetery was on the Republican side of the front that divided the city in two.12 If similar variations are found elsewhere, as several local studies containing detailed statistics indicate, the total of 3,385 victims of Francoist repression in Catalonia, which was established nearly twenty years ago and referred to by Francesc Vilanova as the “numerical canon”, must of necessity be revised in an upward direction.

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Figure 3. Ceremony in front of La Paeria (Lleida City Hall) in Lleida in memory of the dead of one of the opposing sides in the Civil War. Archive of the Ateneu Popular de Ponent.

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Winter 1938: the Start of the Offensive against the rest of Catalonia and the Valencian Country At the end of 1938, the front established the previous spring in the provinces of Lleida and Castelló was broken and the occupation of Catalonia and the Valencian Country got underway. By early February 1939, Franco’s troops had reached the French border. The city of Valencia was not to fall until March. During the last weeks before the final defeat, some 15,000 refugees gathered at the port of Alacant to be evacuated. Many were leading Republicans, who were trapped there waiting for ships that were never able to drop anchor. They suffered the same fate as the rest of the multitude who were taken prisoner when the ports were closed. Some highly arbitrary acts were again recorded in this final phase of the war, notably in the southern regions belonging to the provinces of Tarragona and Lleida, such as Conca de Barberà, Terra Alta and Les Garrigues. As the historian Josep Termes underlines in his last work, Misè ria contra pobresa. Els fets de la Fatarella de gener de 1937 (Afers, 2005), these were poor regions where the outbreak of the Civil War had triggered social conflicts that had been brewing for years. Despite this, military tribunals were set up in the regional capitals and certain smaller localities near the front and soon began operation. Later on it was at the military courts (Auditorías de Guerra) in the provincial capitals that the accused, many of them villagers, were sentenced and, if found guilty, executed. In Barcelona, over 1,600 executions took place in the open air at the Camp de la Bota in the Poble Nou district, an area that was totally transformed by the building of the site for the 2004 Forum of Cultures. Elsewhere in Catalonia people were usually shot against cemetery walls. Consequently the largest mass graves, containing the bodies of dozens of executed Republicans, are to be found in graveyards. Some 500 people were buried in each of the mass graves in the cemeteries of Tarragona and Lleida. From the mid-1940s onwards, at least in Lleida, a few families were give permission to erect crosses. These were nearly always made of wood and could only bear the name of the person they wanted to remember and the date of death. As time went by, further expressions of mourning took place and latterly the number has increased. The families of those executed − those who had descendants − have never stopped visiting the graves. Many, however, are still awaiting the official ‘dignification’ of these spaces of memory. What they want is neither more nor less than what was done in the 1980s at the Fossar de la Pedrera in Montjuïc cemetery − an abandoned quarry where most of the Republicans shot in Barcelona were secretly buried − where the remains of the Catalan President Lluís Companys, executed at the fortress of Montjuïc in 1940, were transferred on 15 October 1985. According to Vicent Gavarda, close to 5,000 people were executed in Valencia. This would bring the total

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number of deaths that can be laid down to Francoist repression in the Catalan Countries to between 10,000 and 11,000. In other words, the bloodiest of all forms of violence affected 2.34 of every thousand inhabitants.13 The end of the war was especially dramatic in the Valencian Country, where the sea constituted an insuperable barrier. The thousands of people captured there finished up in jail or in one of at least thirteen concentration camps which were set up. The unusual features of the repression recorded in the region can best be explained by these large masses of people. Summary executions, ordered as a matter of urgency, were carried out in the cemeteries of many small localities. As Vicent Gavarda perspicaciously remarks, they were part of the practice known as sacas ejemplares, i.e. the ‘exemplary removal’ of prisoners from the camps to take part in ‘identity parades’ in their localities of origin before being publicly shot. Some mass graves in the Valencian Country, like those in Catalonia, were ‘dignified’ in the early 1980s. Among them was the one in Paterna cemetery, where over two thousands executions were carried out. The same did not occur in the cemetery of the city of Valencia, where a mass grave containing the bodies of victims of Francoist reprisals remained unmarked and badly neglected until very recently. The spot, moreover, is now in danger of disappearing altogether as a result of the City Council’s plan to redevelop the area. This same plan, however, also conferred symbolic status on to the spot in the spring of 2006 and sparked off the various protests that have been staged in the autonomous community of Valencia ever since in support of the recovery of memory and the right to remembrance.14 In Catalonia half the executions carried out by the Franco regime took place in 1939. Some 1,000 people were put to death in the period from May to July, an average of 10 per day. Though high, this figure falls far short of the one quoted at the time by Count Ciano, Mussolini’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, who claimed that 150 executions a day were taking place in Barcelona in July.15 Nor should these data lead us to overlook the fact that it was the Catalan countryside that suffered most acutely from the repression. In Valencia the repression was most severe in northern regions such as Camp del Túria, Baix Maestrat, Safor, Vall d’Albaida, Ribera Alta and Ribera Baixa, where the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour − CNT) was present and therefore experiments in collectivization had been conducted. Moreover the harshest phase of the repression, which lasted from the end of the war to 1942 or 1943 elsewhere, continued well into the 1950s in Valencia, until the Partido Comunista de España (Communist Party of Spain − PCE) called a halt in 1951 to the intensive guerrilla activity that had been taking place in the area. The Agrupación Guerrillera de Levante (Guerrilla Group of Eastern Spain − AGLA) was a well-established force deployed in the mountainous zone that straddles the provinces of Teruel, Cuenca, Valencia and Castelló. In 1947, as Fernanda Romeu recounted some years ago, it

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comprised over 2,000 fighting men and women, not counting liaison agents on the plain. It is not easy to give a date for the cessation of guerrilla action but all the studies carried out confirm that the “three years of terror” − in the words of the historian Francisco Moreno − were those from 1947 to 1949. The recent biography of the Communist leader Heribert Quiñones, that of the Catalan resistance fighter Marcel·lí Massana, “a myth of the anarchist guerrilla movement”, and the history of the anarchosyndicalist Ramon Vila, ‘Caracremada’, a prototypical urban guerrilla fighter who was considered “the last Catalan resistance fighter”, all seem to confirm this.16

War, Post-War Period, and Victims Josep Benet, one of the first historians to calculate the cost of the Civil War and the Franco regime in human terms, expressed the view that Catalonia lost around 125,000 inhabitants, counting military casualties, those executed by both sides, and those who went into exile. Today this figure seems very conservative. Benet’s definition of the victims, despite its broad span − for it includes losses due to the fighting, the two waves of repression, the penalties imposed in the post-war period, and exile − proves fairly operational, since it enables us to break down the figures and grasp the implications of the defeat. Out of a total population of 2,791,292, according to the 1930 census, Catalonia lost approximately 45,000 young people on the front or in hospitals, some 5,000 in bombing raids, 8,500 as a result of rearguard repression, and nearly 4,000 to Francoist repression during and after the war. To these must be added the approximately 2,000 Catalans sent to Spanish and Nazi prisons and concentration camps, deaths due to explosions and accidents caused by abandoned war materials – an estimated 1‰ of the Catalan population −, deaths imputable to disease or starvation, and the loss to society of the 50,000 to 70,000 Catalans who are currently estimated to have fled into permanent exile. It may be possible to reach more accurate estimates once the data gathered by the Catalan Generalitat since January 2003 as part of the project “Fosses comunes i persones desaparegudes durant la guerra civil i el franquisme” (Mass graves and persons who disappeared during the Civil War and the Franco regime), which are still being compiled, are known. In the approximately 150 mass graves studied so far, some 9,000 persons were buried without identification, most of them soldiers who died on the battlefront. More precise data may also be yielded by the study “El Cost Humà de la Guerra Civil a Catalunya”, when it is completed. This project, originally launched by Josep Benet at the “Centre d’Història Contemporània de Catalunya” (CHCC) − an organization set up in 1984 of which he was the first director −, has now resumed.17 For the Valencian Country it is more difficult to make overall estimates. It has been calculated that 460 people

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were killed and 648 were wounded in the bombardment of Alacant between November 1936 and December 1938. In the city of Valencia, 825 people are believed to have been killed in bombing raids during the same period. Close to 3,000 are thought to have been wounded in the bombing of the ports of Gandia, Borriana, Sagunt and Dénia, an operation which – as Ismael Saz observes in Història del país Valencià, corresponent a l’Època Contemporània (Edicions 62, 1990) − was motivated, not only by military factors, but economic and psychological considerations as well. Approximately 10,000 Valencians are believed to have gone into permanent exile. The losses in the Catalan Countries as a whole were on such a scale as to be irreparable, as they were throughout Spain: out of a total population of 23,677,095, according to the 1930 census, between 500,000 and 600,000 lost their lives as a result of the war or its aftermath. Emergency summary justice was the foremost tool of repression. Countless Republicans were tried by war tribunals. They were charged − paradoxically, as has so often been pointed out − with armed rebellion. In 2003, the President of the present-day military court with jurisdiction over Catalonia, Aragon, the Balearic Islands and Navarre − the Tribunal Militar Territorial Tercer − set up a committee composed of representatives of the Spanish Ministry of Defence and the Catalan autonomous government, the Generalitat. Its mandate was to catalogue the records of the proceedings initiated in Catalonia between 1939 and 1988 currently in the possession of the tribunal, which has headquarters at the Gobierno Militar (seat of the Military Governor) in Barcelona. A first data base, for localization purposes, was created out of individual records. It contains approximately 110,000 prosecutions involving some 146,000 persons, since the charges were often against several accused. These are the figures available so far, and they also reveal that over half the trials took place during the early decades of the dictatorship. In the Valencian Country it is calculated that approximately 8,000 prosecutions were brought by war tribunals in the immediate aftermath of the war. Many, as usually happened, were against several people and thus the number of persons charged is higher. Other partial data tell us, for instance, that more than 5,000 people were tried by war tribunal in Tarragona. In terms of the 1936 census, this means that 15.2‰ of the population were affected.18 The number of death sentences passed after the war ended was enormous: 50,000 executions were added to the 100,000 that had taken place all over Spain during the hostilities. In 1939 and 1940, a total of 300,000 prison sentences were also pronounced, and between 370,000 and 500,000 people were interned in one or other of the concentration camps set up under the provisions laid down in the spring of 1937 at the Generalísimo’s headquarters. As many as sixteen camps seem to have been in operation in Catalonia until 1942, in cities including Barcelona, Reus, Figueres, Lleida and Cervera. Documentation to this effect is provided by the young

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historian Aram Monfort in a recent study of the concentration camp in the Horta district and the various prisons that existed in Barcelona at the time. Among them were the Presó Model, on Carrer Numància, which was extensively studied by Pelai Pagès some time ago, the convent of Sant Elies, in the district of Sant Gervasi, the Cànem prison, a former spinning mill in the Poble Nou district belonging to the Godó family, who also owned the newspaper La Vanguardia Española, and the Palau de les Missions, a building designed by the architect Antoni Darder in 1929, which was part of the Montjuïc trade fair. Women were imprisoned in the building known as Casa dels Duran (Duran being the name of the former owners) and, prior to the Civil War, as Asil del Bon Consell. It was located in the district of Les Corts, on the site where the department store, El Corte Inglés, was built in the 1970s. There was a military prison in Montjuïc castle as well, and several detention centres, including the basement of Banca Tusquets, at the corner of Plaça d’Urquinaona and Via Laietana, and the Jefatura de Policía (police headquarters), which stood on the square now known as Plaça Francesc Macià. In the network of concentration camps and jails that covered the whole of Catalonia, overcrowding was rampant and living conditions appalling, as many former prisoners recall. One, the socialist senator from Tarragona, Josep Subirats Piñana, related the time he spent in the Pilatos prison in his own city, while Maria Salvo, through the historian Ricard Vinyes, gave an account of the imprisonment of militants from the Joventuts Socialistes (Young Socialists). The monthly figures for each province which were sent to the Servicio Nacional de Prisiones (National Prison Service) − subsequently to become a general directorate − enable us to calculate that the total number of detainees in Catalonia at the beginning of January 1940 was 27,309. In the Catalan capital alone there were 14,509, of whom 1,184 were women.19 These large numbers posed problems for the regime itself and soon steps were taken to remedy the congestion and take advantage of the labour of prison and camp inmates. A system whereby sentences could be commuted through work was introduced by the Jesuit José Agustín Pérez del Pulgar and the Servicio de Colonias Penitenciarias Militarizadas (Militarized Penal Colony Service), out of which a system of prison workshops developed. This new manpower, along with that of the numerous Batallones de Trabajadores (Workers’ Battalions) made up of previously classified soldiers from the Republican army, was all channelled into a forced labour system, the existence of which was concealed for many years. Once its repercussions were discovered, some commentators had no hesitation in describing it as “slave labour”.20 Most prisoners, moreover, suffered severely from being separated from family and friends. Release on parole, a measure introduced in 1940, and the pardons that were granted with some regularity from 1945 onwards, helped slightly to alleviate the hardship. Bans on residence were

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maintained nonetheless and, following the establishment in 1943 of the Servicio de Libertad Vigilada (Conditional Release Service), many paroled prisoners had to report periodically to the authorities. All these measures amounted to an impregnable system of coercion, supported by a wide variety of techniques aimed at investigation, depuration and chastisement.

Political Responsibilities and Economic Repression Once Franco had been invested with full legislative power and the criminal code had been suspended pending approval of the revised code in 1944, a new legal framework was gradually built up within which special jurisdictions of different types proliferated. The aim of the latter was to complement the exceptional powers of the military tribunals, which remained in force until the Tribunal de Orden Público (Public Order Tribunal) was set up in 1963. Three laws were of special importance: the Ley de Responsabilidades Políticas (Law of Political Responsibilities, 9 February 1939), the Ley de Represión de la Masonería y el Comunismo (Law for the Repression of the Masonry and

Figure 4. A bill of indictment on grounds of political responsabilities against Humbert Torres, a leader of Joventut Republicana (Republican Youth organization) and a former mayor of Lleida.

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Communism, 1 March 1940), and the Ley de Seguridad del Estado (Law of State Security, 29 March 1941). The economic repression carried out under the Law of Political Responsibilities was conceived as a means whereby the assets of the families of those punished could be used to pay for their guilt. This principle began to be regularly enforced in the course of the hostilities. The penalties were also designed to finance the rebuilding of the country, its destruction being attributed to the acts of the defeated. In Catalonia the pattern was the same as in other areas of Spain that had come under Franco’s rule: the despoliation of the vanquished began immediately after the occupation, in the spring of 1938. In occupied areas such as Majorca and Lleida, aside from irregular seizures of property, which also took place, the occupiers set up Comisiones Provinciales de Bienes Incautados (Provincial Commissions of Confiscated Property) to seize the assets of parties, associations and individual opponents of the regime, notably if the latter had died or fled, as was fairly often the case. The documentation available shows that only 25% of those prosecuted had been located before being judged by the special regional tribunals set up under a new law, which took over the functions of the original commissions. It has been calculated that over 25,000 of the 2,791,292 inhabitants of Catalonia listed in the cen-

Figure 5. Often the accused were put on trial in groups, as is shown by this indictment for political responsabilities brought in the Lleida region.

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sus were prosecuted by the Tribunal of Political Responsibilities. Much still remains to be discovered about the true extent of this tribunal’s activities. According to data for the whole of Spain, over 300,000 proceedings had been instituted by 1944. Often, as with the war tribunals, there were several accused. Some 125,000 verdicts were brought in between 1939 and 1941, approximately 10,000 in the province of Barcelona. Nearly 4,000 prosecutions were made in Lleida. All in all, 1% of the population was affected, though the consequences were multiplied by the fact that, in practice, the sanctions affected the entire family of the accused.21 Analysis of the law reveals, among other things, numerous violations of the principle of legality: its effects were made retroactive to 1934; deceased persons and minors could be held responsible, as could those who had disappeared or were absent and therefore unable to defend themselves; and the families of the accused inherited their guilt and could incur economic sanctions. Certain additional penalties, such as disqualification for particular offices or professions, or imprescriptible loss of nationality, even violated the Franco regime’s own laws. The members of these special tribunals were appointed by the government and drawn from the army, the magistracy − purged of hostile elements − and the Falange (Falange Española Tradicionalista y de la JONS). Among the seventeen grounds for prosecution (article 4), one of the most important was previous conviction by a military court, in other words, a prior conviction for the same offence. Owing to the criminal, penal nature of the law, a fine was obligatory, unless the accused was acquitted or a stay of proceedings was granted. Fines ranged from 100 pesetas to the confiscation of all the accused’s assets. The restriction of professional activities and the limitation of freedom of residence could include a ban on exercising particular professions, various forms of banishment or, as mentioned above, loss of nationality. According to Manuel Alvaro Dueñas, the State expected this legislation to bring in 5% of the wealth of each province but in practice it proved impossible to execute the sentences. Thus in September 1941, 85% of the cases had not yet been tried or were awaiting a verdict. Urgent amendments were needed to make the law more effective. This was done in 1942. In 1945 it was repealed, though a Comisión Liquidadora de Responsabilidades Políticas (Commission for the Discharge of Political Responsibilities) remained in operation until the 1960s. The poverty of most of those charged does much to explain the inefficacy of this legislation which, like all repressive measures, had a largely exemplary function. It was just one more element in the travesty of Franco’s justice, the aim of which, in effect, was to instil fear into the population by hunting down and punishing culprits. Even so, some sizeable fortunes were seized under the law, and it is these that have left the clearest traces in the historiography. As Francesc Vilanova’s thorough analysis

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reveals, prominent members of the Catalan bourgeoisie were investigated and accused of being lukewarm towards the new regime. Not even those who had worked for Franco’s cause escaped. For instance, the politicians Lluís Duran i Ventosa and Felip Rodés − the latter was a former minister of the Crown − were both denounced for their alleged loyalty to the Catalan nationalist cause. Proceedings were also instituted against Agustín Calvet, ‘Gaziel’ − the journalist, editor and editorialist of La Vanguardia under the Second Republic, who was close to the entourage of Franco’s minister Eduardo Aunós − and against his employer Carles Godó. Industrialists who were former members of the Lliga Regionalista (Regionalist League – a conservative Catalan nationalist party), such as the Bertrand Serra family or the Vilardell Permanyer brothers, were also prosecuted, while Regionalist leaders of the stature of Raimon d’Abadal i Caldero, Ramon d’Abadal i de Vinyals, Joaquim Balcells and Jesús Cambó Torras, a nephew of the politician Francesc Cambó, were investigated on the grounds that they had been too slow in voicing support for the regime. Inevitably, all politicians associated with the Catalan autonomous government, the Generalitat, appeared before the special Tribunal of Political Responsibilities. The three children of the former Catalan President Francesc Macià were accused “because of who their father was” and despite the fact that their father had died on Christmas Day 1933, outside the limit of retroactivity (1934) specified in the law itself. The brothers of President Lluís Companys were also prosecuted. The youngest of the four, Camil Companys, was sentenced five months after his own tragic death in Montpellier (he committed suicide there on 20 September 1940, shortly after his brother Lluís was handed over by the Gestapo to Franco’s police). Other distinguished Republican citizens who were prosecuted included Eduard Ragasol, a property-owner from Caldes de Montbui who was the lawyer of Acció Catalana (Catalan Action, another conservative Catalan nationalist party), Joan Lluhí i Vallescà, and two men from Lleida, Josep Mª España i Sirat, a minister of the Generalitat, and Humbert Torres, a former mayor of the city. Charges were also laid against the Hurtado and Pi i Sunyer families and the Rubió i Tudurí brothers. Another eminent citizen, Pere Coromines, saw his house in Sant Pol converted into the headquarters of the Falange, while the newspaper that belonged to the Rahola family of Girona was seized. Two former mayors of Barcelona, Carles Pi i Sunyer and Jaume Aiguader i Miró, were prosecuted, as were the vast majority of the Republicans who had been elected to the municipal councils of Catalonia’s towns and villages, and workers and union leaders from all over the country, though the latter, if they had not already fled the country, were first brought before the war tribunals. Intellectuals, artists and professional people were not immune from the effects of the legislation. Charges were

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Figure 6. The assets of the Macià family were valued by the Tribunal of Political Responsabilities at close to 3 million pesetas. In 1942 Joan Macià was sentenced to the confiscation of his property, Josefina Macià was fined 50,000 pesetas, and Maria Macià was fined 500,000 pesetas. In the case of Joan Macià, it was proved that he had no property because he had sold his rightful share in the inheritance to his sister Maria before going into exile in Mexico and a stay of proceedings was granted. Maria and Josefina, on the other hand, paid their fines, though the appeal they lodged was successful and the full amount was later reimbursed.

brought, for instance, against the painters Joaquim Balcells and Joaquim Mir, while Rafael Battestini, a Catalan nationalist doctor from Tarragona, was accused after he had already been shot, as Joan Mª Thomas has pointed out. Of special interest, because of the sentences handed down, are the cases of the architect Josep Lluís Sert and the musician Pau Casals, who was fined one million pesetas in 1940.

The Institutionalization of the Purge of Professional People On 10 February 1939 the Ley de Depuración de Funcio narios Públicos (Law for the Depuration of Public Servants) came into force. It had irreversible consequences on professional people from a wide range of sectors. From this time onwards, civil servants were subject to a law that had been promulgated to guarantee their loyalty and submission. All government employees − from teachers to magistrates, via the lower echelons, such as postmen (exhaustively studied by Juan Carlos Bordes Muñoz in a doctoral thesis defended in 2003 at the Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia [UNED]) or prison employees − had to prove their innocence. When faced with the humiliating experience of publicly renouncing past ideals and conduct, some prepared documents summarizing the evidence for the defence which, in the words of historian Francisco Morente, were “extraordinarily adroit”. He re-

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lates, for instance, how a student from the teacher training college in Valencia defended himself against a charge of “Leftism” with “a long and erudite string of quotations from Franco and José Antonio (!)”. His skilful defence won praise from the purge commission itself. Teachers were persecuted with special ferocity, especially if they were thought to have assimilated liberal and democratic ideals such as those imparted at the Catalan Generalitat’s teacher training college. The research carried out by Francisco Morente, and that of Solomó Marquès, who studied the collective prestige of teachers in exile in Mexico and Venezuela, reveals that one of every six Catalan teachers was permanently banned from the profession, while others were transferred elsewhere or temporarily suspended without pay. The numbers increase even more if we take into account the fifty government-run secondary schools that were handed over to religious orders, who thus recovered their monopoly over secondary education. Over four hundred teachers fled the country, becoming victims of a defeat that was to have an overwhelming impact on education and culture. This has been clearly illustrated by Jaume Claret in a study of academia, a group located at the apex of the broad pyramid of workers who suffered the consequences of the new regime’s policy of exclusion. In Catalonia at least 135 university professors were purged. Today they are commemorated by a memorial set up in 2001 in the courtyard at the Ciutadella campus of the Universitat Pompeu Fabra. It bears the names of the 122 teaching staff known to have been purged at the time it was erected. Pompeu Fabra, after whom the university is named, had been chairman of the board of trustees of the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, founded in 1933 by the government of the Republic. He himself was purged and indicted on various counts at the end of the war. Another name is that of Pere Bosch i Gimpera, a professor of prehistory who became chancellor of the University of Barcelona (1933) and Catalan minister of justice (19371939). He went into exile first in Oxford and then in Colombia before settling in Mexico and refused all invitations to return to Spain. The professor of philosophy Joaquim Xirau i Palau also went into exile with his brother Josep, a professor of criminal law, who was killed in an accident in Mexico in 1946. Other scientists and scholars who were purged included 71 professors of medicine, among them August Pi i Sunyer and Jesús M. Bellido. The memoirs which many of them left behind contain vivid recollections of this repression, which stifled any voice that might have challenged a new form of higher education “..redeemed from Marxism and incorporated into Nationalist Spain”.22

Punishments and Crimes An article dedicated by Xavier Lacosta to the Francoist repression in Majorca bears the title “Fusilados sin culpa en

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Mallorca: los inocentes de la guerra civil” (The shooting of the blameless in Majorca: the innocent victims of the Civil War).23 And indeed, as early as the summer of 1938, the tenuous link that always existed between guilt and punishment was apparent in the wave of repression unleashed in Majorca. From the very start, lists of people to be shot, drawn up by civilian supporters of the new regime, became a feature of Franco’s justice. This form of collaboration was especially rife in the countryside, where the effects of the violent repression were most extreme. This is shown by a wide variety of documents relating to charges and proceedings through which the mechanisms underlying the institutionalization of the new order can be perceived. Under this new order, the efficacy of the violence is seen to be inextricably linked to the re-establishment of former networks of political domination and loyalty based on clientelism and caciquism, which the brief period of Republican democracy had not had time to neutralize. Denunciation, a method exalted from above, was a way of becoming actively involved in the repression, either voluntarily or under duress. The fact that reports from mayors, priests, civil guards and the leaders of the local Falange were a compulsory feature of the proceedings is clear proof of this. The same applied to charges for political responsibilities or those to do with professional purging. These compulsory reports clearly illustrate to what extent, in repressive practice, the judgement preceded the crime. Agreement was reached in advance over the official reports, testimony and statements to be submitted to the appropriate judicial authority and there is no perceptible discrepancy between the different authorities or institutions called upon to express an opinion about the accused. This system, in effect, relied on fear, which was all-pervasive, and on the caution exercised by those who had already joined, or aspired to join, the new power block, as also happened in other European dictatorships where similar methods of repression and social control were used. Charges brought against members of the lower classes, who lacked individual and material resources and influential friends to appeal to, were the most numerous and also the ones in which the true nature of Francoist legality − predominated by the absence of general norms, arbitrariness and impunity − are most faithfully reflected. This does not mean, however, that eminent personalities were spared. A prime example was the trial of the Catalan President Lluís Companys before the war tribunal.24 Others were the trials of Carles Rahola − studied by Josep Benet −, that of CNT leader Joan Peiró − analysed by Albert Balcells −, and that of the members of the Barcelona Civil Guard − studied by Manuel Risques −. In each case, the proceedings explicitly confirm the aleatory nature of the judicial actions and the absence of the presumption of innocence. Moreover, as we observe the situation that gradually evolved, we are prompted to take account of the repercussions, in a society under surveillance, of other mechanisms of repression and control which, though less

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obvious, are equally important when it comes to determining to what extent, and in what way, the country that had just emerged from a destructive war was rebuilt under the dictatorship.

Pacification and Reconstruction Lleida was the first major Catalan city to discover what taking possession of conquered territory meant to the occupiers. General Yagüe’s troops entered the city on 3 April 1938. Two days later, pacification got underway with the first official act: the repeal, by the government in Burgos, of the Catalan Statute of Autonomy. Ten days after the city was occupied, the first civil governor, Lluís G. Ventalló i Vergés, addressed the citizens of Lleida in a proclamation which referred to the “separatist yoke” and “the crime of separatism”, and finished up with “Long live Spanish Lérida!”, preceded by “¡Arriba España!” and followed by “¡Viva el Generalísimo Franco!”. Thus, in the midst of a serious moral and economic crisis, the repression of the Catalan language and culture commenced. The consequences of this repression were analysed by Josep Benet in a book with a highly explicit title: L’intent franquista de genocidi cultural contra Catalunya (Barcelona, 1995) (The Francoist attempt at cultural genocide against Catalonia). Almost a year before the war ended, the regions around Lleida and Tarragona began to feel the effects of the judicial and administrative machinery at the service of the new regime. Starting on Christmas Eve 1938, when the final offensive was launched, the whole of Catalonia came under this same system. During the long post-war period, which began in early February 1939, to the death toll caused by the most bloody form of repression were added the victims of the control to which all aspects of everyday life were subjected, and those of what has been termed ‘repression by contempt’, which is so difficult to pin down. The small island of Minorca, which remained loyal to the Republic to the end, offers a highly enlightening example. There were a total of 150 deaths, mostly executions carried out in 1939. However, several recent studies show that this figure doubles if the deaths ascribable to the shortages suffered by the most needy in the course of the post-war recovery are taken into consideration.25 Everywhere corruption and extortion, securely shielded by the coercive system itself, impeded the rebuilding of everyday life, while the dozens of prosecutions handled by the new government authorities or the ordinary courts of justice illustrate the vulnerable situation in which numerous marginal groups belonging to the popular classes remained for years.26 Crimes against property rose to over 50% of the cases brought to trial in the civil courts − the figure considered usual in normal times −, a sign that the problem of survival was driving people to extremes. A significant number were reduced to stealing small but essential items, such as

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food, clothing, bicycles, electricity and professional tools of all kinds. These small lapses into minor delinquency were accompanied by offences to do with rationing, quotas and taxes to regulate the distribution of scarce products of basic necessity. Many of these cases associated with the exceptional circumstances of the period were handled by the ordinary courts or the civil governors. The same applied to the suicides attributed in the reports of the Civil Guard to “the fear of being judged”, complaints which dared to mention the purchase of guarantors’ signatures, and cases involving working prisoners who escaped or failed to carry out their sentences, all of which point to a few of the weak points the regime was unable to eliminate. When investigating the actions of the judicial and governmental authorities, one also find clear cases in which sexual favours were obtained under coercion from women and girls with Republican pasts. This type of violence was more serious than the humiliating and exemplifying practices also inflicted on many men, such as swallowing castor oil or having their heads shaved; it also escaped the consequences of the control of social morality which was enforced with wholehearted cooperation from the Church. Attitudes towards certain forms of behaviour that came under the criminal code from 1944 onwards − including abortion, desertion of the family, infanticide, and other acts with obvious sexual connotations, such as indecent assault and rape − cast light on the way women, in questions of morality, became the main victims to be punished. The same double standard made it possible for illegal prostitution − closely associated with the hardship and poverty endured by so many women who had been left alone with no means of support in the difficult postwar years − to coexist alongside a legal, regulated form of prostitution, at least until 1956. The regime set up organizations to protect the many women and girls who had been left alone by the war, notably the Patronato de Protección de la Mujer (Women’s Protection Board). However the efficacy of such organizations leaves room for doubt in view of the number of young maidservants tried for prostitution, loose-living or immoral practices, when in fact they had been sexually assaulted and abused. Offences of the latter type were all too often considered mere scandalous misdemeanours that were harmful to public morality, the latter being the prime objective the regime sought to defend. The situation of women takes on especially dramatic overtones if one considers the fate of women prisoners. Ricard Vinyes, in Irredentas. Las presas políticas y sus hijos en las cárceles franquistas (Temas de Hoy, 2002),27 describes how many women were imprisoned along with their children. Many children were born in prison and subsequently offered in adoption. Other indirect victims of repression were the children placed in the care of institutions such as the Auxilio Social (Social Assistance), a prototypical institutionalized charity which consistently enjoyed the protection of National Catholicism. Orphans

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and children whose parents were in prison were scattered about in special schools, centres and charitable institutions all over the country. Most of those in Barcelona were sent to the Asilo de Reforma Toribio Duran; those in Tarragona to the Casa Tutelar de San José; while in Lleida strange agricultural camps for children were set up, one of which was at Gimenells, near Lleida city. Thus the construction of the new regime took place in a subjugated, terrorized country, where there was no room for political opposition of any kind because widespread poverty engendered submission. Ismael Saz and J.A. Gómez Roda, in their study El Franquismo en Valencia. Formas de vida y actitudes sociales en la posguerra (Episteme, 1999), illustrate this clearly and reflect on the relationship between consent and passivity. When all is said and done, the fact that people sometimes accepted minor sinecures from the government is best explained by the hardship suffered by the lower classes. Graft became part of the very foundations of the system: the regulation of the economy and the administration of public affairs helped irregularities to become the rule in questions related to survival under a regime in which the notion of compassion for the vanquished was non-existent. Not until 1952, after two decades of autarchy and isolation, were ration cards abolished. In the following year Spain signed a military treaty with the United States and in 1955 it entered the United Nations. One year later, in 1956, the PCE launched its so-called Policy of National Reconciliation, under which it solemnly declared its readiness to put an end to the divisions created by the Civil War. Certainly many things had changed in the preceding twenty years, though for those on the losing side everyday life was still fraught with difficulties. Meanwhile the wounds inflicted by the war and the revolution, and deepened to an unusual degree by the regime’s repressive measures, remained unhealed, and this delayed the reconciliation which, though possible, had few opportunities to express itself. Today the survivors and the relatives of those who disappeared as a result of Francoist repression – those described as rebels, bandits or simply murderers in the sentences handed down by a judicial system that was a farce − are still awaiting reparation, albeit in moral form. Others believe it may even be possible to recover their relatives’ remains and give them a decent burial. Restoring to the losers of the war the memory that was demonstrably stolen from them is both a necessary and an unquestionably complex process, though in fact it is merely a matter of acknowledging and making public the things that historians have been investigating, discovering and gathering into history books aimed at the academic community rather than the general public. Probably for this very reason many ordinary people have felt the desire in recent years to write down their experiences and testify to their own recollections. All these individual histories add their contribution to the efforts still re-

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quired to gain a better understanding of the defeat and the suffering it caused.

Notes and Bibliography [1]

[2] [3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

Progress has recently been made in this direction: on 24 October 2007 the Catalan parliament passed the Llei del Memorial Democràtic (Law of Democratic Memorial) and a few days later, on 31 October 2007, the Spanish Congress of Deputies approved a bill “under which rights are acknowledged and extended and steps are taken in favour of those who suffered persecution and violence during the Civil War and the Dictatorship”. Both texts can be found at: <http://www10.gencat.net/drep/AppJava/ cat/Memorial/index.jsp> The conclusions are reproduced in “Violència, repressió i justícia a Catalunya (1936-1975)”, L’Avenç, 327, September 2007, pp. 10-11. In Catalonia, 8,500 people were liquidated in the Republican rearguard between 1936 and the beginning of 1939, only 400 of whom had undergone some form of trial, according to Josep M. Solé i Sabaté and Joan Villarroya. La repressió a la reraguarda de Catalunya, 1936-1939. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1989. In the Valencian Country, Vicent Gavarda puts the figure at 4,715: La represión en la retaguardia republicana del País Valenciano, Edicions Alfons el Magnànim, Valencia 1996. A preliminary approach to these questions can be found in: Conxita Mir. “Derrota i repressió: les víctimes del franquisme als Països Catalans” in Pelai Pagès (Ed.). Franquisme i repressió, La repressió franquista als Països Catalans, 1939-1975. Universitat de València, 2004. pp. 35-59. This paper was written for a seminar that was part of the Premis Octubre (Valencia, 2003). Another useful overview is given in C. Mir, C. Agustí, J. Gelong (Eds.). Violència i repressió a Catalunya durant el franquisme. Balanç historiogràfic i perspectives. Espai i Temps, 42. Edicions de la Universitat de Lleida, Lleida 2001. J. A. Martín Pallín gives the following definition in “La memoria del golpe militar de 1936” in Claves de Razón Práctica, No. 174, July-August 2007, pp. 42-45: “A bando militar (military decree) is an order issued by a general in command or military authority in the field or in a state of war against which no previous law can be invoked as being still in force”. We owe the first analysis to the doctoral thesis of Josep M. Solé i Sabaté. La repressió franquista a Catalunya, 1938-1953. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1985, which has recently been republished (September 2003) with minor revisions. Solé i Sabaté was also the editor of “La repressió franquista (1938-1977)”.

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El franquisme a Catalunya, Volume V. Edicions 62, Barcelona 2007. [7] Certain local histories are of invaluable assistance in describing the repressive violence of those years. Examples are: J. March, A. Cerdà, P. Salas. Po llença. La guerra civil a Pollença. La revolta contra la rebel·lió. Edicions Documenta Balear, Col·lecció Guerra Civil a Mallorca, 2006, and, in the same series, the account mentioned in the text: Bartomeu Garí. Porreres. Desfilades de dia, afusellaments de nit, Majorca 2007. [8] Our prime sources are: Josep Massot i Muntaner. El primer franquisme a Mallorca. Guerra civil, repressió, exili i represa cultural. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1996; Georges Bernanos i la Guerra Civil. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1989; Guerra civil i repressió a Mallorca. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1997 and El desembarcament de Bayo a Mallorca. Juliol-setembre de 1936. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1987. On the repression in the other islands: F. Bertazioli Riquer. Memorias de la guerra y del exilio. Memorias de la Guerra Civil en Ibiza durante mi infancia y del posterior exilio con mi familia. Eivissa, Mediterrània-Eivissa 1996. A. Adrover, J. Cabot. Felanitx 1931-1939. República, Guerra i repressió. Sant Jordi de ses Salines, Eivissa 2002. Artur Parron. La guerra civil a Eivissa i Formentera (19361939. Edicions Documenta Balear, Palma de Ma llorca 2000; and La guerra civil i el primer franquisme a Eivissa i Formentera. Eivissa, 2001. [9] The controversy over the figures can be followed in the book by Ll. Capella. Diccionari vermell. Moll, Palma de Mallorca 1989, and also in J. Massot i Muntaner. Georges Bernanos i la Guerra Civil. op. cit., and in the synthesis drawn up by D. Ginard. “Resistència i repressió a les Balears (1939-1963)”, in the exhibition catalogue Memòria de la Democràcia, 1936-1962. Govern de les Illes Balears, Consell de Mallorca, 2003. [10] The association commenced its activities in the mid-1980s. Finally, in the spring of 2006, the signposting and ‘dignification’ of the area commenced at the instigation of Memorial Democràtic, an institution set up by the Generalitat de Catalunya, on the basis of a project entitled “Espais de la Batalla del Segre”, with coordination from the Servei d’Història, Documentació i Patrimoni of the History Department at the University of Lleida. This latter service has also produced a DVD, “Un camp de batalla de la guerra civil al front del Segre. El Merengue i la Lleva del Biberó (1938)”, as part of the series Llocs de memòria amb història. Universitat de Lleida, 2006. [11] The events in Majorca are described in Hilari Raguer (Ed.). Història, política, societat i cultura dels

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[12]

[13]

[14]

[15]

[16]

Països Catalans, IX. Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 1999; the events in Lleida in M. Gimeno, Revolució, guerra i repressió al Pallars, 1936-1939. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1987. The data on Francoist repression are in Mercè Ba rallat. La repressió a la postguerra civil a Lleida (1938-1945). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1991; those on the initial phases of the occupation are in Joan Sagués. Una ciutat en guerra. Lleida en la guerra civil espanyola, 19361939. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 2003. The names of the victims are listed on the following web sites: “Morts de la guerra civil al cementiri d’Alpicat”, <http://www.alpicat.cat/ historiaguerracivil/>, and “Morts de la guerra civil i la repressió franquista a Lleida”, <http://webserveis5. udl.es/gcivil/>. Both were created as part of the Pilot Plan for the Lleida region, under the terms of a collaboration agreement with Memorial Democràtic de Catalunya (first phase 2005-06). Vicent Gavarda. Els afusellaments al País Valencià (1938-1956). Alfons el Magnànim, Valencia 1993. Also M. Ors. La represión de guerra y de posguerra en Alicante (1936-1945). Institut Gil-Albert, Alacant 1995. A good summary of the period, the background to the end of the war, and the post-war period can be found in I. Saz. “República, guerra i franquisme”. Història del país Valencià, Volume V, Època Contemporània. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1990, pp. 287-353. On 24 November 2007 the press reported that a court of the Valencian Autonomous Community (the Sala del Contenciós Administratiu of the Tribunal Superior de Justícia) had decided to accept an appeal from the Council against an earlier ruling in favour of the organization Fòrum per la Memòria Històrica del País Valencià, which had succeeded in halting the development work pending investigation of the remains in the cemetery extension. The court based its decision on the argument that Fòrum per la Memòria cannot represent the individual rights of the victims, since only direct relatives can do that. This ignores the fact that the majority of the relatives have left the area or do not know where their forebears were buried. See El País, 24 November 2007 and, for discussion on the topic: <http://www.foroporlamemoria.info/>. As related by Joan Villarroya. “Passar comptes” in Borja de Riquer, Història, Política, Societat i Cultura dels Països Catalans, Volume 10, La llarga postguerra 1939-1960. Fundació Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 1997, pp. 158-162. The biographies referred to are: D. Guinard. Heri berto Quiñones y el movimiento comunista en España (1931-1942). Palma-Madrid 2000, Josep Clara. Ramon Vila, Caracremada, el darrer maqui català. Rafael Dalmau Editor, Barcelona 2002, and

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Josep Clara. Marcel.lí Massana. L’home més buscat. Un mite de la guerrilla anarquist. Rafael Dalmau editor, Barcelona 2005. [17] The figures were updated to reflect the increase at the end of the 1990s, as reported in Josep Benet. “1939: any zero”. Història, Política, Societat i Cultura dels Països Catalans, Fundació Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 1997, pp. 68-72. See also: J. Oli va i Llorens. “El cost humà de la Guerra Civil de 1936-1939: els combatents morts”. Recerques, No. 30, 1994, pp. 87-102, and “Les víctimes dels bombardeigs” in J. M. Solé i Sabaté, J. Villarroya. Catalunya sota les bombes (1936-1939). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1986. There are believed to have been 2,500 casualties in the city of Barcelona alone. In the city of Lleida, Mercè Barallat has documented 253 of the total of over 300 victims of the bombing raid on 2 November 1937, of whom approximately fifty were children from the Liceu Escolar. Most of the 400 dead attributed to the 1938 bombardments have not been identified. [18] The cataloguing is being carried out with technical coordination from the Arxiu Nacional de Catalu nya and the support of the Programa per a la Memòria Democràtica. Only when the data base is complete will it be possible to locate proceedings corresponding to particular groups. This cannot be done at present because the charges against several people, which are very numerous, were filed under the first name in the list, and the only way of knowing the names of the other accused and where they were from is by examining each dossier. [19] This topic is dealt with in various papers published in the acts of the conference edited by J. Sobrequés, C. Molinero, M. Sal. Els camps de concentració i el món penitenciari a España durant la guerra civil i el franquisme. Museu d’Història de Catalunya, Crítica, Barcelona 2003. Just prior to this, at the instigation of the Associació d’Expresos Polítics de Catalunya, an interesting book, full of the testimony of former political prisoners, was published under the title Notícia de la negra nit. Vides i veus a les presons franquistes (1939-1959). Diputació de Barcelona, Barcelona 2001. The works mentioned are: P. Pagès. La presó Model de Barcelona. Història d’un centre penitenciari en temps de guerra (19361939). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1996. J. Subirats Piñana. Pilatos 19391941. Prisión de Tarragona. Editorial Pablo Iglesias, Madrid 1993. R. Vinyes. El daño y la memoria. Las prisiones de Maria Salvo. Plaza & Janés, Barcelona 2004. The following web site is of great interest: Memoria de les Corts. Prisión de las mujeres. Barcelona, 1939-1945: <http://www.presodelescorts.org/es/ taxonomy/term/32>. Also, Aram Monfort. Barcelona 1939: ocupació i repressió militar. El camp de

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Conxita Mir

[20]

[21]

[22]

[23] [24]

[25]

concentració d’Horta i les presons de la ciutat. Doctoral thesis (forthcoming), defended at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2007. Situations such as those outlined here explain why the forecasts made by the Generalitat de Catalunya in 2000, when compensation to persons not covered by the Law of Amnesty 46/1977 (15 October 1977) was regulated, have proved totally insufficient. Instead of the anticipated 2,000 claims, 38,000 have been received to date, most of them from soldiers who were interned in concentration camps. The most exhaustive study is the one by M. Álvaro Dueñas. “Por ministerio de la ley y voluntad del Caudillo”. La Jurisdicción Especial de Responsabilidades Políticas (1939-1945). Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, Madrid 2006. We owe the first study of the operation of these special tribunals in the Catalan Countries to G. Sánchez Recio. Las responsabilidades políticas en la postguerra española. El partido judicial de Monóvar. Universitat d’Alacant, 1984. A monograph on the province of Lleida has been published by C. Mir Curcó, F. Corretgé, J. Farré i Sagués. Repressió econòmica i Franquisme: l’actuació del Tribunal de Responsabilitats Polítiques a la província de Lleida. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1997. Others who have studied the topic include: F. Vilanova i Vila-Abadal. Repressió política i coacció econòmica. Les responsabilitats polítiques de republicans i conservadors catalans a la postguerra (19391942). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1999, and M. Duran Pastor. Responsabilidades políticas e incautación de bienes. Secuelas del desembarco de Bayo en Mallorca, 1936-1939. Palma de Mallorca 1995. The information has been taken from the first synthesis for the whole of Spain which was produced by F. Morente Valero. La escuela y el Estado Nuevo. La depuración del Magisterio Nacional, 1936-1943. Ámbito Ediciones, Valladolid 1997, p. 290. Studies of Catalan teachers who suffered reprisals include Josep González-Agàpito; Salomó Marquès. La repressió del professorat a Catalunya sota el franquisme, 1939-1943. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1996. With regard to higher education, we referred to Jaume Claret. El atroz desmoche. La destrucción de la universidad española por el franquismo, 1936-1945. Crítica, Barcelona 2006. <http://www.sbhac.net/Republica/Colabora/ Lacosta2.htm> In 2004 the Generalitat de Catalunya published a facsimile edition entitled Consell de guerra i condemna a mort de Lluís Companys, President de la Generalitat de Catalunya (octubre de 1940). The data come from J. Martín Jiménez. Aportaciones a la historia de la guerra civil en Menorca. Ediones Nura, Minorca 2000, 2 volumes; the source

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used by this author was Deseado Mercadal Bagur. La guerra civil en Menorca, 1936-1939. Relato histórico de un testigo. Maó 1994. [26] A first contribution on the scope afforded by proceedings conducted by governmental bodies was made by D. Sanz Alberola. La implantación del franquismo en la provincia de Alicante. El papel del Gobierno Civil, Universitat d’Alacant, 1999. A systematic analysis of proceedings before the ordinary courts was made by C. Mir. Vivir es sobrevivir. Jus-

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ticia, orden y marginación en la Catalunya rural de posguerra. Milenio, Lleida 2000, first part, “La sociedad intervenida, justicia civil y control social”, pp. 31-189. [27] The author acted as adviser to the documentary Els nens perduts del franquisme (The lost children of the Franco regime) by Montse Armengou and Ricard Belis, 2002, Televisió de Catalunya, one of the most successful television documentaries in terms of viewer ratings.

About the Author Conxita Mir Curcó (Lleida, 1952) is a professor of contemporary history at the University of Lleida. She began her research career in the field of electoral sociology as co-author, alongside Professors Albert Balcells and J.B. Culla, of the book Les eleccions generals a Catalunya de 1901 a 1923, (Fundació Jaume Bofill, Barcelona, 1982). She is the author of Caciquisme polític i lluita electoral: Lleida 1890-1923, (Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona, 1985) and was the editor of Actituds Polítiques i control social a la Catalunya de la Restauració (1875-1923), (Lleida, 1989). Since then she has worked on political violence and repression under the Franco regime. Her publications include Repressió econòmica i franquisme: l’actuació del Tribunal de Responsabilitats Polítiques a la província de Lleida, with Fabià Corretgé, Judit Farré and Joan Sagués (Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, 1997) and Vivir es sobrevivir. Justicia, orden y Marginación en la Cataluña rural de postguerra (1939-1951), (Milenio, Lleida, 2000). She also contributed to the collective work edited by Julián Casanova Morir, matar, sobrevivir. La violencia en la dictadura de Franco, (Crítica, Barcelona, 2002). She herself has acted as editor of various collective works, the latest of which is Jóvenes y dictaduras de entreguerras. Propaganda, doctrina y encuadramiento: Italia, Alemania, Japón, Portugal y España, Editorial Mileni (Lleida, 2007). She is a member of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans and has served on the board of the Asociación Española de Historia Contemporánea, among other bodies. She was a member of the Comissió Assessora per a la creació del Memorial Democràtic (2005) and of the scientific committee that provided evaluation and advice regarding the draft bill on the localization and identification of persons who disappeared during the Civil War and the Franco regime (2007). She is currently on the editorial board of the journals L’Avenç and Segle XX. Revista Catalana d’Història, and on the advisory board of Historia Social, Pasado y Memoria. Revista de historia Contemporánea, Historia del Presente, and Alcores. Revista de Historia Contemporánea.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 149-155 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.10 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Commemoration of the Eighth Centenary of the Birth of James I: Conference Organized by the History and Archeology Section of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in Barcelona Maria Teresa Ferrer*

Institut d’Estudis Catalans

We are commemorating this year, 2008, the eighth centenary of the birth of James I ‘the Conqueror’, the son of King Peter I ‘the Catholic’ and Mary of Montpellier, who was born in Montpellier during the night of 1-2 February 1208. He was unquestionably the most important of our kings, both on account of his conquests and because of the governmental action he carried out during his long, sixty-three-year reign. To the states he inherited − Aragon, Catalonia and the seigneury of Montpellier − he added two more − Majorca and the Valencian Country − which were captured from the Moors, resettled, and organized as kingdoms in their own right. This was the largest outward thrust ever achieved by the Catalan-Aragonese crown and permitted the formation of the cultural area, also known as the Catalan Countries, where Catalan is still spoken to the present day. James I encouraged the growth of Catalan trade and the Catalan navy, founded the first overseas consulates, and laid the foundations of what was to become the Consolat de Mar (Consulate of the Sea). He contributed decisively to the development of municipal government in the cities and towns of the braç reial (those that depended directly on the crown) and set up several borough councils, including that of Barcelona. In the course of his reign the composition of the parliament, or Corts, was modernized: starting from the meeting held in Lleida in 1214, which is considered Catalonia’s first full parliament, representatives of these same royal cities and towns were also present. The History and Archeology Section of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, independently or in cooperation with other bodies, has organized a series of conferences as part of these commemorations. The conference the Section held at the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in Barcelona from 31 March to 4 April, in partnership with the Institut Europeu de la Mediterrània, was the first in the series. It focussed on two major topics: “El poder reial i les institucions administratives i representatives” (Royal Power and Administrative and Representative Institutions) and “Les relacions internacionals” (In-

* E-mail: mtferrer@imf.csic.es

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ternational Relations). A total of two lectures and twenty-four papers were given. At the opening session the President of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Salvador Giner, and the Director of the Institut Europeu de la Mediterrània, Senén Florensa, both spoke about the eighth centenary celebrations and two lectures were given. In the first of these Maria Teresa Ferrer of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans offered a outline biography of King James I and an assessment of his reign. She referred to the aspects of his rule that were to be studied in each of the conferences and recalled the historian Robert I. Burns, a specialist in James I, who was unable to be present on account of his delicate state of health. The seventh centenary of the birth of James I, a century ago, was marked by a major conference which give rise to a series of conferences on the history of the Crown of Aragon. The lecture given by Salvador Claramunt of the University of Barcelona provided an account of that conference and of the other celebrations held in 1908, which caused considerable impact in Catalonia. At the session devoted to the first of the major topics addressed by the conference, “Royal Power and Administrative and Representative Institutions during the Reign of James I”, Vicent Garcia Edo of the Universitat Jaume I in Castelló described and analysed the monarchy of James I. No special internal characteristics distinguished it as an institution: power was concentrated in the hands of the king, who had the hereditary right to reign and this right, according to the beliefs of the period, was granted by God to a dynasty with the object of imparting justice. In order to attain this very goal, laws had to be promulgated and this, in the speaker’s view, was the most important feature of James I’s long reign. His great legislative task was accomplished in the different states of the Crown and took a variety of forms. These included charters of settlement, privileges and different types of grants, new municipal customs and modifications to certain earlier customs, overall legal codes for Valencia and Aragon (Furs and Fueros respectively), maritime laws, the maintenance of the Muslim population’s existing law and new legislation for the same group. All this required constant discussions with the different estates and minorities in each of the king’s realms. Professor Garcia Edo underlined the im-

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portance of the consolidation of the royal Chancery, which became more professionalized when lawyers and notaries entered the service of the Crown and generalized the use of ius commune from Italy in both the substance and the form of the documents they drew up. James I also enlisted the support of specialists in decretals and furs (in Spanish fueros), who advised him on special rights. The speaker went on to examine the legislation of Majorca and Valencia, the Fueros of Aragon, the law of Catalonia, municipal law, and the law of the Muslim population. Besides the central institution − the monarchy −, the political and territorial structure of the states of the Catalan-Aragonese crown were studied in various papers. Flocel Sabaté of the University of Lleida discussed the topic “Poder i territori als estats originaris, Catalunya i Aragó” (Power and Territory in the Original States, Catalonia and Aragon). The king’s attempt to reinforce his power over his territories through the deployment of delegated officials met with head-on opposition from the nobility and more subtle resistance from the very powerful royal boroughs. The latter tried to appropriate the royal officials charged with exercising territorial jurisdiction and to concentrate socio-economic power in their own hands. Professor Sabaté evoked the king’s very strained relations with the nobility, which more than once led many nobles to sever their bonds of vassalage and sparked off armed clashes. This process, he remarked, was still ongoing towards the end of the reign and the king did not dare to go on posting officials throughout Catalonia and Aragon because the nobles, in the name of tradition, rejected his Roman law arguments. Pau Cateura of the University of the Balearic Islands gave a paper entitled “Jaume I i el govern de Majorca i d’Eivissa (1230-1276)” (James I and the Government of Majorca and Eivissa [1230-1276]). He described how the king established Majorca as a separate kingdom after the conquest instead of annexing it to Catalonia and how, not long afterwards, in 1230, he granted settlers on the island a Carta de Franquesa (Charter of Liberties) in which he undertook not to give the kingdom away or exchange it but to maintain its links to the crown. Despite this pledge, policy requirements at home led him to entrust the government of Majorca to his cousin Prince Peter of Portugal in 1232. Then he ruled the island himself from 1244 to 1254, returned it to Prince Peter of Portugal from 1254 to 1256, and in 1256 handed it over to his son, Prince James. While it was under direct royal government, the king created the borough of Majorca (1249), ensured that wheat supplies were under public control, and put the administration of justice into professional hands. Professor Cateura analysed the Carta de Franquesa and gave an outline of the method used to share out land: lots of 130 cavalle ries each were assigned to 101 knights, each of whom was under the obligation to help defend the island with one armoured horse. He also studied various aspects of the rule of Prince Peter of Portugal, that of the king, and that of Prince James.

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Maria Teresa Ferrer

José Vicente Cabezuelo of the University of Alacant analysed the government of Valencia after the conquest. He explained how, after the city of Valencia had been captured but before the conquest of the rest of the kingdom was complete, the king gave shape to its political and legal system, endowing it with a legal code of its own, the Furs. James I organized the municipalities and the government of the new land. Initially he ruled it by delegating his powers to other persons when he was absent, but later he appointed permanent officials who acted whether he was present in the kingdom or not. These officials were given a variety of names, until eventually the term procurador became established. Another topic discussed in the section devoted to this first major theme was the redefinition of the inner boundaries, notably those between the principality of Catalonia and the kingdom of Aragon. In his paper entitled “La frontera del Principat de Catalunya amb el regne d’Aragó” (The Frontier between the Principality of Catalonia and the Kingdom of Aragon), Josep Alanyà of the Tortosa Diocesan Archive studied the ill-defined territorial status of the region lying between the mountain range of Els Ports and the River Ebro, which has close geographical links to the region of Lower Aragon between Alcañiz and Caspe. Often settlers in the region were called upon by Aragon to pay taxes or take part in hosts and cavalcades, whereas spontaneously they identified more strongly with Catalonia. In all likelihood, the action of the bishop of Tortosa, whose jurisdiction included part of the region of Matarranya − now within Aragon −, was partially responsible for this. The discussions about government would have been incomplete without a study of municipal power. This was provided by Pere Verdés of the Institució Milà i Fontanals of the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (CSIC) and Max Turull of the University of Barcelona. They underlined the crucial importance of the reign of James I in the legal and institutional development of the Catalan municipalities, occurring as it did at the period when ius commune reached Catalonia. Roman law gave rise to the concept of the universitas − the embodiment of the population of towns and cities − which became established at that period. The nascent municipalities − first and foremost Barcelona − became important actors in politics, as is shown by the presence of the braç reial in the incipient Corts. The authors recalled the important contribution made by J. M. Font i Rius to the study of the evolution of municipalities at the period, primarily with respect to the origins of Barcelona city council. They showed how the king’s demands for taxes and the community’s own financial needs led to the formation of municipal councils as the organs that expressed the will of the universitas primarily in those two fields. Later their institutional functions became more complex and they acquired a series of other attributions. Albert Torra, the vice-director of the Archive of the Crown of Aragon, spoke about the royal Chancery, which

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Commemoration of the Eighth Centenary of the Birth of James I...

was a vital component of the government and administration of the states of the Catalan-Aragonese crown in the day of James I. He noted that the transition from the counts’ old-fashioned scribes’ office to the highly organized Chancery, where Roman law exerted considerable influence, took place during the reign of James I and stressed the decisive role played by the chancellor Andreu d’Albalat (1254-1258), who was also bishop of Valencia, in organizing the Chancery. The rest of the paper concentrated on the registers from the reign of James I, the earliest documents of their type in the collection of documentation of the Crown of Aragon, which is richer than any other collection on a European monarchy. On the basis of descriptions found in early 14th century archival documents, Albert Torra reconstructed the registers as they were at an approximately contemporary period (their present state is somewhat disorderly, with books and pages that are later additions). He noted that two sets of registers were kept: one was general in nature, while the other contained financial documents. Since the venue for that day’s session was the Palau del Lloctinent, participants had an opportunity to visit the exhibition of documents on James I organized by the Archive of the Crown of Aragon, which was taking place there. This exhibition had been inaugurated on 1 February 2008 to commemorate the date of James I’s birth. The army and navy were other key institutions of the monarchy. Paul E. Chevedden of the Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies in the United States spoke about the army − first and foremost the artillery − in his paper “King James I the Conqueror and the Artillery Revolution of the Middle Ages”. He considered James I as a groundbreaking monarch. Like certain other contemporary kings, he was not merely a passive beneficiary of the changes that were taking place in the Europe of his day but helped speed these changes up. This trait was also shown by the use he made of military equipment. In his day the war engines of the classical era were replaced by engines powered by a counterweight which hurled projectiles weighing hundreds of kilos that could demolish fortifications. The most powerful of these devices was the trebuchet. The technique of the trebuchet was perfected in the 13th century and James I immediately adopted it in his military enterprises when laying siege. Professor Chevedden described the technical characteristics of these machines and the different models − mangonels, trebuchets, fonèvols and bricoles − and even used a wooden model to demonstrate how they operated. He analysed the spread of the trebuchet from East to West and the way James I used it in his different military ventures. Albert Estrada, a professor at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, gave a paper entitled “Jaume el Conqueridor i la marina de guerra del seu temps” (James the Conqueror and the Navy of His Time) in which he studied the fundamental role of the navy in the chief military enterprises launched by James I. He focussed primarily on the fleet used to conquer Majorca, the support fleet

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that helped to conquer Valencia, and the armada formed for the abortive crusade to the Holy Land. He stressed that the naval experience built up during the reign of James I was fundamental to the expansion of the Crown of Aragon across the Mediterranean. The different types of vessel that made up the fleets, the functions of each, and the organization of the fleets came in for special attention. Tomàs de Montagut of the Universitat Pompeu Fabra in Barcelona addressed the theme “Jaume I a les Constitucions y altres drets de Cathalunya” (James I in the Cons titucions y altres drets de Cathalunya). The work quoted in the title is a major compilation of general Catalan law made on orders from the 1413 parliament in Barcelona. It comprised basically the Usatges de Barcelona and the legislation passed by the Catalan Corts, in other words, the constitucions i capítols de Cort, and its purpose was to control enforcement of the laws. It was published in 15881589 in an enlarged and updated form under the title referred to in the title of the paper and republished in 1704. Though it was partially repealed by the Decree of Nova Planta in 1715-1716, some aspects remained in force until 1960. The speaker identified the laws promulgated by James I, which became part of this compilation and remained in force for many years. He also examined the normative typology and contents of this legislation to ascertain which were the troublesome issues to which a solution had to be found and how James I helped to shape certain distinctive traits of Catalan law, its source system, and the country’s public and private institutions. Another major theme examined in the section devoted to royal power and administrative and representative institutions was the tax structure and monetary policy. Thomas N. Bisson of Harvard University, in a study he modestly described as provisional because he had not had access to all the documentary sources, spoke about the royal treasury under James I between 1230 and 1276. Professor Bisson, who had previously studied the finances of the young James I, from 1228 to 1236, noted that the king reverted to his father’s practice of dealing directly with officials and creditors, instead of using the Knights Templar or his accountants as intermediaries, as during the early years of his reign. Towards 1240, moreover, his own solvency had been enhanced by the enlargement of his domains and he found it easier to raise loans than to wait for surpluses to arise from the regular administration of the monarchy’s own revenues, the pioneers of which had been the scribes of King Alfons I in the 12th century. He did however maintain a close watch over his finances so as to balance his resources and requirements and from 1241 to 1257 attempted to keep a copy of his accounts, first on loose sheets of paper and later in registers, in order to monitor his debts. Vicent Baidal of the Institució Milà i Fontanals (CSIC) gave an interesting overview of the royal tax system in the Crown of Aragon by making a comparative study of the direct taxes levied by the monarchy in the different territories. He highlighted the differences between the main

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direct taxes raised in royal charter towns − pechas in Aragon, quèsties in Catalonia, peites or quèsties in the kingdom of Valencia, and subsidis in the kingdom of Majorca − and the distinct evolution of each. He examined the fiscal contributions made by all the estates in the various territories − the Aragonese and Valencian monedatge or the Catalan bovatges, for instance − which were characterized by the fact that they were granted or institutionalized by parliamentary assemblies. He also attempted to account for the diverse developments observed in each territory, despite the overall trend towards increasing fiscal pressure and royal centralization. Miquel Crusafont, the president of the Societat Catalana de Numismàtica, analysed monetary policy in the time of James I and stressed the vital importance of his reign in this field. James I followed his predecessors’ example by restricting the nobility’s minting activities and centralizing minting in Barcelona. He also strove to establish monetary coordination between the different territories under his sovereignty. The pivotal feature of his policy, however, was the role he gave to representatives of the city of Barcelona in the supervision of minting, since it placed a curb on royal power in one of the most quintessential aspects of sovereignty. Thus guards were appointed by the city to guarantee the parameters of the coinage, an innovation that had great political repercussions and constitutes one of Catalonia’s differential traits within the Iberian, and even the European context. Moreover, by introducing the diner de tern (a coin made from an alloy of copper and silver) he laid one of the main foundations of the Catalan monetary system, which remained in force throughout the rest of the Middle Ages. Towards the end of James I’s reign, the first steps were taken towards the creation of the gros de plata or croat de Barcelona − the second basic element of the system −, and this confirmed Catalonia’s position as one of the most advanced countries of its day. Whereas on the first day conference participants had been the guests of the Archive of the Crown of Aragon at its headquarters in the Palau del Lloctinent, on the second day they were welcomed by the Museu d’Història de Cata lunya and had an opportunity to tour the museum. On 3 April, the conference returned to the premises of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, where papers devoted to the Corts, or parliament, during the reign of James I were given. Pere Ortí of the University of Girona summarized the evolution of the Corts in Catalonia during this initial period, and went on to focus on the tax known as bovatge, which is associated with the Corts and their predecessors, such as the assemblees de pau i treva (assemblies of peace and truce). The bovatge tax, which had been created by these assemblies as a ransom for peace, evolved into an accession tax that was raised at the beginning of each reign. Furthermore, it became the first instance of the new state tax system which was beginning to emerge in most of the feudal monarchies of western Europe. It was a direct tax, levied on all the inhabitants of Catalonia, whatever jurisdiction they belonged to, which required the ap-

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proval of an assembly of all the estates and served to finance a military campaign. It was requested in 1211 for the expedition against the Almohads, which led to the victory of Las Navas de Tolosa (1212), and for James I’s successive expeditions against the Moors in Majorca (1228), Valencia (1232) and Murcia (1264). Esteban Sarasa of the University of Saragossa gave a paper entitled “La gestación de las cortes de Aragón en el reinado de Jaime I” (The Gestation of the Cortes of Aragon in the Reign of James I) in which he highlighted the relationship between three processes: the development of the Cortes, the establishment of a single, uniform body of law for the kingdom of Aragon, the Fueros − a mission entrusted to Vidal de Canelles, the Catalan bishop of Huesca, who had studied in Bologna −, and the creation of the Justicia Mayor, the purpose of which was to uphold Aragonese law. The Fueros were approved at a meeting of parliament held in Huesca in 1247, and the Justicia, the chief magistracy of Aragon, was set up at the 1265 parliament in Ejea. Professor Sarasa stressed that James I’s achievements in this field were of great importance to Aragon, as was the development of the municipalities during his reign. The gatherings held in 1214 and 1217, in his view, were not true parliaments but meetings of the Curia attended by a greater or lesser number of councillors, and he considered that the sources − the Llibre dels Feits and other documents − add to the terminological confusion. There has been some controversy as to whether the reign of James I was part of the parliamentary or pre-parliamentary era. For Professor Sarasa, the Cortes took shape very gradually over this period. The topics discussed at the meetings that are known to us were the same as those subsequently dealt with at the fully constituted Cortes. Moreover, the supporters of the Aragonese Union would not have asked King Peter ‘the Great’ in 1283 to hold a general meeting of the Aragonese parliament once a year if there had not been a prior tradition of such gatherings. The speaker pointed out that pressure from the nobility was an important factor in the formation of the Cortes in Aragon, whereas at the earlier assemblies of peace and truce held in Catalonia, churchmen played a very prominent role. María Rosa Muñoz of the University of Valencia gave a paper entitled “Las instituciones parlamentarias valencianas durante el reinado de Jaime I (1238-1276)” (The Valencian Parliamentary Institutions during the Reign of James I [1238-1276]). After commenting on existing historiography on the topic, she underlined the need to reexamine the chronicle and the contemporary documentation because the Corts did not generate procedural documents at that period and in order to study the history of the institution one has to rely on indirect sources, chiefly summonses and the Furs. Professor Muñoz has undertaken the task of reviewing these documents, starting with those already published in a wide range of collections. There is currently no agreement among historiographers as to the number of summonses to parliamentary

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Commemoration of the Eighth Centenary of the Birth of James I...

meetings that were issued in the kingdom of Valencia or the dates on which they were held. The 1238 meeting of the three estates is believed to have been the first, but Pedro López Elum sees it as an epilogue to the Monzón parliament of 1236. Professor López Elum agrees that parliamentary meetings were held in 1261, 1271 and 1281, whereas there is doubt over the assemblies held in 1273 and 1276. Professor Muñoz pointed out, nonetheless, that there is no evidence that all three estates were present in 1261. The passing of legislation, an essential task for a new kingdom, was the most important achievement of these parliaments. The speaker has searched for ordinances approved by the Corts to ascertain what work was done there. The second part of the conference dealt with James I’s international relations. Maria Teresa Ferrer of the Ins titució Milà i Fontanals (CSIC) and the Institut d’Estudis Catalans drew a broad panorama in which she sought to link together the aspects addressed in other papers and comment on those to which no paper was devoted. She observed that international policy received much more attention during James I’s long reign than it did from his predecessors. Though it still focussed chiefly on nearby countries − Occitania, France, England, Navarre, Castile, Portugal, the Muslim lands of the Iberian peninsula and the Maghreb, Pisa, Genoa, Sicily and the Holy See −, it also reached out to more distant lands, such as Hungary, where the king’s second wife came from. Contacts with the Byzantine Empire were stepped up and official relations were initiated with Egypt in response to the interests of Catalan merchants, whose presence in the eastern Mediterranean was increasing. There were also contacts with Armenia and the Tartars. The king abandoned the project of expanding into Occitania, but reinforced his power in Iberia by conquering Majorca and Valencia. The marriage of Prince Peter to Constance of Hohenstaufen, the daughter of King Manfred of Sicily, had important consequences for the future. During the reign of Peter ‘the Great’ this alliance with the Sicilian branch of the German imperial family brought the Catalans into conflict with the Holy See, France and the House of Anjou, a minor branch of the French royal dynasty, but also enabled them to expand into the central Mediterranean. The speaker laid particular stress on commercial and political relations with the Italian maritime cities of Genoa and Pisa, with which the king signed treaties after the conquest of Majorca (1229) so that they could retain the privileged relationship with the island they had enjoyed while it was under Islamic domination. Other agreements were also reached with Genoa, some of which were still related to that city’s collaboration in the conquest of Tortosa. In 1233 it was agreed to set up Genovese trade consulates in the maritime cities in James I’s domains and a Catalan consulate in Genoa. The chief purpose of the latter was to provide support to merchants in Islamic territory. Martí Aurell of the University of Poitiers had been invited to give a paper on the end of the Catalan expansion

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into Occitania. He remarked that the Conqueror was clearly not interested in Occitania, since during his youth he concentrated his military activity on the conquest of Majorca and Valencia and neglected the affairs of Languedoc and Provence. This earned him criticism from the troubadours and in fact he allowed France to take over Languedoc. His diplomatic efforts in Provence were unsuccessful for he failed to persuade Count Ramon Berenguer V, who had been brought up with him in Monzón, to give him an opportunity to secure the Provençal succession (1245). Instead it was Charles of Anjou who set himself up as count of Provence, with help from the Pope, and then launched his conquests in Italy from there in competition with Peter ‘the Great’. Professor Aurell recalled that both the Treaty of Corbeil (1258) and the affair of the Provençal succession are ignored in the Llibre dels Feits. The Treaty put an end to the expansion into Occitania initiated by the counts of Barcelona in 1067-1070, while Louis IX granted Catalonia feudal independence, a development which, in the speaker’s view, had a symbolic importance that should not be underestimated. He also analysed the possible reasons for the relinquishment of the Occitanian project. One factor could have been the conviction that the balance of forces was favourable to France and that any intervention would have triggered a clash with the Holy See, an outcome the king wanted to avoid at any price. Manuel González Jiménez of the University of Seville gave a paper entitled “Jaime I el Conquistador y Alfonso X el Sabio: Una compleja relación de encuentros y desencuentros” (James I ‘the Conqueror’ and Alfonso X ‘the Wise’: a complex relationship of accord and discord), in which he traced the history of the family and personal ties between the two kings. The marriage between Alfonso X and Violant, the daughter of James I, aimed to improve relations between the Catalan-Aragonese confederation and Castile, which had deteriorated badly owing to the failure of James I’s own marriage to Leonor, the aunt of King Ferdinand III, and the struggle for political control over Navarre. But it was not until much later that cordial relations were resumed and meanwhile numerous clashes took place. The first occurred in 1244 when Alfonso attempted to seize Xàtiva. This constituted a violation of the Treaty of Cazola, according which the frontier of the kingdom of Valencia, which James I was then conquering, ran through Biar. Another was caused by the AngloCastilian alliance of 1254, which was directed against Navarre and led to an alliance between James I and Navarre and to border skirmishes. Later on there was the − limited − complicity of James I with rebellious Castilian nobles, and the freedom of passage given by Alfonso X to AlAzraq, the famous Muslim knight who rebelled so frequently against James I. The imperial aspirations of Alfonso ‘the Wise’ were also a cause of anxiety to James I because Alfonso hoped to use the title to impose Castilian supremacy over the peninsula. According to the speaker, when Alfonso’s positions came close to those of the

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Guelphs, James I responded by allying himself with Manfred of Sicily, who was a Hohenstaufen, and negotiating the marriage of the latter’s daughter, Constance of Sicily, to his own son Prince Peter (1260), a move which incurred Alfonso’s wrath. On the other hand, James I received no compensation when he conquered Murcia for his son-inlaw in 1265-1266, and welcomed him to his realms with great honours when he travelled through on his way to request the Pope’s support for his claim to the Empire. Juan Carrasco of the Universidad Pública de Navarra studied James I’s relations with Navarre in his paper “El reino de Navarra y la Corona de Aragón en tiempos de Jaime I el Conquistador (1208-1276)” (The Kingdom of Navarre and the Crown of Aragon in the Times of James I ‘the Conqueror’). He recalled that during the first fifteen years of the reign of Sancho VII of Navarre (1194-1234), the latter’s relationship with the Catalan-Aragonese confederation had alternated between hostility and peace because of the agreements between the kings of Castile and Aragon over the sharing out of Navarre. Shortly before James I’s birth in 1208 a rapprochement took place and the king of Navarre made a loan to King Peter ‘the Catholic’, who was in severe financial difficulties. Years later, in 1231, King Sancho, who had reached the age of seventy without legitimate offspring, chose King James, then a young man of twenty-three, to succeed him on the throne of Navarre through the formula of mutual adoption. Subsequently Sancho rescinded the agreement and, when he died in 1234, the Navarrese, now that Castile was no longer a threat, instead chose his nephew Theobald of Champagne to be their king as Theobald I of Navarre. James I was obliged to accept the new situation and he signed truces with Theobald I. Professor Carrasco explained how friction again broke out between Navarre and Castile after the death of Theobald I because he had appointed James I to be his own heir’s guardian and James tried to protect him. When yet another crisis over the Navarrese succession arose in 1274, James I seized the opportunity to stage a military intervention and imposed Prince Peter as regent. He also betrothed a daughter of the deceased monarch to Prince Peter’s eldest son, on the undertaking that he would uphold the independence of Navarre. Though Prince Peter was accepted as king of Navarre at the parliament held in Olite in 1274, revolts of Aragonese and Catalan nobles prevented the project from being carried out. James I’s relations with Islamic countries were analysed by Carles Vela of the University of Girona, who observed that the Catalan-Aragonese crown began to maintain relations with the majority of contemporary Islamic states during his reign. King James I’s early policy towards the Muslim lords of Valencia, like that of previous counts of Barcelona and count-kings of Aragon, was based on interference in internal conflicts and protection in exchange for tribute. Nor was military conquest the only method he used to dominate the kingdoms of Majorca and Valencia, which were highly divided in political terms: other exam-

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ples of the way he extended his authority over the Muslims included the protectorate over Minorca and various agreements he reached with Valencian lords (with AlAzraq or the lords of Xàtiva in the 1240s, for instance). Certain aspects of the Catalan presence in North Africa − such as the Christian militias in various states of the Maghreb − were also inherited from the previous period. Professor Vela added that we should ask ourselves whether James I’s policy towards these countries from 1240 onwards truly constituted a break with the past or whether it is merely the virtual absence of series of documents prior to these years that creates the impression that James I was building up a new way of relating to the Islamic countries based on the protection of Catalan trade, for Catalan merchants were undoubtedly trading in the area before the first evidence of diplomatic relations between James I and Tunis, Tlemcen or Ceuta appears. He concluded by stressing that closer relations with Cairo and other oriental monarchies − whether Muslim or not − and the episode of the unsuccessful crusade to the Holy Land do indeed distinguish the reign of James I from those of his forebears. In the conference programme, the paper by Ernest Marcos of the University of Barcelona on the crusade to the Holy Land in 1269 was included in the section devoted to war and the navy because of difficulties in the speaker’s agenda. Here I return it to its proper place, because the crusade was not just a military expedition but involved relations with eastern Mediterranean states as well. In the opinion of Professor Marcos, despite the criticism voiced by some of James I’s contemporaries and the negative opinion of numerous historians, the 1269 crusade to the Holy Land was not an unrealistic venture. Rather it was the culmination of an innovative trend in his international policy which commenced towards 1260 with the alliance with King Manfred of Sicily, the head of the Ghibelline party, and the marriage of Prince Peter to Manfred’s daughter Constance. After the defeat and death of his son’s father-in-law, Manfred, at the hands of Charles of Anjou’s French troops in 1266, James I maintained this decision, which signalled the reversal of the House of Barcelona’s traditional pro-Guelph stance. The plans laid by Baybars, the Mamluk sultan of Egypt, to conquer the crusader states triggered a movement to mount a crusade to save them and James I offered to carry the cross. However the Pope invited him instead to join the crusade being prepared by Louis IX of France, which was ultimately to have Tunis as its objective. The Catalan king ignored the French project and became involved in a parallel initiative which did not have the Pope’s blessing: a proposed crusade against the Mamluks, backed by the Mongol Ilkhan Abaqa of Persia, his father-in-law the Byzantine emperor Michael VIII Palaeologus, and other eastern Christian powers. Professor Marcos considered that this crusade was not only anti-Angevin − in view of the enmity between Charles of Anjou, the king of Sicily, and the Byzantine emperor − but that it transgressed the ideological boundary which hindered understanding between

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Commemoration of the Eighth Centenary of the Birth of James I...

Christian monarchs and pagans and heretics. Its military failure, moreover, which was due more to circumstance than to faulty planning, does not detract from its value or interest as the only instance of an offensive military alliance between western and eastern powers. James I tried ultimately to persuade the Council of Lyon (1274) that his project was a good one, but by that time he was too old and infirm for an enterprise of this nature. The relations between James I and the Holy See came in for attention from Damian Smith of Saint Louis University in the United States, who singled out various stages in the king’s relations with the papacy. The first, during the pontificates of Innocent III and Honorius III, was marked by the protection offered by both popes to the infant king. James I held Innocent III in high esteem: he considered him the best pope the Church had known, and the man who had restored his realms to him and, acting through the cardinal legate Peter de Benevento, had ensured his rights were upheld. Honorius III continued to afford him protection but also threatened to launch a crusade against his realms if Count Sanç of Rosselló-Cerdanya and his son did not abandon their belligerent attitude towards the French crusaders. The king’s coming of age opened a phase of collaboration with the papacy, notably during the pontificate of Gregory IX. After James I’s major conquests, which earned him great international prestige, it was the Church that needed him rather than the other way round. Finally a last phase of confrontation commenced in 1260, when he decided to establish a dynastic alliance with King Manfred of Sicily, the head of the Italian Ghibellines, through Prince Peter’s marriage to Manfred’s daughter Constance. Pope Clement IV was scandalized by the king’s private life and disapproved of his 1269 plan for a crusade. Professor Smith stressed that it is difficult to study James I’s relationship with the Holy See because it spans eleven different pontificates and involves the actions of more than a hundred cardinals, some of whom played a crucial role. After this last paper had been given, the Vice-President of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Antoni Riera, made a short speech to close the conference. It should be stressed that other conferences also feature among the events to mark the eighth centenary of James I. One was held by the Institución Fernando el Católico in

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Saragossa from 14 to 16 May. The topic was “La sociedad en Aragón y en Cataluña en el reinado de Jaime I” (Society in Aragon and Catalonia during the Reign of James I) and participants included both Aragonese and Catalan scholars. The History and Archeology Section of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans, in cooperation with the Institut d’Estudis Ilerdencs, which will be in charge of the organization, will be holding another conference in Lleida from 16 to 19 September 2008. The subject will be: “L’Església en temps de Jaume I” (The Church in the Time of James I). We are organizing a conference in Majorca from 13 to 15 October in partnership with the Consell Insular de Majorca and the Institut Europeu de la Mediterrània. The focus will be on four themes: “L’expansió territorial vers les illes” (Territorial expansion into the Balearic Islands − in other words, the conquest, resettlement and organization of Majorca); “L’economia comercial i marítima” (The Commercial and Maritime Economy − the growth of trade and navigation, consulates, and manufacturing); “La política successòria de Jaume I i la creació del regne de Majorca” (James I’s Succession Policy and the Creation of the Kingdom of Majorca); and finally “La figura de Jaume I en el seu temps i en la cultura moderna i contemporània” (The Figure of James I in His Own Time and in Modern and Contemporary Culture). On 27-28 November 2008 we will be staging another conference in Gandia, this time in collaboration with that town’s Centre Alfons el Vell. The topic will be twofold: “El món de la cultura en l’època de Jaume I” (The World of Culture in the Age of James I − featuring papers on art, scientific knowledge, literature and language); and “L’expansió territorial a València” (Territorial Expansion into Valencia − in other words the conquest of Valencia, the resettlement and organization of the kingdom, and the conquest of Murcia). The academic events to mark the eighth centenary will close with a conference in Girona on 1-2 December 2008 funded by the Department of Public Works of the Generalitat (the Catalan government). It will be devoted to two themes: “L’economia rural i l’articulació urbana a Catalunya” (The Rural Economy and the Shaping of Catalan Cities) and “La família reial, la cort i la cultura cortesana” (The Royal Family, the Court and Courtly Culture).

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Catalan Historical Review Number 1 / 2008

Catalan Version

Institvt d’Estvdis Catalans • Barcelona Catalonia •

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Catalan Historical Review Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona

Sumari

Número 1

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2008

Salvador Giner

161

Presentació

Antoni Riera

163

Jaume I i la seva època. Anàlisi breu d’un important llegat polític i cultural

Josep Tarrús

171

La Draga (Banyoles, Catalunya), un poblat lacustre del neolític antic a l’Europa mediterrània

Tomàs de Montagut

183

La societat de Barcelona i el seu dret. Segles xi-xiii

Josep Maria Ruiz, Albert Soler

195

Vida, pensament i context de Ramon Llull

Eulàlia Duran

211

La família Borja: historiografia, llegenda, tema literari

Eva Serra

223

El Tractat dels Pirineus 350 anys després

Santiago Riera

239

La indústria de construcció de màquines a Catalunya i els Països Catalans

Francesc Fontbona

251

Les arts plàstiques del modernisme en terres de parla catalana

Conxita Mir

269

La repressió franquista als Països Catalans

Maria Teresa Ferrer

283

La celebració del vuitè centenari del naixement de Jaume I: el congrés organitzat per la Secció HistòricoArqueològica de l’IEC a Barcelona

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 161-162 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Presentació L’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, l’acadèmia catalana de les ciències i les humanitats, celebrà el centenari de la seva fundació l’any 2007. Durant els primers quatre anys de la seva existència fou un centre d’estudis històrics, fins que se’n produí l’ampliació amb la creació de la Secció Filològica i de la Secció de Ciències. Aquestes començaren a funcionar l’any 1911 al costat de la més antiga, la Històrico-Arqueològica. Avui són cinc les seccions de l’IEC en haver-se desdoblat la Secció de Ciències amb la constitució el 1968 de la Secció de Filosofia i Ciències Socials i el 1989 amb la subdivisió que donà lloc a la Secció de Ciències Biològiques i la de Ciències i Tecnologia. El mateix any de la fundació de l’entitat, el 1907, aparegué el primer número de l’Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, una publicació de gran format i amb més de sis-centes pàgines cada volum. D’aquesta publicació, n’aparegueren vuit volums fins al 1936. Els seus exemplars es troben a diverses biblioteques universitàries i acadèmiques d’arreu del món entre les existents abans del 1939. L’Anuari de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans anà difonent les novetats que es produïen en els coneixements històrics a Catalunya, el País Valencià, les Illes Balears i als països que en un moment o altre hi estigueren vinculats. L’Anuari era la prova fefaent que la llengua catalana era un idioma científic a la vegada que indicava el nivell que assolien aleshores els estudis històrics en el nostre àmbit cultural. La repressió a què es van veure sotmeses la cultura i la llengua catalanes sota la dictadura franquista a partir del 1939 interrompé l’aparició de l’Anuari, però no la publicació per part de l’IEC de nombroses monografies i miscel·lànies sobre la història política, social, artística, literària i jurídica, malgrat la precarietat de l’existència de la institució en aquella època, abans de recuperar el reconeixement oficial el 1977. Ara la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’IEC es proposa tornar a difondre, fora de l’àmbit lingüístic i cultural que li és propi, els progressos que hi tenen lloc en els coneixements històrics, tot utilitzant com a lingua franca l’anglès. Això sense deixar de donar testimoni que és en llengua catalana que la major part dels seus col·laboradors autòctons solen escriure els seus treballs quan tracten els temes de la història de la seva terra. La quantitat i la qualitat de la producció historiogràfica actual en l’àmbit lingüístic i cultural propi de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans justifiquen una publicació anual com la que avui neix. La investigació dins i fora de les universitats per part d’historiadors nacionals i estrangers té unes dimensions que fan necessària la informació que vol oferir Catalan Historical Review.

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El català és una llengua normal en les ciències socials, però és un fet que, malgrat tractar-se d’una llengua romànica, els treballs d’història que es publiquen en català sovint tenen dificultats per a ser coneguts pels qui s’interessen per la història de la península Ibèrica. Per això, Catalan Historical Review es publica en anglès. El propòsit d’aquesta revista anual és oferir balanços i síntesis sobre els diversos aspectes de la història —i en totes les èpoques— dels països de parla catalana i les seves relacions amb la resta del món. És una revista de format electrònic i en paper. De ben segur que els articles de síntesi que aquí aniran apareixent resultaran útils per als estudiosos d’altres països, als quals s’adreça en primer lloc aquesta publicació, sense que deixin de tenir també interès per als qui viuen i treballen en els mateixos territoris en els quals centrarà la seva atenció Catalan Historical Review. La nova revista neix l’any en què es commemora el vuitè centenari del naixement de Jaume I (1208-1276), rei de la dinastia dels comtes de Barcelona i alhora reis d’Aragó a partir del 1137. En conquerir a costa dels sarraïns el regne de Mallorca primer i el de València després, amb la col· laboració en el segon cas dels aragonesos, el rei Jaume I posà les bases de la comunitat de llengua i cultura que formen Catalunya —amb el Rosselló i els territoris annexionats per França el 1659—, les Illes Balears i el País Valencià. Com que Jaume I és el representant d’una època cabdal en la història catalana, a la coberta d’aquest número es reprodueix el retrat imaginari del rei que realitzaren Jaume Mateu i Gonçal Peris l’any 1427 i que es conserva al Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya. L’IEC col·laborà científicament en la commemoració de Jaume I i ja ha publicat una edició anotada de la famosa Crònica del regnat, que Jaume I dictà i que fou un fet transcendental per estar escrita en la llengua vulgar i no en llatí. Al final del regnat, Ramon Llull escrivia els seus primers llibres en llengua catalana i es començava a desenvolupar la legislació marítima per a fomentar el comerç, origen del Llibre del Consolat de Mar, model internacional de legislació mercantil a partir del segle xiv. Les institucions municipals autònomes com el Consell de Cent de Barcelona es consolidaren i s’estructuraren en aquella època. El rei Jaume I cercà recolzar-se en la burgesia per a compensar el poder de la noblesa feudal i el nou equilibri de forces quedà reflectit en les Corts, que durant el regnat següent assolirien poder legislatiu i tributari i donaren lloc a la monarquia limitada, característica del pactisme català, una mena de constitucionalisme medieval.

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La participació de l’IEC a l’any Jaume I s’ha concretat en la celebració d’un congrés internacional, celebrat a Barcelona entre el 31 de març i el 4 d’abril de 2008, organitzat per la presidenta de la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’IEC, Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol. També participà l’IEC en l’acte commemoratiu organitzat per la Generalitat de Catalunya el 30 de març de 2008. En aquest acte, el vicepresident segon de l’Institut, Antoni Riera i Melis, pronuncià un discurs sobre el regnat d’aquell rei, parlament que obre aquest número de la nostra revista.

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Salvador Giner

Com a president de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans saludo amb gran satisfacció l’aparició d’aquesta nova publicació periòdica, Catalan Historial Review, que suma els seus esforços a la projecció exterior de la nostra cultura que ja vénen fent altres revistes prestigioses de l’IEC com Estudis Romànics i Contributions to Science. La historiografia catalana d’ahir i d’avui fa temps que atreu l’atenció de la comunitat internacional d’historiadors i considero que aquesta publicació li serà de gran utilitat. Salvador Giner President de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 163-170 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.11 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Jaume I i la seva època. Anàlisi breu d’un important llegat polític i cultural* Antoni Riera i Melis**

Institut d’Estudis Catalans Universitat de Barcelona

Introducció Ens hem reunit aquí, a Poblet, al solemne panteó reial dels casals d’Aragó i Catalunya, no per recordar un òbit, sinó una nativitat, per obrir els actes de la commemoració institucional del vuit-centè aniversari del naixement de Jaume I, un dels sobirans enterrats aquí. Jaume I, com els seus coetanis l’emperador Frederic II o Ferran III de Castella, és una figura cabdal de l’edat mitjana mediterrània i ibèrica. La magnitud de la seva obra justifica que els pobles que formaren part de la Corona catalanoaragonesa n’analitzin, durant el 2008, amb rigor científic i amb perspectives de futur, l’obra i el llegat. Una bona part del que avui som —i del que no som— en els camps de la demografia, l’economia, la societat, la política i la cultura es va començar a forjar durant el seu regnat, tot i que algunes de les seves iniciatives palesessin una certa curtedat de perspectives, una manca de visió de futur. Els grans personatges no sorgeixen, emperò, del no-res ni operen en el buit, sinó que són sempre fruit d’una història prèvia i actuen en un context; amb la seva actuació —poderosa—, incideixen, emperò, en el seu present, el fan evolucionar d’acord amb els seus projectes i creen un llegat. Quins van ser, resumidament, els trets caracteritzadors del context històric de Jaume I? El seu regnat va coincidir amb l’etapa final d’un llarg període de creixement demogràfic i econòmic, propiciat pel sistema feudal, arreu d’Occident, així com amb l’inici d’un fort impuls comercial, indissociable dels excedents agraris estructurals generats per dos-cents anys de rompudes d’erms, de l’alça de la circulació monetària i del crèdit, i dels avenços de la tecnologia i el pensament. Durant els dos primers terços del segle xiii, el desenvolupament del comerç de llarga distància va articular l’Europa occidental, tant mediterrània com atlàntica, i hi incrementà el paper econòmic, polític i cultural de la burgesia. Fou una època de transició,

* Discurs pronunciat el 30 de març de 2008 a la sala capitular del monestir de Poblet, amb motiu de la inauguració dels actes commemoratius del vuitcentè aniversari del naixement de Jaume I ** Adreça de contacte: ariera@iec.cat

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en què el nou dret romà va entrar en conflicte amb les velles normes feudals, en què s’assentaren les bases de nous estats territorials, fruit de concentracions de poder entorn de monarques que ja no es consideraven sols els primers entre els nobles. Una època de sobirans interessats a fer recular les senyories immunes, a recuperar el control jurisdiccional i fiscal per sobre de tots els territoris que integraven els seus respectius reialmes; un període de revoltes nobiliàries i de reformes administratives i tributàries, d’avenç del dret comú per sobre del consuetudinari. Fou aleshores quan, a les naixents universitats, es van renovar els estudis, començant pels de dret i de medicina. Tots aquests canvis van coincidir amb la lenta agonia dels enclavaments croats a Terra Santa davant la pressió mameluca, amb l’avenç dels mongols cap a l’Europa oriental i amb importants progressos territorials de la cristiandat a càrrec de l’islam a la Mediterrània occidental.

Els temps difícils de la minoria i de la primera fase del regnat Jaume I va néixer la nit de l’1 al 2 de febrer de 1208, la matinada de la festa de la Candelera, a Montpeller, fill de Pere el Catòlic i de Maria de Montpeller, un matrimoni malavingut que s’havia separat de fet abans de concebre’l. Les cròniques, tot començant per la del mateix monarca, sense silenciar aquestes circumstàncies, envolten, tanmateix, el seu engendrament i la seva naixença de prodigis i bons auguris, que, pel fet de ser molt coneguts, no esmentaré. Els seus primers tres anys de vida, del 1208 al 1211, es van escolar al costat de la mare, a la seva ciutat natal. La llengua materna del futur rei seria, doncs, l’occità. El Llenguadoc era aleshores un gegant cultural i un nan polític. El conreu de la poesia trobadoresca i de l’amor cortès hi coincidia amb una manca d’estructures polítiques unitàries, d’una dinastia autòctona capaç de vertebrar un estat fort. Aquest buit de poder hi afavoria la penetració, mitjançant vincles feudals, dels seus dos poderosos estats veïns, la Corona catalanoaragonesa i França. El naixement de Jaume I va coincidir, a més, amb un esclat de la tensió, ja que, unes setmanes abans, Innocenci III havia

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impulsat una croada, per eradicar-hi, amb el suport militar de la monarquia francesa i ideològic dels ordes dominicà i cistercenc, l’heretgia càtara. Entre els combatents per l’ortodòxia religiosa, prest va destacar un membre de la noblesa de la França septentrional, Simó de Montfort. La noblesa local, encapçalada per Ramon VI de Tolosa, incapaç de resistir l’ofensiva dels croats, va sol·licitar la intervenció del seu senyor superior, Pere el Catòlic. El sobirà, per guanyar temps, va adoptar una postura contemporitzadora, negociant un pacte amb Simó de Montfort, que implicava el matrimoni d’Amícia, filla del croat, amb l’infant Jaume, el qual fou lliurat, com a hoste, al futur sogre, a fi que l’eduqués a Carcassona. Al sud dels Pirineus la situació també canviava aleshores ràpidament: la davallada del califat almohade atenuava la capacitat defensiva dels musulmans a la península Ibèrica. En aquest complicat context, dues grans batalles modificarien el curs de la història a ambdós escenaris i condicionarien l’orientació futura del regnat de Jaume I: el 16 de juliol de 1212, una coalició de forces cristianes ibèriques, amb reforços gals, derrotaren els almohades a Las Navas de Tolosa, batalla en la qual va tenir un actuació important el comte rei. Un any després, el 12 de setembre de 1213, un bloc català, aragonès i occità va ser derrotat per l’exèrcit croat de Simó de Montfort a Muret, a la rodalia de Tolosa, on el mateix monarca, Pere el Catòlic, va trobar la mort. Les batalles, soles, no determinen la història dels pobles, però —com ha assenyalat recentment Antoni Furió— la ritmen, l’acceleren. Las Navas de Tolosa facilitaven l’expansió de la Corona catalanoaragonesa cap al sud i cap a l’est, vers les terres de més enllà de l’Ebre i les illes de la Mediterrània occidental. Muret tancava la porta, en canvi, a una altra possibilitat, la d’un gran estat a ambdós vessants dels Pirineus, basat gairebé exclusivament en pactes de fidelitat vassallàtica. Poc després de Muret, moria a Roma Maria de Montpeller. Jaume I quedava orfe de pare i de mare i confinat a Carcassona, on havia començat a rebre una educació cavalleresca i ultraortodoxa, pròpia d’un croat, en occità i en francès. Al gener del 1214, Innocenci III, que ocupava l’alta senyoria de la Corona catalanoaragonesa, ordenava a Simó de Montfort que entregués Jaume I, un rei de sis anys, als seus súbdits catalans i aragonesos. El nou sobirà fou confiat a Guillem de Mont-rodó, mestre del Temple, que se’l va endur a Montsó, un castell ben defensat, en els confins mateixos de Catalunya i Aragó, per completar-hi la seva educació, juntament amb el seu cosí, també orfe, Ramon Berenguer V de Provença. Un dels punts més foscos de la vida de Jaume I és el programa formatiu a què va ser sotmès pels templers. L’educació dels prínceps, aleshores, passava més per l’ensinistrament en l’ús de les armes i en les tècniques de combat que pel domini de les arts lliberals. L’infant va ser instruït com un rei guerrer. Tot i que alguns historiadors del segle xx han posat en dubte que sabés escriure, la lectura atenta del Llibre dels feits palesa que Jaume I va aprendre, a Montsó, el català i l’aragonès, les llengües amb què

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Antoni Riera

s’adreçaria en el futur als súbdits. En la seva formació també hi va entrar el llatí, que no arribà a dominar; la història antiga, des de la Bíblia fins als clàssics romans; la història medieval, si més no les cròniques i els annals de Catalunya, Aragó, França i Terra Santa, àmbits territorials, els dos darrers, freqüentats pels templers. Els historiadors de la literatura han identificat, en el Llibre dels feits, nombroses referències de la historiografia grecollatina, de la mitologia clàssica, de la tradició artúrica i de la Bíblia. Mentre el sobirà madurava a Montsó, els seus regnes eren administrats per un consell de regència, presidit pel seu oncle Sanç del Rosselló, el qual va aprofitar aquesta favorable posició per a donar suport, discretament, al comte de Tolosa i a la resta de la noblesa occitana davant la pressió dels croats francs i dels legats pontificis. La situació al llarg de les fronteres meridionals, envers al-Àndalus, es mantingué, en canvi, estàtica. Aquesta actitud va induir Honori III a accelerar la majoria d’edat del monarca i a crear, el 1218, un consell reial, integrat per l’arquebisbe Aspàreg de Tarragona, dos membres de l’alta noblesa catalana i dos més de l’alta noblesa aragonesa. Jaume I va iniciar, doncs, el seu regnat amb deu anys. Durant la minoria, els nobles catalans i aragonesos, esperonats per la manca de botins generada per la immobilització de la frontera meridional i l’esfondrament dels vincles feudals amb Occitània, intensificaren el saqueig del patrimoni reial, una bona part del qual ja havia estat engatjat durant la descurada administració del seu pare. «No teníem de què menjar, tan destruïda i empenyorada estava la terra!», recordaria el sobirà, unes dècades més tard, a la seva crònica. Els vuit primers anys del regnat foren difícils, perquè el monarca, amb una forta manca de recursos econòmics i obligat a efectuar agosarades mutacions monetàries, es veié involucrat en les lluites dels grans llinatges nobiliaris que sacsejaren Aragó i Catalunya, que li exigien terres i diners, indemnitzacions per les pèrdues sofertes, i el retenien presoner fins que s’avenia a les seves pretensions. Amb l’ajut d’alguns templers i juristes experts en el nou ius comune, el monarca va aconseguir, tanmateix, tallar gradualment la sagnia econòmica del tresor, estabilitzar la moneda, estrènyer les relacions amb la burgesia i fer-se escoltar per l’aristocràcia. La conquesta de la iniciativa davant els nobles assenyala el final de l’època d’aprenentatge.

L’època de les grans conquestes Jaume I va iniciar, el 1227, la segona fase del regnat, caracteritzada per la projecció exterior, per un avanç ràpid de les fronteres. Va procurar, aleshores, canalitzar cap a fora l’agressivitat i l’exigència de noves rendes de la noblesa i la set de mercats dels burgesos. El recent trencament de la xarxa de vincles de fidelitat teixida per Alfons el Trobador i Pere el Catòlic al nord de les Corberes i l’entesa de la Santa Seu amb la monarquia francesa desaconsellaven orientar cap al nord les energies

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Jaume I i la seva època. Anàlisi breu d’un important llegat polític i cultural

militars. El lent esfondrament del califat almohade obria, en canvi, un escenari molt més favorable al sud i a l’est de la Corona catalanoaragonesa. L’expansió territorial es podia orientar, doncs, cap a dos fronts: el regne de València i les Illes Balears. Mentre que l’aristocràcia aragonesa donava prioritat a l’avanç territorial cap al sud, la noblesa i la burgesia catalanes consideraven més rendible l’expansió vers l’est. Tant el sobirà com els seus assessors eren conscients que les conquestes territorials a càrrec dels andalusins eren les grans empreses del regnat. Tota la seva crònica, que és tant com dir tota la seva vida, ho palesa. El Llibre dels feits recull primordialment les gestes militars. La guerra, a les societats feudals del segle xiii, ho dominava tot; era, aleshores, un estil de vida, una veritable professió, no sols per als monarques i l’alta noblesa, sinó també per als cavallers i els peons, per als homes de frontera i els aventurers de tota mena que s’endinsaven en territori enemic, en incursions ràpides i devastadores, a la recerca de botí i, sobretot, de captius per a demanar-ne després substanciosos rescats o vendre’ls al mercat d’esclaus. La conquesta de Mallorca era una empresa difícil, ja que requeria una organització naval prou desenvolupada per a traslladar un poderós exèrcit feudal, amb els cavalls i les màquines de guerra, així com per a garantir-ne l’avituallament durant la campanya. Fins al regnat de Jaume I, en totes les operacions de conquesta ultramarina dels catalans havien participat importants contingents navals italians, de Gènova o Pisa. Durant el darrer quart del segle xii i el primer del xiii, l’expansió del comerç català havia activat, tanmateix, la construcció naval a Barcelona, Cotlliure i Tortosa. La Corona catalanoaragonesa, el 1227, disposava ja d’un potencial naval i d’experiència suficients per a assumir la conquesta de les Illes amb la seva pròpia flota. Uns incidents marítims entre embarcacions catalanes i balears esdevinguts el 1226 foren el pretext per a engegar l’empresa. Tanmateix, ja no es tractava de destruir les bases d’unes flotes piràtiques, sinó de conquerir i colonitzar un enclavament marítim d’un gran valor econòmic i estratègic. La crònica fa arrancar els preparatius de l’empresa en un banquet organitzat a Tarragona, a la darreria del 1228, per Pere Martell, un capità de galeres barceloní que ja havia freqüentat les Illes i que féu una descripció entusiasta de les riqueses que hi havia. La documentació coetània demostra, emperò, que l’ofensiva s’havia decidit abans i que els preparatius, aleshores, ja estaven en curs, com es desprèn de la reunió, per Nadal, de les Corts catalanes a Barcelona, on es van definir els termes de la conquesta. El rei es va comprometre per escrit a repartir les terres, els castells, les viles, les cases i els béns mobles que s’obtindrien, d’acord amb l’aportació d’efectius militars o en metàl·lic de cada participant. Per finançar l’armament de la flota, els procuradors dels tres braços van atorgar al sobirà un subsidi extraordinari: la recaptació del bovatge, un impost directe de nova creació que gravava el coble de bous.

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La flota va salpar, el 5 de setembre de 1229, de Salou, Cambrils i Tarragona. La conquesta, força més complicada que hom havia previst, es va desenvolupar en tres fases. En la primera, del setembre del 1229 a l’octubre del 1230, es van conquerir la capital i la contrada del Pla. La ciutat de Mallorca va ser presa per assalt, el 31 de desembre, i saquejada durant vuit dies. Només una part de la població va aconseguir fugir de la ciutat i refugiar-se a les àrees muntanyenques de l’illa. El gros, integrat bàsicament per gent desarmada, va ser massacrat sense contemplacions per la host feudal cristiana. La crònica reial descriu amb força detall aquesta explosió de violència: «Van veure tants sarraïns morts per cases, per carrers, per horts i per corrals, que feia gran feredat de veure». La mortaldat va assolir una magnitud tal que fou necessari organitzar la destrucció sistemàtica dels cadàvers, per a evitar una epidèmia, com explica també puntualment la crònica: «L’arquebisbe i els bisbes donaren mil dies de perdó a tothom que traguera un sarraí mort fora de la ciutat. I així, la gent, de bon grat i per guanyar el perdó, amb cavalls, amb muls i amb rossins, arrossegant-los, tragueren tots els morts fora la ciutat. I després reuniren molta llenya i els cremaren. I foren cinquanta mil els sarraïns que hi moriren, i trenta mil els qui foren presos vius i foren captius». El valor que cal concedir a aquest passatge del Llibre dels feits és més qualitatiu que no pas quantitatiu: palesa la magnitud i la normalitat de les matances, la voluntat d’extermini amb què els exèrcits feudals actuaven aleshores no sols contra els nuclis de resistència, sinó també contra els col·lectius que es rendien o fugien. La segona etapa de la conquesta, entre el maig i el juliol del 1231, es va destinar a expugnar la presència islàmica dels enclavaments muntanyencs de l’illa. Els darrers nuclis de resistència, ubicats al centre de la serra de Tramuntana, en unes contrades molt pobres, van ser conquerits entre el maig i el juny del 1232, durant la tercera estada del sobirà a Mallorca. El botí obtingut amb la conquesta de Mallorca havia estat enorme, tant en persones com en terres i altres immobles. La població sarraïna que havia sobreviscut als combats i a les matances va ser reduïda a captivitat: aquells que es pogueren pagar el rescat van ser alliberats i se’ls permeté residir a l’illa com a homes lliures, encara que gairebé tots preferiren emigrar cap a Menorca, València, Granada o Barbaria; els insolvents van ser repartits entre el sobirà i els participants de la campanya, que els utilitzaren com a mà d’obra tant en les explotacions agrícoles com en els obradors menestrals, o els vengueren com a esclaus en els mercats internacionals. Els vençuts no foren, doncs, acantonats en àrees de poc valor estratègic i

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organitzats en comunitats ètniques segregades, com les ja existents al baix Aragó i les que es crearien, poc després, a València. Com ha assenyalat recentment Antoni Mas, «si alguna cosa caracteritza la conquesta de Mallorca respecte d’altres conquestes catalanoaragoneses anteriors o coetànies és el seu caràcter destructiu». Quines podrien ser les causes d’aquest comportament dels conqueridors envers la població musulmana de Mallorca? L’afany de conjurar el perill de quintacolumnisme en un enclavament illenc de gran valor estratègic i especialment difícil de defensar? La creença que l’illa, per l’escassa extensió geogràfica, podia ser colonitzada en pocs anys per pobladors cristians? Amb el pas del temps, els captius, pressionats per les jerarquies eclesiàstiques i atrets per la possibilitat de redempció, es van anar convertint al cristianisme, van adoptar antropònims catalans i van acabar diluïts en la societat feudal balear. Pel que fa als immobles, els comissaris del repartiment estructuraren els participants, després d’avaluar-ne amb rigor l’aportació a la campanya, en cinc grups, encapçalats respectivament per Jaume I; Nunyo Sanç, comte del Rosselló; Berenguer de Palou, bisbe de Barcelona; Gastó de Montcada, vescomte de Bearn, i Hug IV, comte d’Empúries, membres els quatre darrers dels estaments privilegiats catalans. Cada un d’aquests cinc grans porcioners, al seu torn, havia de repartir els béns rebuts amb els altres components del grup i amb els seus propis vassalls. El sobirà va rebre la meitat dels immobles de la ciutat i de les explotacions rurals de l’illa, i els quatre representants del bloc feudal reberen l’altra meitat de la capital i de la part forana de l’illa. Els concessionaris cap de grup, per garantir la defensa de l’illa, van acordar crear una host permanent i assumirne els costs de manteniment. Cada una de les cinc parts resultants del repartiment va ser avaluada en cavalleries, unitats que, en contra del que s’ha cregut fins fa poc, no eren feus compactes, sinó conjunts de béns immobles susceptibles de generar una determinada magnitud de renda; l’extensió mitjana de les cavalleries va ser d’aproximadament 227 hectàrees, disperses per diversos districtes rurals. Per cada 130 cavalleries s’havia de mantenir permanentment un cavall armat; el resultat del còmput va consistir que el sobirà hauria de contribuir amb 43,6 cavalls, mentre que el conjunt de senyors seculars i eclesiàstics n’hauria d’aportar 59,7. Els grans beneficiaris del repartiment no s’instal·laren a Mallorca, sinó que —com demostren els Llibres del repartiment— van optar per colonitzar els seus respectius lots mitjançant establiments emfitèutics o vendes. Els pobladors, al seu torn, estaven facultats per a establir noves famílies pageses a les terres rebudes; cada transferència implicava que el concessionari pagués al cedent un dret d’entrada i un cens anual. L’adscripció dels pagesos a la terra i els mals usos, aleshores ja documentats a la Catalunya Vella, no passaren, doncs, a Mallorca, una absència que ha induït alguns historiadors illencs a sostenir que la societat rural resultant

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no fou feudal, sinó una societat nova i més evolucionada, fronterera, de persones lliures, concepció que no comparteixo, encara que, per manca de temps, us estalvio les raons del meu dissentiment. A poc a poc, durant el segon terç del segle xiii, fluïren cap a Mallorca contingents de mà d’obra rural, atrets per la lleugeresa de les càrregues senyorials. Entre els demandants de terres van predominar els oriünds de la Catalunya Vella, del Llenguadoc, de la Ligúria i de Provença; també hi apareixen documentats uns quants aragonesos, navarresos i, fins i tot, portuguesos. Pel que fa a les altres illes, Menorca, durant la segona estada del rei a Mallorca, es va sotmetre sense resistència a la sobirania catalanoaragonesa. La població de la balear menor, en virtut del Tractat de Capdepera, del 17 de juny de 1232, es va declarar súbdita del comte rei i es va comprometre a pagar anualment un impost específic en espècie, integrat per bestiar i cereals. El sobirà es va comprometre, a canvi, a respectar-los la religió i les estructures polítiques. Eivissa i Formentera van ser cedides en feu pel rei a Guillem de Montgrí, arquebisbe electe de Tarragona, a Nunyo Sanç del Rosselló i a l’infant Pere de Portugal, els quals en portaren a terme la conquesta, assumint-ne totes les despeses, durant l’estiu del 1235. L’arxipèlag va ser incorporat a la Corona catalanoaragonesa com un regne més. El seu règim jurídic fou establert en la Carta de Franquesa, inspirada en les cartes de Tortosa i de Lleida, i en la qual els Usatges de Barcelona eren relegats a la condició de dret supletori, per a resoldre aquells casos no previstos en la Carta. Aquest primer gran text legislatiu de l’època de Jaume I, analitzat amb detall, constitueix una variant d’una carta de poblament, pensada per a reactivar el funcionament d’una ciutat gran i intensament trasbalsada. La Carta traspua una calculada ambigüitat, ja que, en molts dels articles, els redactors no en precisen l’àmbit territorial d’aplicació, raó per la qual el lector dubta si eren destinats exclusivament a la ciutat i al seu terme o al conjunt de l’illa. Aquesta imprecisió, com ha assenyalat recentment Vicent Garcia Edo, esdevindria un dels trets definidors del subsegüent sistema jurídic mallorquí. Mentre Jaume I, amb el suport de la noblesa, el clergat i la burgesia catalanes portava a terme la conquesta de Mallorca, els nobles aragonesos —poc interessats encara en empreses ultramarines— realitzaven, des del Baix Ebre i les serralades terolenques, ofensives locals contra els districtes septentrionals de l’emirat de València. Expugnada la presència islàmica de Mallorca, Jaume I, davant els èxits que va assolir, el 1232, Balasc d’Alagó a Ares i Morella, va considerar adient assumir el protagonisme que li pertocava en la direcció de la conquesta i colonització del Llevant ibèric. L’empresa fou planificada en una reunió del sobirà amb l’esmentat Balasc d’Alagó i Hug de Forcalquer, mestre de l’orde de l’Hospital, celebrada a Alcanyís a principi de l’any 1233. Com a conseqüència de l’extensió i de la densitat demogràfica de l’emirat valencià, la conquesta s’hau-

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ria de fer per etapes. En la primera fase, des del 1233 fins al 1235, foren conquerides les principals localitats de les contrades septentrionals de l’emirat, de Borriana, Peníscola, Castelló i Borriol, i es va deixar de banda, per a més endavant, la zona muntanyosa de la serra d’Eslida. Els esforços militars i econòmics, en aquesta fase, van ser a càrrec del sobirà, de l’orde de l’Hospital i d’alguns membres de la noblesa aragonesa, com ara Balasc d’Alagó i Eximén d’Urrea. Per afrontar la segona etapa, el sobirà va convocar con juntament les Corts d’Aragó i de Catalunya a Montsó el 1236; hi va participar una àmplia representació del clergat, de la noblesa i de les ciutats d’ambdós cantons del Cinca, que pactaren els suports militars i econòmics a la campanya i el futur repartiment de les terres i del botí. La decidida participació dels tres estaments de Catalunya palesa que el sobirà considerava adient que la conquesta i la colonització de València deixés de ser una empresa exclusivament aragonesa. Del suport exterior se n’ocupava, mentrestant, el papa. Al febrer del 1237, Gregori IX concedia a l’empresa la condició de croada. La Santa Seu havia confiat a la monarquia francesa la tasca d’eradicar l’heretgia al Llenguadoc, i a la catalanoaragonesa, la d’expandir la cristiandat pel litoral mediterrani ibèric. La host es reuní, a la primavera del 1237, a Terol. Els objectius d’aquesta segona fase eren la capital i les terres compreses entre les valls del Palància i el Xúquer. La ciutat de València va capitular el 28 de desembre de 1238; l’emir, després d’obtenir una treva de set anys de Jaume I, va evacuar la ciutat i es va instal·lar a Xàtiva. Finalment, entre el 1241 i el 1245, foren conquerides les terres compreses entre el Xúquer i el riu Verd; la frontera meridional del regne de València, renegociada amb Castella al Tractat d’Almirra, el 1244, anava de Biar, al Sistema Ibèric a Bosot, al litoral mediterrani. Durant les primeres fases de la conquesta, el sobirà va efectuar donacions personals de terres mitjançant cartes de cessió. Des del 1239, caiguda la capital, Jaume I, per atreure pobladors, va multiplicar les donacions, que es van anotar al Llibre del repartiment. Molts dels primers concessionaris, com a Mallorca, van vendre les terres o els immobles rebuts i retornaren als respectius llocs d’origen. Coetàniament, els sarraïns que s’havien retut als conqueridors amb pactes obtingueren el dret de romandre al nou regne de València. Així, una gran part de la població autòctona va continuar, en virtut de les capitulacions pactades amb Jaume I, vivint, acantonada en moreries, arreu del País Valencià. Al contrari del que havia esdevingut a Mallorca, aquesta població musulmana va obtenir, a canvi d’una forta pressió fiscal, una autonomia administrativa, judicial, religiosa i lingüística. Com a conseqüència del desequilibri entre l’extensió de terra conquerida i el potencial demogràfic dels colonitzadors, es va crear, doncs, a les contrades rurals valencianes, una societat dual, composta per famílies d’emfiteutes i d’aloers cristians, que garantien la irreversibilitat de la conquesta, i per comunitats segregades de musulmans, que hi produïen una bona part

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de la renda fiscal i senyorial. Pel que fa a la provinença dels repobladors, només disposem de dades fiables per a la ciutat de València: un 48,5 % eren catalans; un 44,5 %, aragonesos, i el 7 % restant, estrangers. Les proporcions variarien, tanmateix, en cada contrada de la zona rural. Jaume I no va voler unir les noves conquestes a Aragó i Catalunya, com esperaven els nobles d’ambdós territoris; va crear un regne nou, un espai més propici per a l’actuació de la monarquia, menys supeditat a les ambicions de la gran noblesa feudal. Per això va limitar considerablement la magnitud de les concessions territorials fetes als nobles i als cavallers, que van ser força més petites que a Mallorca; va publicar un codi jurídic de caràcter romanista, els Furs, primerament per a la ciutat de València i després per a tot el regne; va crear una moneda nova, el reial de València, distinta dels diners barcelonesos i jaquesos, que corrien pel Principat i la vall de l’Ebre, i hi va instituir unes corts representatives i exclusives. Sobre aquests elements diferencials s’aniria fonamentant la singularitat valenciana dintre de la Corona catalanoaragonesa. Entre el 1229 i el 1245, en vint-i-sis anys, Jaume I va ampliar els 84.324 km2 d’Aragó i Catalunya que havia rebut del seu pare amb els 24.791 km2 de les Illes Balears i el regne de València. Les contrades conquerides van significar uns guanys territorials d’aproximadament un 30 %, nivell mai no assolit en un únic regnat.

La renúncia definitiva al miratge occità, el Tractat de Corbeil La culminació de la conquesta valenciana i la mort sense hereu mascle del seu cosí Ramon Berenguer V de Provença induïren, el 1245, a Jaume I i els seus assessors a renovar els vells vincles polítics amb Occitània, on el poder francès, amb el suport decidit de la Santa Seu, s’havia anat consolidant. El 1229, tot coincidint amb l’inici de la conquesta de Mallorca, Ramon VII de Tolosa havia hagut d’entregar la mà de la seva hereva, Joana, i les senescalies de Beaucaire i Carcassona a Alfons de Poitier, germà de Lluís IX. Jaume I, conscient que la precarietat dels guanys territorials ibèrics no li permetien mantenir una guerra oberta al nord de les Corberes ni trencar amb la Santa Seu, hi va adoptar, emperò, un perfil baix; va intentar una operació diplomàtica insòlita: unir els llinatges de Tolosa i Provença, mitjançant l’enllaç de Ramon VII amb Beatriu, l’hereva provençal. L’operació, tanmateix, fou avortada per la monarquia francesa i la Santa Seu, que imposaren, el 1246, l’enllaç de la comtessa amb Carles d’Anjou, germà de Lluís IX. El resultat, pel fet de refermar la presència gal·la al migdia de França, fou molt lesiu per als interessos comercials i polítics dels catalans a la Mediterrània occidental. El primer sollevament de la població mudèjar, coordinada per al-Azraq, va obligar, emperò, Jaume I a concedir una atenció preferent al regne de València. No seria fins al 1258, que, superat l’aixecament dels mudèjars valencians, Jaume I i els seus assessors podrien

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tornar-se a ocupar de la defensa dels interessos de la Corona catalanoaragonesa a Occitània. La situació, mentrestant, havia empitjorat: els francesos, amb el recolzament sostingut de la Santa Seu, havien refermat la seva presència al Llenguadoc, on controlaven, arran d’una intel·ligent política matrimonial, els dos llinatges principals, el dels comtes de Tolosa i el dels comtes de Provença, i hi havien eradicat l’heretgia càtara. S’imposava, doncs, que la Corona catalanoaragonesa assumís com a irreversibles els canvis que s’havien produït, durant el segon quart del segle xiii, a Occitània. Jaume I, després de fer analitzar curosament la situació pels seus assessors jurídics, va acceptar, l’estiu del 1258, la nova realitat. Al Tractat de Corbeil, Lluís IX de França renunciava als vells lligams de fidelitat que vinculaven, des de l’època carolíngia, els comtes de Barcelona amb els reis de França; Jaume I cedia, a canvi, tots els drets jurisdiccionals i feudals que conservava a les terres occitanes, amb les excepcions de la senyoria de Montpeller, els enclavaments de Carladès i Omeladès i la Vall d’Aran. L’acord, tot i les crítiques que ha suscitat entre un sector de la historiografia catalana, valenciana i aragonesa, fou la confirmació de la prudència i el realisme amb què el vell Jaume I enfocava la política occitana. El sobirà no ignorava que la recuperació del protagonisme al Llenguadoc provocaria un enfrontament obert amb França, l’estat militarment més fort i ben administrat de l’Occident, i amb la Santa Seu, que castigava amb l’excomunió tot intent extern de suport a la noblesa occitana. El Tractat de Corbeil significava, doncs, la liquidació de l’expansionisme ultrapirinenc i implicava una aposta conscient i decidida per les projeccions mediterrània i ibèrica, ja iniciades.

Vers una nova política exterior Quan una porta es tanca, emperò, se’n sol obrir una altra: Jaume I va saber aprofitar el reflux de la tensió subsegüent al Tractat de Corbeil per a obrir nous escenaris polítics, per a rellançar la projecció mercantil i militar de la Corona catalanoaragonesa a la Mediterrània. L’àrea elegida fou Sicília, una illa situada al centre del vell Mare Nostrum i amb importants excedents cerealístics. Aquest mercat estratègic per al conjunt de comerciants de la Mediterrània occidental era governat, des de la mort de l’emperador Conrad IV, el 1254, per un bastard de la família Hohenstaufen, Manfred, el regent del nen Conradí, que havia esdevingut el cap del gibel·linisme italià, raó per la qual la Santa Seu l’havia excomunicat. Jaume I, assessorat pels representants dels homes de negocis, va decidir explotar aquesta situació de debilitat de la cort siciliana. Els contactes es van iniciar a Barcelona el 1260 i culminaren a Montpeller el 13 de juny de 1262, amb el matrimoni de l’infant Pere i Constança de Sicília. L’aliança, com era d’esperar, va ser vista amb alarma a França i Provença, i, sobretot, pel pontífex, que, uns quants anys després, infeudà el regne de Sicília a Carles d’Anjou.

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Una nova revolta dels mudèjars valencians i els inconvenientes d’una excomunicació van impedir als catalans i als aragonesos ajudar Manfred, davant l’ofensiva del comte de Provença. Carles d’Anjou, amb el suport de França, va derrotar Manfred a Benevent, el 1266, i Conradí a Tagliacozzo, dos anys després. Tot feia pensar que, després de la desvinculació d’Occitània, es tancava també l’escenari sicilià per a la Corona catalanoaragonesa. Restava, emperò, una carta en la mà del comte rei: amb la mort de Conradí, la seva herència i la coordinació del gibel·linisme italià havien passat a la infanta Constança, esposa de l’hereu d’Aragó. Els enfrontaments familiars, les revoltes dels mudèjars i l’edat impedirien, tanmateix, a Jaume I albirar els fruits de la seva darrera iniciativa internacional.

L’ocupació i el reintegrament a Castella del regne de Múrcia Mitjançant el pacte d’Alcaraz, del 1243, l’emir murcià Muhammad Ibn Hud s’havia sotmès al vassallatge de Ferran III de Castella, amb el compromís d’entregar-li la meitat dels impostos recaptats. Múrcia no havia estat, doncs, conquerida, ni tan sols ocupada militarment. El rei de Castella, que havia donat prioritat a la incorporació efectiva de la vall del Guadalquivir, hi exercia sols una mena de protectorat; controlava les principals fortaleses, on havia instal·lat guarnicions cristianes, i trobava moltes dificultats per a canalitzar-hi contingents importants de pagesos provinents de les valls del Duero, el Tajo i el Guadiana, que se sentien més atrets per les perspectives que obrien els repartiments de terres a Jaén, Còrdova i Sevilla. El 1264 es produí una gran revolta simultània dels mudèjars castellans i valencians, descontents per l’arbitrarietat amb què les noves autoritats locals aplicaven els pactes de capitulació. L’aixecament, d’una magnitud desconeguda fins aleshores, tenia el suport decidit del soldanat de Granada. La feble ocupació castellana n’explica l’èxit inicial a les valls del Vinalopó i el Segura. Alfons X, incapaç de controlar simultàniament tots els fronts de la revolta, va concentrar els seus efectius militars a l’Andalusia bètica i va sol·licitar una intervenció catalanoaragonesa a Múrcia. Jaume I, conscient de la magnitud del perill, va reclamar subsidis extraordinaris als seus súbdits per a una campanya al sud del riu Verd. Mentre que els catalans, tot i els recels que els suscitava l’empresa, concediren una nova recaptació de l’impost del bovatge, els aragonesos no sols es negaren en rodó a aportar recursos econòmics i militars a l’ofensiva, sinó que aprofitaren l’avinentesa per a reclamar-li la satisfacció de greuges i contrafurs pendents. Durant els preparatius de la host, l’infant Pere va realitzar dues incursions contra els mudèjars murcians. La campanya reial, iniciada a la darreria del novembre del 1265, es tancà a començament del febrer del 1266, amb la capitulació de la capital murciana. Jaume I, considerant que els pactes s’havien de respectar i que els seus reialmes no generaven prou

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excedent demogràfic per a emprendre la colonització sistemàtica d’un nou territori, va lliurar el regne de Múrcia al seu gendre, Alfons X de Castella, no sense haver-lo poblat parcialment abans de catalans. El realisme polític del sobirà va suscitar descontentament entre els participants de la conquesta. El contingent de població assentada a la vall del Segura n’afavoriria, tanmateix, la conquesta per Jaume II, quaranta anys després.

La tasca de govern Jaume I no fou sols un guerrer; fou també un governant, un renovador de les estructures administratives, fiscals, judicials i polítiques de la Corona catalanoaragonesa. Durant el seu regnat es va consolidar el règim municipal a les principals ciutats; les antigues assemblees de Pau i Treva, amb la incorporació dels representants de les ciutats i l’ampliació de les competències, es van convertir en les Corts; la vella curia regis es va transformar en el Consell Reial. Es van compilar els Furs a Aragó i s’hi va instaurar el Justícia. Per a afavorir el comerç, es van crear els consolats d’ultramar i la Universitat de Prohoms de Ribera, de Barcelona, que va redactar unes ordinacions per a regular-hi les activitats comercials i el transport naval, antecedents immediats del Consolat de Mar i del Llibre del Consolat de Mar, respectivament.

El repartiment dels regnes Ningú no està exempt, tanmateix, de contradiccions i d’errors; Jaume I, tampoc. Tot i que s’havia envoltat de juristes innovadors i havia permès que el dret romà impregnés alguna de les seves iniciatives jurídiques, com ara els Furs de València i la Carta de Franquesa de Mallorca, el sobirà tenia una concepció patrimonial dels seus dominis; no es considerava un mer administrador d’uns territoris que no podia dividir, sinó el senyor que podia disposar lliurement dels seus regnes. Aquesta contradicció explica que el monarca, a mesura que li naixien fills, projectés repartiments territorials de la Corona catalanoaragonesa, una política successòria anacrònica que va tibar, durant més de quaranta anys, les seves relacions tant amb els descendents immediats com amb les forces representatives de cada territori. La mort successiva de dos fills i la dedicació a la carrera eclesiàstica d’un altre van reduir a dos els hereus a dotar, els infants Pere i Jaume. El sobirà, conscient de l’oposició que la divisió dels regnes suscitava a l’entorn del primogènit i en alguns col·lectius socials, tot començant pels experts en el ius comune, va decidir, el 1262, tancar definitivament la qüestió, imposant un acord als dos prínceps: Pere rebria Catalunya, Aragó i València, i Jaume, les Illes Balears, els comtats pirinencs del Rosselló i la Cerdanya i la senyoria de Montpeller. La distribució era, doncs, força desequilibrada: el primogènit rebia gairebé el 90 % del territori re-

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partit, en un lot compacte; el secundogènit s’havia de conformar amb el 10 % restant, integrat per un conjunt de petits districtes territorials dispersos, d’un gran valor estratègic. El repartiment, a més de congriar futurs enfrontaments, ja que cap dels dos destinataris no va quedar satisfet amb la seva part, va reduir la capacitat militar i política dels dos regnes resultants en un moment especialment poc adient, per tal com tots els estats limítrofs s’expandien territorialment i incrementaven el seu potencial coactiu. França culminava la incorporació del Llenguadoc, Castella integrava l’Andalusia bètica i el regne de Múrcia, i Provença es vinculava al regne de Sicília. La història confirmaria ràpidament que la solució successòria prevista per Jaume I fou el seu màxim error.

Balanç del regnat El balanç dels seixanta-sis anys de regnat va ser positiu. Jaume I va ampliar els 84.324 km2 d’Aragó, Catalunya i la senyoria de Montpeller que havia rebut del seu pare amb els 24.791 km2 de les Illes Balears i el regne de València, uns guanys territorials, doncs, d’un 30 %, nivell mai no assolit en un únic regnat. Aquesta ampliació no va ser, emperò, gratuïta; va costar molta sang, en primer lloc dels vençuts, molts dels quals, especialment a Mallorca, perderen, a més del patrimoni, la vida, i en segon lloc dels conqueridors, que moriren en els combats o sufocant les revoltes intermitents dels mudèjars valencians, exasperats per les arbitrarietats de les noves autoritats locals i la creixent pressió fiscal. Jaume I, donant proves d’un gran realisme polític, va saber renunciar als inestables vincles feudals en què s’havia basat l’expansió per Occitània, al miratge d’un estat multinacional centrat en els Pirineus, que s’estenia de Niça a Oloron, i d’Orlhac a Terol, i regit des de Barcelona. Va optar conscientment per la península Ibèrica i per la Mediterrània, dues àrees per on la Corona catalanoaragonesa i especialment els mercaders podien expandir-se amb menys costos militars, polítics, econòmics i ideològics. La projecció ultramarina va néixer, doncs, d’una acurada anàlisi de rendibilitat, no pas d’un fracàs diplomàtic. El respecte estricte de la frontera pactada amb Castella a Almirra i la no-incorporació del regne de Múrcia també són proves de realisme d’un monarca vell, que havia comprovat que la conquesta militar d’un territori tenia poc valor si no es podia colonitzar. La insuficiència dels fluxos de pobladors provinents del nord de l’Ebre havia obligat a autoritzar la permanència d’importants col·lectius islàmics arreu del regne de València, cosa que generava una societat dual, composta per famílies d’emfiteutes i d’aloers cristians, que garantien la irreversibilitat de la conquesta, i per comunitats segregades de musulmans, que hi produïen una bona part de la renda fiscal i senyorial. Mentre persistissin aquestes condicions, tenia poca possibilitat d’èxit una nova ampliació territorial,

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densament poblada de musulmans, a càrrec d’un poderós reialme cristià veí. El monarca va crear un conjunt estatal que anava de Montpeller a Ariza i de Salses a la Vila Joiosa, i el va organitzar políticament d’una manera extremament descentralitzada, creant unitats autònomes amb jurisdicció, institucions administratives i representatives, moneda i mesures pròpies. Un sistema complicat de gestionar, però molt eficaç, ja que no va entrebancar els vincles econòmics, humans i culturals entre els territoris. L’opció tingué tanmateix uns costos: endarrerí la concentració del poder en mans de la monarquia, en una època en què, als estats limítrofs de la Corona catalanoaragonesa, les respectives monarquies, recolzant-se en el dret romà, incrementaven les competències a costa de la noblesa feudal. Jaume I va reorganitzar la Cancelleria, potenciant l’ús dels registres, on es guardava còpia de tots els documents emanats de la cort. Amb l’ajut d’alguns templers, eclesiàstics seculars i burgesos, va introduir ordre en la gestió del patrimoni reial. En els actes públics, s’adreçava als seus súbdits amb la llengua de cada territori: en català, aragonès i occità. Per redactar la seva crònica, va elegir, emperò, la llengua cata-

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lana, amb la qual va produir un text insòlit, d’una forta càrrega ideològica; on demostrava un alt grau d’autocomplaença, envoltava la seva figura amb elements mítics, provinents dels clàssics, justificava la seva obra, en silenciava els errors i es presentava com un forjador de pobles i un creador de dinasties. Per a molts de valencians i mallorquins, Jaume I el Conqueridor és encara la figura fundacional del propi poble, de la identitat col·lectiva, d’un sentiment nacional. La seva llegenda ha alimentat l’imaginari col·lectiu de successives generacions, que l’han plasmada en nombroses construccions populars, com les rondalles, les cançons, les festes de l’estendard o els gegants. Per totes aquestes raons, i per moltes altres que ara no tinc temps d’exposar, és especialment oportú —com deia al principi— que les institucions acadèmiques i polítiques de tots els territoris que van integrar l’antiga Corona catalanoaragonesa tornin a analitzar la figura i l’època de Jaume I, no sols per conèixer millor el nostre passat comú, sinó també per orientar-nos millor en el present i en el futur immediat. Tots hi trobarem idees profitoses. El llegat de Jaume I, sens dubte, té futur, si entre tots sabem gestionar-lo bé.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 171-182 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.12 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

La Draga (Banyoles, Catalunya), un poblat lacustre del neolític antic a l’Europa mediterrània** Josep Tarrús i Galter*

Museu Arqueològic Comarcal de Banyoles, Girona

Resum El jaciment de la Draga, situat a la riba oriental de l’Estany de Banyoles, s’ha excavat, fins ara, entre els anys 1990-2005 sota la coordinació del Museu Arqueològic Comarcal de Banyoles i del Centre d’Arqueologia Subaquàtica de Catalunya. S’ha intervingut en tres àrees diferents: a la part alta o sector A; a la zona baixa, arran del llac, o sector B; i a les platges neolítiques, actualment submergides, o sector C. En cada una, s’ha hagut de treballar amb tècniques d’excavació adequades, que inclouen les bombes d’extracció d’aigua i els submarinistes. La Draga és un poblat del neolític antic (fàcies cardial), de finals del VI mil·lenni aC. La seva cultura material és similar a la d’altres jaciments contemporanis del sud de França, Catalunya i València, però amb una característica que el fa únic a la península Ibèrica: s’hi conserven restes de grans cabanes rectangulars, fetes amb pals de roure, nombrosos objectes de fusta i de cistelleria, a més d’una enorme quantitat d’ossos d’animals i de granes de cereals. Fins avui, han aparegut ja dues monografies sobre aquest jaciment, una l’any 2000 i l’altra el 2006, a més de nombrosos articles en congressos i revistes especialitzades, en català, castellà i francès. Aquest serà el primer text, d’una certa extensió, que es publicarà directament en anglès.

Paraules clau: poblat neolític, llac de Banyoles, Catalunya prehistòrica La Draga: una troballa insòlita La troballa d’un poblat del neolític antic a la Draga (Banyoles, Pla de l’Estany) l’abril de l’any 1990, arran de les obres que es realitzaven en aquest indret per tal de convertir-lo en un parc de la ciutat va ser considerada una petita revolució arqueològica.1 Per primer cop teníem un jaciment prehistòric d’ambient lacustre a la península Ibèrica, cosa que podia multiplicar els nostres coneixements del neolític antic si hi apareixien, com calia esperar, objectes, eines o mànecs de fusta com en els hàbitats de cronologia similar de l’Europa central. Després de divuit anys de recerques i d’excavacions arqueològiques, moltes de les expectatives inicials s’han complert amb escreix, tot i que alguns aspectes importants —com la forma de les cases i la planta urbana— només han pogut ser esbossats fins ara, malgrat els esforços que s’hi han esmerçat.2

* Adreça de contacte: Josep Tarrús i Galter. Museu Arqueològic Comarcal de Banyoles. Plaça de la Font, 11. 17820 Banyoles, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 972572361. E-mail: joseptarrus@telefonica.net ** Vegeu les figures citades en aquest article en la versió en anglès d’aquest mateix número.

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Tots aquests treballs s’han pogut dur a terme gràcies a la col·laboració entre el Museu Arqueològic Comarcal de Banyoles (MACB) i el Centre d’Investigacions Subaquàtiques de Catalunya (CASC), que depèn del Museu d’Arqueologia de Catalunya. La direcció de projecte d’investigació ha estat en mans d’Àngel Bosch, Júlia Chinchilla i Josep Tarrús (MACB) i de Xavier Nieto, Xim Raurich i Antoni Palomo (CASC). L’assentament de la Draga estava a la part central de la vora oriental de l’estany, just en l’escanyament del vuit que forma, sobre les blanques platges de creta lacustre d’aquesta banda del llac. La topografia de la zona a finals del VI mil·lenni aC, quan el poblat neolític hi estava instal· lat, era la d’una península amb un pendent continuat d’est a oest i de nord a sud. La presència d’una riera, que naixia de l’estany, al sud; d’aiguamolls a l’est; i de les aigües del llac al nord i a l’oest li conferia un aspecte d’una quasi-illa, configuració que li donava molts avantatges com a lloc d’hàbitat perquè en facilitava la defensa (fig. 1, p. 18). La seva altitud és de 170 m s.n.m i les seves coordenades geogràfiques són les següents: Latitud nord: 42° 7’ 41” Longitud est: 2° 45’ 33” del meridià de Greenwich.

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UTM: 48 01 04 m est 46 64 097 m nord Actualment, un dic del segle xix, que ressegueix la vora oriental de l’estany i s’utilitza com a passeig, divideix en dues parts el jaciment. Una, que correspon a les platges de l’antiga riba neolítica, ha quedat submergida dins de les aigües del llac, però l’àrea més extensa del poblat roman encara en terra ferma. En època neolítica, tot l’assentament estava fora de les aigües, encara que les cabanes bastides arran de la vora de l’estany devien patir inundacions freqüents. S’ha dit que els primers habitants neolítics de les zones lacustres europees hi anaven atrets, en gran part, per raons defensives, potser perquè la seva condició de nouvinguts així ho exigia. De totes maneres, en el cas de la Draga això sembla un contrasentit, atès que no coneixem jaciments dels darrers caçadors i recol·lectors mesolítics d’inicis del VI mil·lenni aC a la comarca i, per tant, no podem calibrar-ne la importància demogràfica. L’extensió del jaciment devia superar els 8.000 m2 originalment, encara que la recerca arqueològica s’ha centrat en els 3.000 m2 més ben conservats, que són a la banda nord de l’assentament. Aquest espai és el que s’ha tancat i s’ha convertit, progressivament, en un parc arqueològic sobre la vida quotidiana en un poblat neolític, que es fonamenta en les dades que el mateix jaciment ha aportat. El poblat original, en el seu moment d’apogeu, tenia un front de més de 100 m de longitud de nord a sud, sobre les antigues platges neolítiques, i entrava terra endins uns 80 m, en direcció est. Les excavacions han demostrat l’existència d’un únic moment cronològic del neolític antic, encara que amb diferents moments d’activitat superposats, separats a vegades per una capa d’inundació, i un darrer nivell d’abandonament amb senyals inequívocs de forts incendis. Després d’una primera prospecció, el mateix any 1990, per verificar la importància i l’estat de conservació del jaciment, es va encetar un programa d’excavacions programades a la zona emergida que ha arribat fins al 2005. L’any 1994 es va començar a treballar a la part subaquàtica de la Draga i el 1996 es va dedicar de nou a les prospeccions, tant a la vora interna de l’Estany, per buscar-hi nous jaciments prehistòrics, com a la zona terrestre, on es va assajar de definir la topografia neolítica (fig. 2, p. 18). Durant aquests anys d’excavació s’ha treballat en tres sectors el jaciment, amb un total de 726 m2 excavats. Al primer sector o A, d’uns 284 m2, que s’hi va treballar entre el 1991 i el 1995, és a la zona oriental, la més elevada, i allà la capa freàtica hi apareix uns 70 cm per sota del nivell arqueològic. El segon sector o B, on entre el 1997 i el 2005 hem excavat 126 m2, és a la zona occidental, a tocar de l’actual passeig que ressegueix el llac. És més baix que l’anterior i la capa freàtica hi apareix uns 40 cm per sobre del nivell arqueològic. El tercer sector o C correspon a l’antiga línia de costa neolítica i el CASC hi ha excavat 310 m2 entre el 1994 i el 2005. Actualment, està sota l’aigua per-

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què els dics que voregen el llac en aquest costat oriental han fet pujar 1,5 m el nivell en relació amb l’estany neolític. Aquestes variacions del nivell freàtic també han condicionat la conservació dels objectes neolítics. Així, al sector A no es van recuperar eines de fusta, encara que s’hi van poder localitzar les puntes dels pals que formaven les cabanes, un 70 cm per sota del nivell arqueològic, allà on la capa freàtica s’havia mantingut estable durant els 7.200 anys transcorreguts. En canvi, al sector B, encara a terra ferma, i al C, ja subaquàtic actualment, el nivell freàtic sempre va cobrir les restes arqueològiques des de l’abandonament del poblat. Per això, la presència de manufactures de fusta o de cistelleria i també dels pals o bigues de les construccions neolítiques, tombats o clavats sobre la capa arqueològica, ha estat una constant, que ha enriquit enormement l’excavació. A la vegada, però, la presència d’aquests objectes de matèries peribles ha fet avançar l’excavació molt més lentament que si es tractés d’un poblat neolític en terreny sec. En efecte, l’enorme responsabilitat que suposa fer-se càrrec d’aquestes eines de fusta neolítiques ens ha obligat a treballar en espais reduïts, uns 25 m2 de mitjana al sector terrestre i uns 40 m2 al sector subaquàtic en els darrers anys, per assegurar que aquesta classe d’objectes poguessin ser assumits sense problemes pels laboratoris de restauració on s’enviaven. De primer, entre el 1995 i el 1997, es van confiar a Beat Hug, director del laboratori de restauració de Laténium, Parc et Musée d’Archéologie de Neuchâtel (Suïssa), un dels millors especialistes europeus en el tractament per liofilització dels objectes amarats d’aigua. Des del 1998, el laboratori de restauració del mateix CASC (Anna Jover i Cati Aguer) s’ha pogut fer càrrec d’aquesta tasca vital per a la Draga, amb molt bons resultats també. No cal dir que els sistemes d’excavació s’han hagut d’adaptar a les particularitats de cada zona, tot i que sempre s’ha seguit el mateix sistema d’enregistrament de dades, basat en les coordenades cartesianes i en un estudi individualitzat de cada estructura que apareixia. Als sectors A i B, la part del jaciment que és en terra ferma, es va treballar primer amb una bomba d’aigua, tipus Well Point, que funcionava amb gasoil, entre el 1991 i el 2002. Aquesta potent bomba de drenatge abaixava el nivell freàtic de la zona oberta i ens permetia treballar-hi gairebé com si es tractés d’una excavació en terreny sec. Tenia l’inconvenient que assecava molt el nivell arqueològic, cosa que podia afectar els objectes de matèria orgànica. Més tard, entre el 2003 i el 2005, hem pogut treballar amb una bomba de drenatge elèctrica, que extreia l’aigua d’un pou, perforat en una zona ja buidada, arran de l’àrea d’excavació. En aquest cas, el nivell arqueològic conservava sempre un cert nivell d’humitat que millorava la bona conservació dels objectes de fusta o de cistelleria fins que es podien retirar. Al sector C, actualment submergit i que correspon a

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La Draga (Banyoles, Catalunya), un poblat lacustre del neolític antic a l’Europa mediterrània

l’antiga vora neolítica del llac, el CASC hi ha treballat sempre amb submarinistes, que s’han hagut adaptat, com hem dit, al sistema d’excavació propi d’un jaciment prehistòric, tan diferent del que estan habituats en vaixells d’època grega, romana, medieval o moderna. La col· laboració amb aquests especialistes ha estat molt fructífera i instructiva per a les dues parts (fig. 3, p. 19). L’adscripció cultural i cronològica de la Draga a les fases finals dels grups amb ceràmiques impreses cardials del Mediterrani occidental no presenta dubtes. Tant les dades relatives aportades pel registre arqueològic (vasos ceràmics, eines d’os i banya, estris de pedra tallada o polida, peces d’ornament i sumptuàries, útils amb mànecs de fusta), com les dates per C-14 obtingudes així ens ho permeten assegurar. Les nombroses dates per C-14, obtingudes sobre carbons de les llars, cereals, ossos d’animals, pals de les cabanes i eines de fusta, ens situen, sense gaire precisió, en la segona meitat del VI mil·lenni aC (5400-5000 aC). Si volem precisar més, seleccionant les dates C-14 més fiables —els objectes de vida més curta— podríem triar com a més probable l’espai entre el 5300 i el 5150 aC. En tot cas, el context cultural en què ens movem és sempre d’aspecte cardial i no epicardial, si jutgem especialment per la riquesa decorativa dels vasos ceràmics, on dominen les impressions de curculla, i la varietat de les eines d’os o dels objectes sumptuaris. L’anàlisi dendrocronològica, realitzada per Patrick Gassmann, director del laboratori de dendrocronologia de Laténium, Parc et Musée d’Archéologie de Neuchâtel (Suïssa), no ens ha permès oferir una datació absoluta de la Draga, perquè no es poden estudiar els anells dels seus pals de roure amb la corba dendrocronològica alpina. Malgrat tot, s’ha pogut precisar que la durada del poblat no seria superior als cent anys, cosa que ens deixa amb un espai cronològic molt curt per a tota la seqüència arqueològica de la Draga, tot i les diferents fases de construcció o refetes que la mateixa dendrocronologia assenyala. Volem recordar que al poblat de La Marmotta, situat al llac de Bracciano a uns 40 km al nord de Roma, l’únic assentament lacustre europeu que comparteix amb la Draga la cronologia (la segona meitat del VI mil·lenni aC) i el cercle cultural (ceràmiques impreses cardials), els primers resultats dendrocronològics li atorgaven una durada real de 139 anys.3 L’abandonament de l’assentament de la Draga, acompanyat, com en tants altres casos, d’un incendi que degué afectar totalment o parcialment les cabanes del poblat, pot respondre a diverses causes: esgotament dels camps o boscos immediats; canvis socials que farien inútils els assentaments fàcilment defensables a la vora dels llacs; o bé perquè es va preferir emprendre la conquesta d’altres terres més interiors, a les valls dels rius, que potser eren millors agrícolament. No es pot descartar, de totes maneres, que al voltant de l’estany hi hagués algun altre assentament de la mateixa època, tot i que encara no s’hagi localitzat.

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L’entorn natural: l’estany de Banyoles al neolític Les dades de les anàlisis palinològiques i antracològiques, més les proporcionades per l’estudi dels 892 troncs o estaques i també de les fustes de construcció extrets a la Draga entre el 1991 i el 2005, ens permeten reproduir el medi ambient vegetal que existia a la zona durant el neolític antic amb una certa fiabilitat. Cal recordar, però, d’entrada que l’espai cronològic on s’inscriu la Draga correspon als inicis del període Atlàntic, un moment en què el clima era fresc i humit amb nombroses precipitacions. Sembla clara la presència d’un bosc de ribera a banda i banda del jaciment, amb les espècies típiques d’aquesta classe d’agrupacions forestals: avellaners, freixes, verns, pollancres, oms, salzes, llorers, sanguinyols i saücs. De les plantes aquàtiques que degueren poblar la zona d’entre aigües sabem de la presència del càrex i possiblement dels joncs, a través de les peces de cistelleria. Més a l’interior senyorejava una roureda (martinenc o Quercus pubescens i de fulla gran o Quercus petraea) ben constituïda amb espècies acompanyants característiques d’un clima mediterrani humit, com el mateix avellaner, el boix, el ginebró, l’aranyoner, l’auró, el teix, el til·ler i els arbres fruiters silvestres (pomoidees). La presència d’alguna alzina, de pins i d’arboç ens evidencia que al costat de la roureda començava a desenvolupar-se un bosc mixt, ja de caràcter mediterrani sec. Aquest esquema coincideix plenament amb la determinació dels elements de construcció —troncs, estaques i fustes tombades— on només s’ha detectat la presència massiva de roures, a part d’alguna alzina, un auró i pollancres. A força distància de l’hàbitat hi havia, segons les dades palinològiques, estudiades per Francesc Burjachs (Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Tarragona), boscos d’estatge més alt, probablement a les muntanyes properes com Rocacorba o el Bassegoda, compostos per avets —molt nombrosos—, faigs, bedolls i pins roigs, que difícilment devien arribar fins a les proximitats del poblat.1 La utilització d’aquests arbres i arbustos es feia segons l’ús que s’hi pretenia donar, cosa que comportava una selecció voluntària i acurada de cada espècie. Així, veiem que per a la construcció es preferia essencialment el roure, mentre que per als focs s’alternava el roure amb el llorer i el boix. En canvi, pel que fa a les eines de fusta, les espècies emprades són extraordinàriament variades i adequades a cada funció: el boix és absolutament majoritari per als mànecs de tota classe d’eines, el teix és gairebé exclusiu per als arcs, mentre que el salze i el sanguinyol s’usen preferentment per a les tiges i puntes de sageta. El roure, el pi, l’alzina, l’auró, el llorer, el saüc, l’avellaner, el ginebró, l’arboç i les pomeres es reparteixen la resta d’objectes. Els lligams es feien amb lianes (Clematis vidalba) i les cordes amb fibres de til·ler (fig. 4, p. 20). La majoria dels objectes de la Draga van ser fabricats amb elements propers al poblat: fustes, fibres vegetals, ossos i banyes dels animals, argiles i roques de la llera dels

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rius propers. De totes maneres, algunes matèries primeres, com les roques (esquistos, cornianes) per a les eines de roca polida; les denes o penjolls de curculla; i el sílex per als estris de pedra tallada, calia anar-los a cercar a zones més llunyanes, com el cap de Creus per als dos primers exemples o als voltants de Narbona pel que fa al sílex. Només alguns objectes molt especials, com els fets de marbre (vas, agulla, braçalets) semblen provenir de zones francament llunyanes (Sardenya, illes Lípari), encara que potser van arribar per via d’intercanvi proper de poblat a poblat al llarg de molt anys.

La construcció del poblat: cabanes, graners i llars En un assentament a l’aire lliure prehistòric en terreny sec s’acostumen a trobar alguns forats de pal, sovint amb falques de pedra però sempre sense la fusta, que, una vegada units, ens permeten definir la forma de les cabanes —rectangulars o ovals— que formaven el poblat. Això en el cas que els murs de les cases, aleshores normalment ovalades, no estiguin fets de blocs de pedra. Si és així, els forats de pal només serveixen per assenyalar-nos la línia central de troncs que sostenia la coberta vegetal, de bruc o palla, muntada sobre bigues i cairats. En un jaciment neolític en terreny humit com la Draga, on es conserven la majoria dels pals clavats i també de les bigues o part dels murs tombats sobre la capa arqueològica, sembla que la forma de les cabanes hagi de ser molt fàcil de definir. Res més lluny de la realitat. L’existència d’una gran quantitat de pals, a vegades fins a 5 per m2, ens priva a primer cop d’ull de veure-hi cap forma concreta o segura. Cal tenir en compte que al sector A es van recuperar 345 puntes de pals en una superfície de 284 m2, amb una densitat resultant d’1,2 pals/m2. Al sector B es van extreure 459 pals en 132 m2, cosa que dóna una densitat de 3,5 pals/m2. Finalment, al sector C, el menys dens, s’hi han conservat 88 pals en els 310 m2 excavats, és a dir, 0,28 pals /m2. Si repartim el 892 pals clavats extrets a la Draga entre els 726 m2 que s’han excavat en total, obtindrem una densitat relativa d’1,23 pals/m2. Davant d’aquesta enorme quantitat de pals, que ens impedeix una fàcil definició de les cabanes del poblat, l’anàlisi dendrocronològica hauria d’assegurar aquest objectiu, tal com s’esdevé en la majoria d’assentaments lacustres de la zona alpina. Malauradament, malgrat comptar amb un dels millors especialistes en aquesta matèria, com ja hem dit, els primers resultats obtinguts no ha pogut resoldre de forma concloent aquest tema. Únicament sabem que les cabanes de la Draga eren rectangulars perquè disposem d’un muntatge dendrocronològic de 4 pals en línia recta al sector B, que així ens ho assenyala. D’altra banda, al sector C, subaquàtic, amb molts menys pals per m2, s’hi observen les parts davanteres de cabanes rectangulars, que estan construïdes tanmateix

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amb troncs de pollancre en aquest cas, de manera que la dendrocronologia no ens ho pot confirmar. A partir d’aquestes dades cal pensar en un mínim de dues fileres de cabanes arran de la vora de l’Estany i altres construc cions a la part alta del jaciment. En tot cas, la dendrocronologia ens ha proporcionat dades molt interessants sobre el procés de construcció del poblat. Sembla que hi devia haver almenys sis fases de construcció o de refetes, és a dir, tales diferenciades dels roures dels boscos de l’entorn. A més, a través de les correlacions dels sis muntatges dendrocronològics fins ara establerts, que afecten els tres sectors excavats, es pot assegurar que almenys en un moment determinat (muntatge núm. 4) es van bastir cabanes o alguna altra mena d’estructures de fusta simultàniament al sectors A i B. Igualment, tenim constància que en un moment una mica més tardà (muntatge 3) l’activitat constructiva afectava tot el poblat, des de la riba (sectors C i B) fins a la part alta (sector A). Altres informacions no menyspreables que aporta l’estudi dendrocronològic de la Draga són la presència d’una llarga palissada al sector A, que zigzagueja de nord a sud, i de dues estructures triangulars, que se situen al costat de dos dels focs comunitaris del mateix sector A. S’ha especulat si es tracta de suports o plataformes de fusta per sostenir les grans gerres de terrissa amb els cereals que es volien torrar (fig. 5, p. 21). Pel que fa a la possible durada real del poblat, cal dir que l’anàlisi dendrocronològica no ens n’ha pogut oferir, de moment, dades concretes. En efecte, entre els pals extrets fins ara a la Draga hi tenim molts troncs joves (10-35 anys) i pocs de vells (35-95 anys), cosa que n’ha impedit la correlació efectiva, a l’espera que hi apareguin exemplars d’edat intermèdia que ens ho permetin. ¿Quina podria ser, doncs, la durada de l’assentament neolític de la Draga, abans de l’incendi final? Si el comparem amb els poblats del neolític mitjà-final de la zona alpina, al voltant de llacs grans i petits, hauríem d’apostar per una vida curta al voltant dels quaranta anys, que és la mitjana coneguda a l’Europa central per a aquesta mena d’assentaments durant el neolític mitjà i el calcolític (4000-2200 aC). En canvi, si ens fixem en el que passa a Catalunya en relació amb altres poblats del neolític antic (les Guixeres de Viloví a l’Alt Penedès o Plansallosa de Tortellà a la Garrotxa) o mitjà (Ca n’Isach de Palau-saverdera a l’Alt Empordà), que presenten llargues seqüències culturals de 300 a 500 anys, podríem pensar en un espai cronològic més extens per a la Draga. De fet, les dates per C-14 de la Draga ens marquen una forquilla cronològica força àmplia dins la segona meitat del VI mil·lenni aC, com ja hem dit. ¿Els materials arqueo lògics datables, en especial els vasos ceràmics decorats, ens poden ajudar a precisar més? Per ara no hi veiem elements clars que puguin sostreure’s de l’etapa clàssica cardial, més o menys tardana, però amb predomini de la decoració feta amb una curculla. Això, de totes maneres, no

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La Draga (Banyoles, Catalunya), un poblat lacustre del neolític antic a l’Europa mediterrània

ha de significar forçosament una vida relativament curta, d’uns 100-150 anys, per a la Draga. La caracterització cronològica de la ceràmica cardial no és encara gaire precisa,4 de manera que l’espai real podria ser més curt o fins i tot més llarg. A partir d’aquest conjunt de dades podem avançar que el poblat neolític de la Draga constava de dues zones ben diferenciades, una arran del llac i l’altra a la part més elevada i seca de jaciment, vers l’est. La primera correspon a la zona d’habitatges i la segona a un espai per a l’emmagatzematge i el treball comunitari (fig. 2, p. 18). Sobre l’antiga platja neolítica i 30 m més enllà hi devia haver dues fileres d’entre 8-10 cabanes d’uns 10-12 m de longitud per 3-4 m d’amplada. Aquestes cases estaven una mica elevades sobre la creta lacustre (± 1 m), per evitar les inundacions quan l’estany creixia, i duien un paviment de planxes i troncs, partits per la meitat o rodons. A l’interior devien disposar d’una petita llar domèstica, perquè se n’han trobar restes capgirades (rierencs i carbons) entre els pals clavats. Segurament, de tant en tant, aquestes llars eren llençades fora de la cabana, per això les trobem capgirades, i se’n feia una de nova (fig. 8, p. 23). A més a més, sobre la capa arqueològica d’aquest sector B, es va localitzar un manyoc de corda, feta de fibres de til·ler, i un rotlle de liana (Clematis vitalba), tots dos a punt per servir com a lligams de l’estructura de fusta de les cabanes. També hi van aparèixer nombrosos bolets de soca i alguns copròlits de gos o de porc (fig. 7, p. 22). Entre les cabanes, que estaven orientades d’est a oest, perpendiculars al llac, hi devia haver espais buits o carrers de 3-4 m, tal com veiem al sector subaquàtic C (fig. 9, p. 23). Aquesta disposició donava un aspecte organitzat al poblat, que devia tenir unes 16-20 cabanes, a part de les construccions que hi hagués a la zona alta en una primera fase. Segons aquesta densitat, es podria pensar que a la Draga hi vivia una població d’unes 100 persones a finals del VI mil·lenni aC. Uns 60 m més endins, a la zona més elevada del poblat (sector A), s’hi van bastir, en una primera fase, algunes cabanes petites ovalades i altres construccions no determinades, sempre arran de terra, directament sobre la creta lacustre. Les cabanes ovalades posseïen un enllosat intern, estaven envoltades de pals i també en tenien un o dos de centrals, per sostenir la coberta vegetal. Les interpretem com a possibles graners, perquè a dins s’hi van recuperar nombroses restes carbonitzades de cereals (blat i ordi) i llegums (pèsols i faves). D’aquest primer moment seria també la llarga palissada en ziga-zaga, de la qual s’han conservat uns 8 m, de l’extrem nord-est d’aquest sector A, que s’estén de nordest a sud-oest. Aquesta estructura potser servia per separar i protegir aquesta zona alta i seca, destinada a l’emmagatzematge de cereals i als treballs comunitaris, de la zona baixa i humida que ocupaven els habitatges. És possible que entre les dues zones del poblat existís una passarel·la, feta de petites estaques, d’una amplada d’1 m, aproximadament, durant aquesta fase antiga del poblat.

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Una estructura d’aquesta classe, formada per multitud d’estaques paral·leles, va ser detectada l’any 2000 a la part sud-oest del sector B i anava en direcció al sector A. De fet, aquesta disposició en dues àrees amb activitats diferenciades és força comuna entre els poblats neolítics alpins.5 Segurament, al voltant de les cabanes la creta lacustre estava coberta per un sediment fangós i ple d’escombraries, llençades des de les cases, de manera que transitar-hi no devia ser gaire senzill. En una segona fase, ben visible per les superposicions de les llars o de les fosses de residus alimentaris sobre els pals anteriors, aquest sector A va ser transformat en una àrea de treball comunitari (fig. 6, p. 22). Els trenta-cinc fogars d’aquest sector A estaven excavats a la creta lacustre i mesuraven entre 60-180 cm. Dos sembla que eren focs plans, però la majoria tenien forma de cubeta poc profunda, sempre amb una capa superior de còdols de quars i una massa inferior de carbons (o fragments de llenya) de roure amb llorer o boix. Aquesta mena de cubetes de combustió servien per cuinar els aliments a la polinèsia, és a dir, envoltant la carn de rierencs escalfats fins a estofar-la. També es podien utilitzar els còdols roents per fer bullir l’aigua dins d’una gerra de terrissa, sempre feta a mà, i d’aquesta manera coure els aliments. Una altra funció dels fogars sembla que era la torrefacció de les granes dels cereals (blat i ordi), trobades a centenars de milers a la Draga. Potser la manera de fer-ho era deixar que l’escalfor i el fum dels fogars torressin les granes de cereals, ficats dins de grans gerres de terrissa, que se situaven sobre plataformes triangulars al costat de la llar. Les fosses de residus, que segellen molts dels pals de les construccions d’aquest mateix sector A en una segona fase, són de forma irregular, de poca fondària, i contenen essencialment les restes òssies dels animals sacrificats per a l’alimentació dels habitats de la Draga i també objectes manufacturats. Els nombrosos elements constructius recuperats al sector B i C —extrems de pilars en forca, fragments de parets formades per branques entrelligades, grans bigues i planxes— permeten imaginar el sistema constructiu de les cabanes de la Draga: una estructura rectangular, formada per tres o quatre rengleres de pilars amb murs fets de branques entrelligades, revestides amb fang i palla, que sostenien una coberta de doble vessant, possiblement formada amb gavelles lligades de canyissos.6 Els pals clavats eren normalment de roure de 12-15 cm de diàmetre i situats cada 80-90 cm. El seu extrem superior podia acabar en una forca, que servia per sostenir les bigues principals de la coberta, a uns 3-3,5 m sobre el terra. L’estructura dels murs es reforçava amb nombroses estaques de 3-5 cm, clavades a la creta i ficades entre els troncs. Servien per donar consistència a l’entramat de branques de salze o avellaner que formava la paret de la cabana. Els pals conservaven sempre l’escorça i disposaven de

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puntes treballades en bisell simple, doble, multifacetades o bé còniques, que asseguraven la seva implantació —a vegades fins a 2,70 m— dins de la creta lacustre. La unió dels pilars amb les bigues i cairats es devia fer amb lianes de vidalba, una heura corrent en les rouredes; o bé amb veritables cordes, fetes amb fibres vegetals. Les cabanes rectangulars de la Draga estan dins del model normal dels poblats lacustres neolítics, ben coneguts a l’Europa central des del neolític mitjà fins a l’edat del bronze. Les cabanes de fusta rectangulars són la millor resposta constructiva en medis perilacustres, on s’ha d’edificar sobre creta. En el cas del poblat de La Marmotta (llac Bracciano, al nord de Roma), que seria exemple més proper a la Draga, tant cronològicament com culturalment, els primers resultats de la dendrocronologia apunten també a cabanes rectangulars. En canvi, quan es tracta d’assentaments cardials en terrenys secs, durs i pedregosos, com els usuals a la conca del Mediterrani occidental (Guixeres de Viloví a l’Alt Penedès; Barranc d’En Fabra, de Tortosa, al Montsià; Baratin de Courthézon, a la Provença), la tradició és sempre la de cabanes ovalades amb un sòcol de blocs de pedra, sobre el qual hi anava la coberta de brancatge i bruc, sostinguda per una línia de pilars de fusta, Els poblats neolítics de la regió alpina7 estan formats per agrupacions de 10-15 cabanes rectangulars, disposades en una o dues fileres, que queden primer perpendiculars al llac durant el neolític mitjà i després s’hi posen paral·leles entre el neolític final-calcolític i l’edat del bronze. Les cabanes tenen entre 12-15 m de longitud per 4-5 m d’amplada i una altura de 3-4 m, cosa que els dóna una aparença bastant pesant, accentuada pels murs, fets de branques entrellaçades i amb un arrebossat final de fang i de palla.8 Les cabanes del neolític mitjà d’aquesta àrea centreeuropea, des de mitjan del V fins a la meitat del IV mil·lennis aC, que eren les més antigues fins ara, estaven bastides arran de terra o bé una mica elevades.9 En canvi, al neolític final-calcolític (de mitjan del IV a mitjan del III mil· lennis aC) i sobretot a l’edat del bronze antiga (entre finals del III i principis del II mil·lennis aC), les cabanes es fan sovint sobre plataformes, però gairebé sempre sobre les platges i no a l’interior dels llacs. Els veritables palafits centreeuropeus queden reservats per a les etapes finals de l’edat de bronze o la primera edat del ferro (de mitjan del II a inicis del I mil·lennis aC), una època especialment violenta, on aquests hàbitats endinsats dins dels llacs devien ser necessaris.

Eines neolítiques: argila, pedra, os i fusta A la Draga, almenys des del 1995, l’espectacularitat dels objectes i eines de fusta ha eclipsat sovint les peces tradicionals —ceràmica, estris de sílex tallat, de pedra polida o d’os— que apareixen en tot jaciment del neolític antic de Catalunya i també en aquest. A més, en alguns casos, es-

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pecialment en el dels vasos ceràmics, són un ajuda imprescindible encara per afinar la cronologia de l’assentament. Pel que fa als vasos ceràmics, sempre fets a mà amb argiles locals i amb desgreixants de quars i mica, en els darrers anys n’han aparegut fragments força grans i profusament decorats amb una curculla de càrdium als sectors B i C, és a dir, entre les cabanes de la part baixa del jaciment. Possiblement, en aquestes zones, els atuells queien al sediment fangós de sota les cabanes i allí es conservaven molt millor que al sector A, d’on només s’han recuperat fragments petits i força erosionats, sovint sense senyals de la seva decoració. Els recipients de terrissa més habituals a la Draga són els vasos petits (bols) i mitjans (olles), de formes globulars, amb o sense coll, subesfèriques i semisfèriques, aptes per cuinar. En segon lloc, entre els vasos grans hi havia les gerres cilíndriques de fons convex, igual que els anteriors, que servien per emmagatzemar els aliments (fig. 10, p. 25). Les decoracions repeteixen els patrons del món cardial del Mediterrani occidental: impressions de càrdium o de pinta, al costat de les aplicacions plàstiques (cordons llisos, mugrons) i les zones amb pentinats, fets per arrossegament d’una curculla. Dins de la tradició de les ceràmiques impreses cardials, els millors paral·lels els trobarem en el jaciment de Leucate-Corrège,10 més que en altres de la costa central catalana11 o del litoral alacantí4 o la costa mediterrània occidental en general.12 Les eines de pedra tallada són bàsicament de sílex i cristall de quars, roques que arribaven des de fora de la comarca, perquè Banyoles està al mig d’una conca lacustre i els travertins són l’única pedra local. S’hi fabricaven fulles amb retoc marginal, que s’encastaven als mànecs de fusta de les falçs o s’usaven com a ganivets; puntes de sageta microlítiques (trapezis i segments de cercle); i també perforadors i raspadors, que s’emmanegaven en banyes de cèrvids. Les peces de pedra polida de la Draga sempre corresponen a fulles d’aixes, mai de destrals per ara, i estan fetes sobre esquistos o cornianes, roques procedents del cap de Creus, al litoral mediterrani, o dels Pirineus. Cal esmentar que no ha aparegut fins ara al poblat cap mànec de fusta d’una destral, tots són d’aixa. Aquest fet és ben curiós i ens ha fet pensar que caldria esbrinar si hi ha realment fulles de pedra polida per a destrals en els moments inicials del neolític del Mediterrani occidental, a la segona meitat del VI mil·lenni aC, o bé si apareixen ja entrat el V mil·lenni aC, en contextos del neolític mitjà. Tal com corrrespon a un jaciment cardial, els estris fets de banya o d’ossos d’animals, normalment cèrvids, ovicaprins i bòvids, són nombrosos i variats. S’hi han recuperat punxons, espàtules, llargues agulles de cap, una agulla corbada amb trau basal, culleres, espàtules dentades per decorar la terrissa i tubs d’os, d’ús desconegut, fabricats amb ossos d’ocells (fig. 11, p. 25). Volem destacar per damunt de tot la magnífica troballa, en els darrers anys, de diverses puntes de sageta, unes

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La Draga (Banyoles, Catalunya), un poblat lacustre del neolític antic a l’Europa mediterrània

de curtes i altres de llargues (entre 7-12,5 cm), que presenten bisells simples o dobles a l’extrem de fixació. Aquestes peces són molt similars a les ben conegudes atzagaies del paleolític superior i se’n coneixien ben poques a Catalunya en contextos cardials. Amb aquesta classe de puntes es podien certament abatre animals d’una certa envergadura (cérvols, cabirols, senglars, cabres i toros salvatges), perquè les puntes microlítiques de sílex no semblen aptes més que per caçar ocells o conills (fig. 12, p. 26). Les pedres basals dels molins manuals de la Draga, emprades per a la mòlta dels cereals, són petites i lleugerament còncaves. Estan fetes amb roques poroses com el basalt o bé granuloses com el granit i el gres. Van acompanyades per mans de molí ovalades i d’alguna possible mà de morter, fetes amb roques similars. No falten tampoc, entre la macrondústria de pedra, els percussors per a la talla del sílex i els polidors per allisar o brunyir els vasos ceràmics. Els objectes per a l’adornament personal, alguns d’ells veritablement sumptuaris, es feien amb curculles marines, roques polides i ossos o banyes d’animals. Sovint es tracta d’objectes naturals, aprofitats directament (dentàliums) o bé perforant-los (columbel·les, càrdiums, pectuncles, dents d’animals), però també hi ha peces completament elaborades (grans de collaret, anells, braçalets) a partir de roques (esteatita, marbre), os, banya o petxina marina. Són particularment abundants els anells, simples cercles o amb un o dos apèndixs globulars, que eren molt rars fins ara en el neolític antic de Catalunya. També s’han recuperat diverses matrius de banyes de cèrvid amb ranures, que servien per fabricar aquests anells (fig. 13, p. 26). Les peces de marbre són una certa novetat a Catalunya durant el neolític antic. A la Draga s’hi han trobat grans de collaret, anells, braçalets estrets o amples, un fragment proximal d’una agulla de cap rodó i un petit vas tulipiforme, tots fets amb aquesta roca. No es tracta de peces elaborades al mateix poblat, perquè el marbre és de procedència forana. Potser eren objectes d’intercanvi que, de mà en mà, recorrien llargues distàncies. La conservació dels materials orgànics és una característica única de la Draga, que li dóna una rellevància especial en relació amb els jaciments prehistòrics de la península Ibèrica. La gran quantitat i varietat d’objectes de fusta, apareguts en aquest poblat del neolític antic del nord-est de Catalunya, l’han convertit en un referent insubstituïble per aproximar-nos a l’instrumental neolític fet de matèria orgànica perible, atès que és el conjunt més important de l’època, tant quantitativament com qualitativament. No ens estendrem massa en la descripció de cadascuna de les 168 peces de fusta aparegudes a la Draga entre 1995 el i el 2005 als sectors B i C, atès que compten amb una monografia específica.2 La determinació de les espècies i l’estudi experimental del seu procés de fabricació ha estat confiat a Raquel Piqué (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona) i a Antoni Palomo (Arqueolític). Recordem, però, que s’hi han recuperat nombrosos ob-

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jectes domèstics, alguns propis de la cuina (bols, cullerots i pales de roure, un remenador de teix i dues espàtules, una de boix i l’altra d’avellaner); altres per a la confecció de teixits (dues pintes i vuit agulles biapuntades o fusos, totes de boix); i encara nombrosos fragments de cistells o paneres, fets de plantes aquàtiques, reforçats a vegades per branques d’avellaner (figs. 14, 15 i 16, p. 26-27). Per a les tasques de construcció de les cabanes, el mobiliari intern o les piragües comptaven amb tascons de boix i aixes (fig. 17, p. 26). D’aquestes darreres se n’han trobat deu fins ara, de les quals n’hi ha sis de roure, una de ginebró, una de boix, una de roure, una de pi i una de teix. Les mides de les plataformes de fixació de les fulles de pedra polida varien entre els 6,5 cm i 14 cm. Un únic exemplar, tanmateix, arriba a 26 cm de plataforma. Això suposa que duia una fulla de pedra polida enorme o bé que l’element tallant era de banya de cérvol. Ja hem explicat abans que per als lligams de les bigues amb els pilars de fusta es feien servir lianes de vidalba i cordes, trenades o entortolligades, fetes de fibres vegetals. Com a possibles elements de mobiliari esmentarem la presència de sis fragments i una peça sencera d’un objecte que hem anomenat «ganxo». Consta d’un planxa, prima i estreta, amb un forat en un extrem i un ganxo a l’altre, reforçat amb dos vorells còncaus. N’hi ha tres fragments de llorer, un d’auró, un d’alzina i un de pomera, mentre que la peça sencera és de boix. Hem suposat que es tracta de penjadors, potser de bucranis, que anirien a la part interna o externa de les parets de les cabanes. Les eines destinades a usos agrícoles són les més nombroses i variades. Destaquen, sobretot, les nou falçs d’angle (set d’acabades i dues en procés de fabricació), fetes sobre boix gairebé totes (nou exemplars), encara que n’hi ha una de saüc i una altra de ginebró. Es fabricaven doblegant amb calor una branca fins a aconseguir que l’extrem distal fes un angle recte o obtús, o bé triant directament la confluència de dues branques, que ja oferien aquest angle desitjat (fig. 18, p. 28). D’aquesta manera, la falç disposava d’un recollidor de les tiges dels cereals, a més d’una o dues ranures per a les dents o fulles tallants de sílex i un pom cilíndric a l’empunyadura. Les fulles de sílex s’encastaven sobre un costat de l’eina i així quedaven en un pla de 90º respecte al mànec. Quan s’utilitzaven, el recollidor aplegava les tiges de cereals, arran d’espiga, i amb un cop de canell la fulla de sílex les tallava. Si calia aprofitar la palla es repetia l’operació arran del terra. L’altra eina agrícola essencial de la Draga són els pals cavadors, que servien per plantar els grans de cereal, en solcs, o bé les llavors de llegums en forats. Dels 24 exemplars identificats, vint són de boix, dos de pomera, un de roure i el darrer d’avellaner. N’hi ha cinc de curts (entre 23-31 cm de longitud), que disposaven només d’una punta cònica i quinze de llargs (entre 41,5-87 cm), amb un extrem apuntat en forma cònica i l’altre en bisell. Suposem que els pals amb doble punta podien servir per fer forats o solcs, segons les necessitats (fig. 19, p. 28).

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Dins d’aquest apartat també hi incloem algunes peces complexes, proveïdes de branques secundàries o forques, que semblen respondre a un ús més pròxim al d’una fanga, per remoure les terres. No parlarem dels nombrosos pals amb punta de la Draga, sense els acabats que caracteritzen la categoria dels pals cavadors, hàbils per a qualsevol ofici, però sí d’algunes peces que es relacionen amb la cacera, una activitat no desdenyable en aquest poblat del neolític antic. D’entrada, s’hi han recollit sis extrems d’astes de boix, ben regularitzades o fins i tot polides, que hem gosat interpretar com a puntes de llança o javelina. Les mides conservades van des dels 12 als 52,3 cm de longitud amb uns diàmetres d’entre 1,2 i 2,7 cm. Una presenta una osca al dors i una altra un engruiximent cilíndric a la base de la punta. El magnífic poliment i afuament de la seva punxa ens fa pensar que es tracta realment dels extrems distals d’armes llancívoles. A la Draga hi han aparegut des del 1995, 29 fragments d’astes de sageta, alguns medials i altres distals, amb la punta afuada directament sobre la fusta. La longitud conservada d’aquestes peces varia entre 5 i 15 cm, els diàmetres oscil·len entre 0,6 i 0,9 cm i les fustes emprades són el sanguinyol, el salze i el boix. No han aparegut, fins ara, extrems distals amb una ranura de fixació per a la punta trapezoïdal de sílex, ben presents al jaciment, ni tampoc per a les atzagaies de banya o d’os, igualment conegudes a la Draga. En canvi, disposem d’un extrem d’asta cilíndric, de fusta massissa, concretament de boix, que, en els grups lacustres neolítics de Suïssa, on són freqüents, es consideren fletxes per abatre ocells sense matar-los. De totes les eines recuperades a la Draga potser les que ens feren més il·lusió van ser els dos arcs de teix, un de la collita del 2001 i l’altre de la del 2003 (fig. 20, p. 29). El primer fa 105 cm de llarg per 3,4 d’ample i 2,2 de gruix, amb una secció ovalada, la superfície poc polida i sense els extrems de fixació de la corda conservats. El segon fa només 35 cm de llarg per 2,8 d’ample i 1 de gruix, amb una secció planoconvexa. Aquest darrer conserva, en canvi, les dues osques que formaven un dels extrems de fixació de la corda, que devia d’estar feta de budells d’animal o de fibres vegetals. Juntament amb algun exemplar de la cultura de la Ceràmica de Bandes centreeuropea, com el de la tomba 704-706 de la necròpolis de Schwanfeld,13 aquestes peces de la Draga estan entre els arcs neolítics més antics d’Europa.14 Les eines de fusta devien ser una part molt important, sinó la que més, del conjunt d’instruments d’una població prehistòrica, probablement des del paleolític superior. Però el valor de les eines de fusta podia ser relatiu, segons la facilitat d’elaboració i la vida útil. Alguns instruments com les falçs, les aixes o els arcs requerien una elaboració laboriosa i sovint tenen les superfícies completament polides. Això ens fa pensar que gaudien d’una estimació especial i que, per tant, podien tenir una llarga vida útil. En canvi, altres instruments com els pals amb punta van ser realitzats amb els mínims cops d’aixa i alguns encara con-

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serven l’escorça original de la branca. Aquests estris estaven destinats a feines concretes de curta durada. Segurament, aquestes diferències en l’elaboració mostren també fins a quin punt podia haver-hi una especialització. No és descartable que alguns objectes amb una elaboració més curosa (arcs, falçs) fossin fruit d’un artesà amb una certa especialització, però, en general, sembla haver-hi un treball molt poc estandarditzat en la fabricació dels objectes, que devien estar a l’abast de qualsevol persona una mica hàbil. Tots aquests objectes i eines de fusta o cistelleria de la Draga són troballes excepcionals en relació amb la península Ibèrica, en especial si pensem que es remunten al neo lític antic, a finals del V mil·lenni aC. És veritat que en altres punts de la península Ibèrica s’han realitzat algunes troballes excepcionals d’objectes de matèria vegetal d’època neolítica o de l’edat del bronze, conservats al fons de coves, gràcies a un ambient constant i amb poc oxigen. És el cas de les peces de cistelleria, pintades amb motius geomètrics, i les espardenyes d’espart de la cova de los Murciélagos (Albuñol, Granada), trobades a finals del segle xix per Manuel de Góngora,15 encara que més recentment han estat estudiades per Carmen Alfaro16 i per l’equip de Carmen Cacho.17 Aquest darrer estudi ens ha aportat tres noves dates per C-14 d’aquestes peces que les situen a finals del neolític antic andalús entre el 5200-4600 aC. De la prehistòria de Múrcia, ara ja al calcolític local (segona meitat del III mil·lenni aC) comptem amb una altra important aportació: els aixovars funeraris amb matèries orgàniques (vestit de lli, restes d’una bossa de cuir pintat, estora d’espart, vas de roure, ídol oculat de fusta) de la cova Sagrada de Lorca,18,19 on hi havia enterrats almenys tres individus. Aquests objectes van aparèixer acompanyats de quatre puntes de sageta de sílex i de tres punxons de coure. Una datació per C-14, feta sobre espart, situa aquest enterrament col·lectiu en 3870±100 BP, que calibrada correspondria a finals del III mil·lenni aC. Val la pena recordar aquí la magnífica destral sencera, amb el mànec de fusta i la fulla de pedra polida, trobada a la cova dels Blanquizares de Lébor (Totana, Múrcia) a inicis del segle xx, de datació incerta entre el neolític i el calcolític.20 Si volem arribar fins a l’edat del bronze, ja dins del II mil·lenni aC, encara podríem esmentar el mànec de falç corbada amb multitud de dents de sílex, trobada al poblat de Mas de Menente (Alcoi, Alacant)21 i l’aixovar funerari de la tomba 121 del jaciment argàric de Castellón Alto (Galera, Granada). En aquest darrer, al costat de restes parcialment momificades d’un adult i d’un nen, es van recuperar —a més de vasos ceràmics, anells de plata, braçalets i un punyal de coure— una aixa sencera d’alzina amb fulla de coure.22 Per acabar amb les troballes geogràficament properes a Catalunya d’objectes prehistòrics de matèria orgànica, volem recordar els casos de les coves des Càrritx i des Mussol (Ciutadella)23 i la Cova des Pas (Ferreries),24 totes

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La Draga (Banyoles, Catalunya), un poblat lacustre del neolític antic a l’Europa mediterrània

a Menorca i de la mateixa època, finals del I mil·lenni aC, dins de l’edat del bronze final o l’edat del ferro inicial d’aquesta illa. De totes maneres, totes aquestes troballes prehistòriques, llevat de la de la cova de Los Murciélagos, cauen cronològicament molt lluny de la Draga, de manera que quan busquem paral·lels dels objectes de matèria orgànica d’aquest poblat neolític és preferible centrar-se en els jaciments mesolítics o neolítics del nord i l’est d’Europa, a més dels ja coneguts de l’àrea alpina. En tot cas, el de La Marmotta (llac de Bracciano, Roma) és l’únic amb qui compartim la mateixa franja temporal de la segona meitat del V mil·lenni aC i també la mateixa fàcies cultural, el neolític antic cardial de ceràmiques impreses. Si comparem el conjunt d’objectes de fusta, cistelleria o cordam de la Draga amb els apareguts en jaciments mesolítics europeus del mateix VI mil·lenni aC, veurem que hi ha algunes curioses coincidències, que després no es repeteixen en grups del neolític antic o mitjà. Són ben coneguts els arcs i fletxes de les cultures mesolítiques de Dinamarca i del nord d’Alemanya (cultura d’Eterbölle) i, més recentment, de la plana russa, al nord de Moscou, on, també en torberes, s’han localitzat jaciments de la importància de Vis-I i de Zamostje-2.25 En el primer d’aquests jaciments l’arc simple de secció ovalada o triangular ja és present25 (veure fig. 4) i a Zamostje-2 hi veurem nombroses puntes de llança i de fletxa de fusta, al costat de grans cistells i rems per a piragües25 (veure fig. 36). Aquestes puntes de llança, en especial, no les retrobem en jaciments del neolític antic europeu, llevat de la Draga. Si ens centrem ara en assentaments del neolític antic, tots de la segona meitat del VI mil·lenni aC, gairebé només podem parlar de La Marmotta (llac de Bracciano) al nord de Roma i dels d’Erkelenz-Kückhoven (Colònia) al nord-oest d’Alemanya o la necròpolis de Schwanfeld, a la vall del Main, prop de Frankfurt, estudiada darrerament per D. Gronenborrn (veure ref. 13, p. 178). El primer pertany, com la Draga, a la cultura mediterrània cardial i s’hi han localitzat, submergides, diverses eines de fusta amb funcions similars a les de la Draga (pals cavadors, falçs, aixades), però de tipologia força diferent (veure ref. 3, p. 12 i 22). En concret, caldria esmentar que les falçs de fusta estan formades generalment per un mànec i un cos en semicercle, proveït de diverses làmines de sílex inclinades. Molt lluny, doncs, de la falç en angle recte o obtús de la Draga i amb els elements tallants en un pla de 90º respecte al del mànec. Sembla, doncs, que a La Marmotta la falç colpejava la tija i a la Draga la retallava per sota de l’espiga. No ens podem estar de recordar que a La Marmotta s’han recuperat objectes tan excepcionals, dins del neolític antic, com els models de terrissa de piragües (veure ref. 3, làm. XVI-XVII) o la deessa mare d’esteatita negra (veure ref. 26, p. 29, fig. 1-2), trobada en les darreres excavacions. Pel que fa als jaciments alemanys de la ceràmica de bandes, al d’Erkelenz-Kückhoven hi han aparegut aixades,

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pales i forques amb diverses pues, aptes per remenar terres flonges, al costat d’un fragment d’arc i parts medials de fletxes (veure ref. 27, fig. 6 i 8a). A la tomba 704/706 de la necròpolis de Schwanfeld, al sud-oest d’Alemanya, que pertany a una fase antiga d’aquest grup cultural, es va localitzar un individu arronsat que duia una aixa sencera de fusta amb la fulla de pedra polida, un arc sencer i diverses sagetes amb punta trapezoïdal de sílex (veure ref. 13, p. 178). Però és en girar la vista cap als jaciments del neolític mitjà de l’àrea alpina, entre el V-IV mil·lenni aC, que les semblances amb algunes eines i objectes de la Draga són veritablement colpidores. Tant als poblats lacustres dels llacs de Chalain i Clairvaux5,6,9,28 o de Charavines al llac de Paladru,29 tots al Jura francès, com als jaciments suïssos de les cultures de Cortaillod i Pfyn7,8,30 o als del llac de Constança de la cultura de Horn al sud-est d’Alemanya,31,32 hi trobem un repertori molt similar al de la Draga: vasos, remenadors, cullerots, espàtules, pales, agulles, pintes, cistells, cordes, lianes en rotlle (veure ref. 9, p. 156), tascons, aixes, falçs, pals cavadors, arcs i sagetes.

La producció dels aliments: pagesos i pastors El sistema de producció agrícola dels habitants de la Draga sembla força complex i variat, segons els treballs de Ramon Buxó (Museu d’Arqueologia de Catalunya). Conreaven els cereals tradicionals en el neolític antic del Mediterrani occidental: el blat nu, el blat nu compacte, l’espelta bessona, l’ordi nu i l’ordi vestit, encara que és del primer que en tenim enormes quantitats (desenes de milers), mentre que la presència de la resta és gairebé testimonial.1 Aquests cereals es devien cultivar en les grans extensions planeres —magnífics camps— del proper Pla d’Usall i de Martís, mig quilòmetre al nord de la Draga. La selecció es feia al mateix poblat i els cereals s’emmagatzemaven en grans gerres de ceràmica, que possiblement es desaven en els recintes ovals enllosats del sector A. Més tard, moltes d’aquestes granes es torraven, per extreure’n millor la farina o per consumir-les directament, en alguns dels focs del mateix sector A. Les construccions triangulars, que l’estudi dendrocronològic ha detectat al costat de dos focs d’aquest mateix sector A, poden perfectament ser petites plataformes per sostenir les gerres que contenien les granes durant el procés de torrefacció. El conreu de les faves (nombroses als sectors A i B) i els pèsols (testimonials al sector A), recuperats en el nivell arqueològic, ens fan pensar en l’existència d’horts de lleguminoses dins la mateixa àrea del poblat, que devien aprofitar les terres fangoses de la vora de l’estany. La recol·lecció de fruits i baies als boscos pròxims està ben documentada a la Draga. No hi manquen les avellanes, nous, aglans, pinyons, móres, aranyons, pomes o peres silvestres, cireres i raïms silvestres o llambrusques.

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Pel que fa a la ramaderia cal dir que era una activitat plenament practicada per aquest grup del neolític antic de la Draga1. Els més de 22.000 fragments de fauna recuperats al jaciment ens n’asseguren una mostra prou significativa, sens dubte la millor del neolític antic de Catalunya, segons els estudis de Maria Saña (Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona). Entre el bestiar domèstic destaca la forta presència del bou i el porc, al costat de les tradicionals ovelles i cabres. Aquest fet era inusual fins ara en el neolític antic català —centrat en les coves— però comença a fer-se normal des que s’excaven assentaments a l’aire lliure, com el proper de Plansallosa a la Garrotxa.33 L’aprofitament d’aquests animals, atesa l’escala d’edats observada, és doble: se’n buscava tant la carn com la llet i els derivats en forma de cremes (mantega, formatge). S’ha detectat la presència, minsa però interessant, del gos, tal com és usual en altres jaciments del neolític antic, tant peninsulars com d’Europa central. La possibilitat que alguns bous de força edat fossin realment utilitzats com a força motriu, com per exemple arrossegar troncs en les tasques d’artigatge dels camps, ha estat insinuada algun cop, a causa d’algunes malformacions detectades a les seves extremitats i als occipitals.34 La recol·lecció de vegetals i la cacera d’animals salvatges era una part força important en la dieta dels habitants neolítics de la Draga, perquè els assegurava una gran varie tat d’aliments, que anaven a cercar al mar, a l’estany, als boscos propers o a les muntanyes que delimitaven el seu territori d’abastiment. L’interès per les espècies marines queda patent amb la presència als fogars del poblat d’elevades quantitats de musclos de mar procedents de les platges més properes de la costa mediterrània, a uns 50-60 km en línia recta. Les restes esquelètiques d’un corb marí, trobat al sector B i que fou abatut segurament per aprofitar-ne les plomes per a les fletxes, pot incloure’s en aquestes expedicions fins a la vora del mar. Dels boscos de ribera (avellaners i salzes) o d’interior (rouredes i avetoses) dels voltants del poblat en recollien una gran varietat de baies (glans, móres, aranyons), fuites (raïms, pomes, cireres) i fruits secs (pinyons, nous i avellanes), que guardaven en cistells o bosses de cuir. Es tracta d’aliments molt necessaris per complementar una dieta que ja era força rica en cereals, llegums i carn dels animals domèstics. En canvi, l’aprofitament dels recursos de l’estany era francament escàs. Únicament les nombroses restes de tortugues d’aigua dolça (Emys orbicularis), procedents dels focs i de la zona de les cabanes, parlen a favor de la seva explotació, al costat de les molt escasses mostres de musclos de l’Estany, alguns peixos (anguiles, barbs, bagres i madrilletes) i una sola resta d’un gran ànec (Mergus merganser). La pesca al llac es devia fer amb piragües, arpons i xarxes, però no ens ha arribat cap d’aquests elements i res no podem assegurar respecte a això. Aquesta manca de peces relacionades amb la pesca, més enllà de les restes de

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peixos (vèrtebres i mandíbules), és veritablement una cosa estranya, perquè normalment es troben en la majoria dels hàbitats lacustres.35 El paper de la cacera36 en l’aportació de proteïnes animals encara era molt important a la Draga, malgrat la relativa abundància que, en aquest aspecte, proporcionava el bestiar domèstic. És interessant la clara i abundant presència del bou salvatge, al costat del senglar, el conill, el cérvol, el cabirol i la cabra salvatge. Les dues darreres espècies ens avisen que, quan els neolítics de la Draga anaven de cacera, el hinterland estricte del poblat, essencialment els boscos que l’envoltaven, s’eixamplava considerablement fins a arribar a les altes muntanyes que emmarquen la conca lacustre. La presència, encara que escassa, d’algunes guilles i d’un petit mustèlid ens apunta a una cacera selectiva a la recerca de pells per als vestits de l’hivern. Amb tots aquests elements hem de considerar que la dieta alimentària dels habitants neolítics de la Draga era més aviat rica i variada. De fet, el percentatge de carn consumida devia ser molt superior als índexs coneguts de l’Europa medieval i moderna.

Consideracions finals: viure i morir a l’Estany El descobriment entre el 1989 i el 1990 dels jaciments de La Marmotta i la Draga, situats a la mateixa latitud i a la vora del Mediterrani occidental, han representat un important canvi en l’estudi dels poblats lacustres neolítics europeus. No solament han servit per incorporar-hi els primers assentaments mediterranis, sinó que, a més, ara per ara, són els únics del neolític antic, fàcies cardial, amb una cronologia real de mitjan-final del VI mil·lenni aC. Això ha fet reforçar la idea que, en realitat, els primers poblats lacustres neolítics van aparèixer al Mediterrani i des d’allí van pujar fins a les valls suïsses, tal com alguns grups amb ceràmiques d’estil cardial de la zona alpina ja semblaven indicar. Poca cosa podem dir de les creences espirituals o religioses dels habitants de la Draga. Sabem que en altres jaciments del mateix moment, com a La Marmotta mateix, han aparegut ídols de pedra,26 normalment figures femenines esteatopígies, que ens parlen de la perduració del culte a la deesses mare, amb trets sexuals exagerats, que ja arrenca al paleolític superior. Aquest culte, amb variacions locals, arribarà almenys fins al calcolític (finals del III mil·lenni aC). En tot cas, les escasses tombes del neolític antic, conegudes a Catalunya i zones veïnes, ens informen d’unes fermes creences en el més enllà en aquests primers moments del sedentarisme i la producció d’aliments.37 Malauradament, ni a la Draga i ni a prop del jaciment s’han localitzat tombes (fosses, cistes o coves) que ens donin alguna idea de com enterraven els seus morts. És veritat que, a uns 4 km al nord-oest, en algunes de les coves de Serinyà, com la d’en Pau, la de l’Arbreda o la

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La Draga (Banyoles, Catalunya), un poblat lacustre del neolític antic a l’Europa mediterrània

de Mollet-III, han aparegut uns quants materials arqueològics d’època cardial, possiblement contemporanis del jaciment de la Draga. És possible, doncs, que alguna d’aquestes coves, totes amb restes humanes de diferents èpoques segons les excavacions de mitjan del segle xx, complís funcions de necròpolis per als habitants del poblat neolític proper. També cal considerar la possibilitat que bona part dels cadàvers fossin simplement llençats a l’estany, cremats ritualment o enterrats en fosses profundes dins del travertí, sistemes que en farien gairebé impossible la localització. Únicament cal esmentar que, entre les restes de fauna de la Draga del sector A, van aparèixer una dent incisiva i una falange de peu humanes, que pertanyien a un individu adult. L’existència de restes humanes en poblats neolítics d’ambient lacustre, barrejats sovint amb la fauna consumida, és ben coneguda a Suïssa, on apareixen fins i tot cranis i alguns ossos llargs humans. La presència d’aquestes restes és de difícil interpretació i per això sovint han estat silenciades.8 En tot cas, aquests dos únics testimonis d’ossos humans de la Draga poden perfectament encaixar en la hipòtesi d’accidents de treball. Ja per acabar, volem expressar el nostre convenciment que les possibilitats de la Draga per seguir enriquint els nostres coneixements sobre el neolític antic de Catalunya i la resta de la península Ibèrica continuen sent enormes, malgrat els disset anys transcorreguts des de l’inici de les excavacions. L’any 2005, els treballs arqueològics es van aturar per poder centrar-nos en la publicació exhaustiva dels resultats obtinguts fins aleshores i també per finalitzar la construcció del Parc Neolític de la Draga, que ara serveix per explicar a tothom com era la vida al neolític a la vora de l’estany de Banyoles ara fa 7.200 anys. En els propers anys confiem que les excavacions es puguin reprendre amb noves forces i perspectives, per tal que aspectes encara poc coneguts com la distribució de les cabanes del poblat o la funcionalitat d’algunes eines, només entrellucada, puguin ser aclarides.

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[5] [6] [7]

[8]

[9] [10]

[11]

[12]

[13] [14] [15] [16]

Notes i referències [1] [2]

[3]

[4]

A. Bosch, J. Chinchilla, J. Tarrús et al. El poblat lacustre neolític de la Draga. Excavacions de 19901998. Monografies del CASC, 2, Girona 2000. A. Bosch, J. Chinchilla, J. Tarrús et al. Els objectes de fusta del poblat neolític de la Draga. Excavacions de 1995-2005. Monografies del CASC, 6, Girona 2006. M.A. Fugazzola, G. D’Eugenio, A. Pessina. «La Marmotta (Anguillara Sabazia, R.M.). Scavi 1989. Un abitato perilacustre di età neolítica». Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana, 84, new series II, p. 181342, Rome 1993. J. Bernabeu. La tradición cultural de las cerámicas impresas en la zona oriental de la península ibérica. Trabajos Varios, 86. Servicio de Investigación Pre-

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[17]

[18]

[19] [20]

histórica de la Diputación Provincial. Valencia 1989. P. Pétrequin, A. M. Pétrequin. Chalain & Clairvaux. 4000 ans d’habitat lacustre, Jura, Itinéraire 24, Ed. du Patrimoine du Franche-Comté, 2000. P. Pétrequin. Construire une maison 3000 ans avant J.-C. Ed. Errance, Paris 1991. J.L. Voruz. Le néolithique suisse. Bilan documentaire. Document du Département d’Anthropologie et d’Ecologie de l’Université de Genève, 16, Geneva 1991. D. Ramseyer. Cités lacustres. Le Néolithique dans le canton de Fribourg, Suisse de 3867 à 2462 avant J.C. Catalogue of the exhibition at the Musée du Malgré-Tout, Treignes (Belgium) 1992. AM. Pétrequin, P. Pétrequin. Cités lacustres du Jura. Préhistoire des lacs de Chalain et de Clairvaux (4000-2000 ans av.J.-C.). Ed. Errance, Paris 1988. J. Guilaine, A. Freises, R. Montjardin et al. Leucate-Corrège, habitat noyé du néolithique cardial. Centre d’Anthropologie des Sociétés Rurales, Toulouse 1984. A. Martín Cólliga. «Dinámica del Neolítico antiguo y medio en Cataluña». Aragón./Litoral Mediterráneo. Intercambios culturales durante la Prehistoria (1990), p. 319-333. J. Guilaine. «Premiers paysans de la Méditerranée occidentale». A: J.Guilaine De la vague à la tombe. La conquête néolithique de la Méditerranée. Ed. Seuil, Paris 2003, p. 135-162. K. Mazurié. El origen del Neolítico en Europa. Agricultores, cazadores y pastores. Ed. Ariel Prehistoria, Barcelona 2007, p. 178. J. Junkmanns. Arc et flèche. Fabrication et utilisation au néolithique. Ed. Musée Schwab, Bienne 2006. M. de Góngora. Antigüedades Prehistóricas de Andalucía. Madrid 1868. C. Alfaro. Tejido y cestería en la Península Ibérica. Historia de su técnica e industrias desde la Prehistoria a la Romanización. Biblioteca Praehistorica Hispana XXI, Instituto Español de Prehistoria, CSIC, Madrid 1984. C. Cacho, C. Papí, A. Sánchez-Barriga, F. Alonso. «La cestería decorada de la cueva de los Murciélagos (Albuñol, Granada)». Complutum Extra, 6 (I). Madrid (1996), p. 105-122. MªM. Ayala. «Enterramientos calcolíticos de la Sierra de Tercia, Lorca, Murcia. Estudio preliminar». Anales de Prehistoria y Arqueología, 3. Murcia (1987), p. 9-24. MªM. Ayala. «Estudio preliminar del ritual funerario calcolítico en la comarca de Lorca, Murcia». Zephyrus, XLIII. Salamanca (1990), p. 77-86. Ll. Pericot, J.C. Serra-Ràfols. «La cultura primitiva». Historia Universal, Vol. 1. Ed. Instituto Gallach de Librería y Ediciones, Barcelona (1931), p. 63.

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[21] B. Martí. El naixement de l’agricultura en el País Valencià. Del Neolític a l’Edat del Bronze. Secreta riat de Publicacions, Universitat de València 1983, p. 96. [22] Mª.O. Rodríguez-Ariza, F. Molina, M.C. Botella, S.A. Jiménez, I. Alemán. «Les restes parcialment momificades de la sepultura 121 del jaciment argàric de Castellón Alto (Galera, Granada)». Cota Zero, 19, Vic (2004), p. 13-15. [23] V. Lull, R. Micó, C. Rihuete, R. Risch. La cova des Càrritx y la cova des Mussol. Ideología y sociedad en la prehistoria de Menorca. Consell Insular de Menorca, 1999. [24] Excavacions dutes a terme per les Universistats de les Illes Balears i de Barcelona a la Cova des Pas (Ferreries, Menorca) l’any 2005, dirigides per Manuel Calvo, Víctor Guerrero, Josep M. Fullola i Àngels Petit. Es tracta d’una cova d’enterrament col·lectiu amb restes orgàniques humanes conservades, al costat de cordes d’espart i lliteres de fusta, que servien per baixar els cadàvers pel cingle on s’obre aquesta cavitat. [25] V. M. Lozovski. Zamostje 2. Guides archéologiques du «Malgré Tout». Ed. Du Cedarc, Treignes 1996. [26] M. A. Fugazzola. «La piccola «dea madre» del lago di Bracciano». Bulletino di Paletnologia Italiana 91-92, Rome (2000-2001), p. 27-45. [27] J. Weiner. «Well on my back - An update on the Bandkeramik wooden well of Erkelenz-kückhoven». News WARP, 16, 5-17. Wetland Archaeology Research Project, Fursdon Mill Cottage, Thoverton, Devon (1994). [28] A. M. Pétrequin, P. Pétrequin. Le Néolithique des lacs. Préhistoire des lacs de Chalain et de Clairvaux (4000-2000 av. JC). Ed. Errance, Paris 1988. [29] A. Bocquet, A. Houot. «Charavines il y a 5000 ans». Les dossiers de l’Archéologie 199. Dijon (1994).

Josep Tarrús

[30] J. Winiger. «Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Beils». Helvetia archaeologica 12, Horgener Kultur. Antiqua 8, Publications de la Société Suisse de Préhistoire et Archéologie. Verlag Huber, Fraunfeld (1981-A). [31] H. Schlichtherle. «Jungsteinzeitliche Erntegeräte am Bodensee». Plattform 1/1992, 24-44. Unteruhldingen (1992). [32] H. Schlichtherle (coord.). Pfahlbauten rund um die Alpen, Archäologie in Dutschlan. Sonderheft 1997, Ed. Theiss, Stuttgart 1997. [33] A. Bosch, R. Buxó, A. Palomo, M. Buch, J. Mateu, E. Tabernero, J. Casadevall. «El poblat neolític de Plansallosa. L’explotació del territori dels primers agricultors-ramaders de l’Alta Garrotxa». Publicacions Eventuals d’Arqueologia de la Garrotxa 5. Olot (1998). [34] J. Tarrús, M. Saña, J. Chinchilla, A. Bosch. «La Draga (Banyoles, Catalogne): traction animale à la fin du VIè millénaire?, Premiers chariots, premiers araires. La diffusion de la traction animale, Europe pendant les IVè et IIè millénaires avant notre ère». Table Ronde de Frasnois 12-15 June 2002. Ed. CNRS, Paris 2006, p. 25-30. [35] M.A. Fugazzola. Un tufo nel passat. 8000 anni fa nel lago di Bracciano. Soprintendenza Speciale al Museo Nazionale Prehistorico Etnográfico, Luigi Pigorini. Beta-Gamma ed. Viterbo 1996 [36] A. Palomo, R. Piqué, A. Bosch, J. Chinchilla, J. F. Gibaja, M. Saña, J. Tarrús. «La caza en el yacimiento neolítico de La Draga (Banyoles-Girona)». III Congreso del Neolítico Peninsular (Santander 2003), 2005, p. 135-144. [37] A. Bosch, J. Tarrús et al. «La cova sepulcral del nolític antic de l’Avellaner: Cogolls, Les Planes d’Hostoles (La Garrotxa)». Sèrie Monogràfica, 11. Centre d’Investigacions Arqueològiques de Girona, (1990).

Nota biogràfica Josep Tarrús i Galter (Girona, 1949) és conservador del Museu Arqueològic Comarcal de Banyoles i doctor en Prehistòria i Història Antiga per la Universitat de Barcelona. Com a prehistoriador treballa sobre els períodes neolític i calcolític de Catalunya, temes sobre els quals ha escrit alguns llibres i nombrosos articles en revistes especialitzades. Ha dirigit diverses excavacions i restauracions de monuments megalítics a l’Alt Empordà i en altres comarques de Catalunya. També ha excavat i preparat per a la visita els poblats neolítics de la Draga (Banyoles) i Can Isach (Palau-saverdera).

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 183-193 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.13 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

La societat de Barcelona i el seu dret. Segles xi-xiii1 Tomàs de Montagut i Estragués* Universitat Pompeu Fabra

Resum L’ordenament jurídic de la Barcelona baixmedieval, que trobem ja ben madur en el segle xiii i que entenem com una síntesi de drets (usos, costums, privilegis, lleis, etc.) i d’organització (municipi, universitat de prohoms, consolats, etc.) és fruit primordial de la voluntat interessada dels seus dirigents: uns prohoms o patricis que dirigiran una expansió urbana de la societat barcelonina que clarament els beneficia i que els permetrà la consolidació i perpetuació com a grup social, a través d’unes formes i d’unes figures jurídiques individuals, familiars i socials adequades i orientades als seus propòsits de lideratge polític i econòmic de Barcelona. L’elevat grau d’autonomia que la societat barcelonina aconseguirà en el segle xiii a través de les seves institucions de dret públic i privat és mantindrà estable fins al segle xviii, quan la nova dinastia borbònica derogarà les institucions pròpies d’autogovern municipal. Paraules clau: municipi de Barcelona, patriciat, mercat, préstec, paries, penyora, comerç, hipoteca, comanda, negociant, consolats

«Ubi societas ibi ius»: aquest aforisme d’un prestigiós jurista romà ens indica que tota societat genera el seu dret, encara que també és certa l’expressió correlativa «ubi ius ibi societas» pel que fa a recordar que on trobem un dret és perquè existeix una societat.2 Com analitzem de forma més detallada en un altre article,3 l’ordenament jurídic de Barcelona al segle xiii es compon d’uns costums, uns privilegis i unes incipients ordinacions que interactuen amb unes institucions polítiques i administratives pròpies. Aquestes han estat conformades des del 1249 fins al 1284 per un conjunt de privilegis reials que donen vida i personalitat jurídica pròpia al municipi o universitat de Barcelona, regulant la constitució i les funcions dels seus magistrats directius i de les seves assemblees consultives i de govern.4 Tanmateix aquest ordenament jurídic propi de Barcelona només pot trobar la seva plena significació dins de la societat que el va produir. Per oferir un examen sintètic d’aquesta qüestió, seguirem de forma molt resumida les valuoses aportacions que el professor Stephen P. Bensch ha ofert en la seva fonamental obra Barcelona i els seus dirigents 1096-1291,5 la qual, pel seu plantejament agut i pe-

* Adreça de contacte: Tomàs de Montagut. Departament de Dret, Universitat Pompeu Fabra. Trias Fargas, 25-27 08005 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 935421646. Fax: +34 935421646. E-mail: tomas.montagut@upf.edu

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netrant, per la rellevància dels temes tractats i per la congruència i la claredat expositiva, constitueix avui una obra de referència obligada sobre la història de Barcelona dels segles xi-xiii. En síntesi, podem afirmar que l’ordenament jurídic de Barcelona del segle xiii és fruit primordial de la voluntat interessada dels seus dirigents. Uns dirigents o patricis que Bensch6 estudia pel que fa als seus orígens, a la seva funció directiva d’una expansió urbana que els beneficia i a la seva consolidació i perpetuació com a grup social, a través d’unes formes familiars adequades als seus propòsits de lideratge social de Barcelona. Naturalment, el context geogràfic, polític i econòmic ofereix els elements interpretatius bàsics per donar sentit a tot el procés de formació i d’evolució del patriciat barceloní. La Barcelona catalana té els orígens en la conquesta que els carolingis van fer l’any 801 de la ciutat musulmana. El territori circumdant d’influència immediata aviat s’especialitzarà en conreus de qualitat, de manera que, finalment, es coneixerà amb el nom de l’horta i vinyet de Barcelona. El rec comtal, que segueix l’antic aqüeducte romà del Besòs, donarà la primera força hidràulica a la ciutat i l’estretor de la seva plana litoral obligarà els barcelonins a cercar en el mar els recursos que li manquen i que el territori circumdant no proporciona. Del 801 endavant, la ciutat romandrà unida sota una sola jurisdicció pública i en el seu nucli urbà —la civitas o

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urbs— hi tindran la seu els poders civils (comte) i eclesiàstics (bisbe). Les dues potestats es repartiran les quatre portes de les muralles romanes que encara encerclen la ciutat i que no es fragmentaran en fortaleses privades. Al peu d’una de les dues portes/castells del comte se celebrarà el mercat setmanal de Barcelona, font primordial de riquesa d’on beuran els primers dirigents barcelonins. Els suburbis, els ravals, les viles noves que creixen fora muralles durant els segles xi a xiii seran la seu dels negociants, dels canvistes, dels artesans i dels comerciants en general. Per assegurar i protegir els nous barris de ponent, Jaume I endegarà la construcció d’una segona muralla, la qual ampliarà el territori del nucli urbà fins a la Rambla. Els interessos de la casa comtal de Barcelona i els de la ciutat no seran divergents, sinó que hi haurà moltes convergències i punts de contacte que oferiran oportunitats comunes beneficioses tant per a la ciutat com per a Catalunya i també per a tota la nova Corona d’Aragó que sorgirà a partir de mitjan segle xii. El gran i ràpid creixement demogràfic de Barcelona, que passa de 1.500 persones l’any 1000 a unes 10.000 l’any 1200 i a unes 34.000 l’any 1365, plantejarà problemes de proveïments que només podran resoldre’s amb una política d’expansió econòmica sobre Catalunya i sobre la Mediterrània. En aquest punt existirà una clara convergència i coordinació d’interessos entre els dirigents barcelonins i els seus comtes reis. Barcelona oferirà a la monarquia un centre administratiu i una font d’ingressos per a finançar les polítiques públiques de la Corona. En contrapartida, Barcelona assolirà una posició hegemònica sobre les altres ciutats de la Corona a finals del segle xiii, per bé que mai no es constituirà en capital de l’Imperi. Bensch analitza també els problemes fonamentals d’organització i de coordinació de la comunitat: el de la constitució del poder públic inicial de Barcelona (segles ixxi),7 el de la seva crisi (segle xi)8 i el de la seva reconstrucció pel comte a través de les vies de govern (activitat militar i tributària), de gràcia (atorgament de privilegis i nomenament de càrrecs) i de justícia (validació de concòrdies i erecció del tribunal del veguer). Cal destacar la incidència que l’activitat cooperativa dels dirigents barcelonins va tenir en aquest procés de constitució política composta de la Corona d’Aragó,9 de Catalunya10 i del municipi de Barcelona, el qual, com hem dit, dirigirà el comte rei. Des del primer privilegi concedit a Barcelona pels carolingis (801) es reconeix l’autoritat comtal sobre les matèries més àrdues (incendis, homicidis, raptes, etc.) i es respecta el costum local11 per a les altres causes. La confirmació posterior atorga encara més potestat al comte, com a líder militar i protector de les possessions dels pagesos lliures. La concentració de la potestat pública en el comte de Barcelona, de Girona i d’Osona la confirmen els carolingis el 878. La potestat espiritual del bisbe de Barcelona no suposarà una limitació de la potestat temporal del comte de Barcelona, perquè la immunitat judicial i fiscal del bisbe no comportarà una immunitat política, sinó que es resoldrà

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en una aliança entre el comte i el bisbe, en què el comte ocupa una clara posició de preeminència jurisdiccional. En aquest sentit, no existirà mai un enclavament jurisdiccional del bisbe dins la ciutat de Barcelona. Amb tot, la crisi del poder públic comtal (1041-1059) serà produïda per l’intent d’apropiació dels recursos i dels drets fiscals per part dels vescomtes, dels veguers i dels castlans, el quals, malgrat el seu caràcter d’oficials delegats del comte, tendeixen a la patrimonialització de l’ofici públic que exerceixen i intenten apropiar-se dels drets de la justícia, de la moneda, dels drets del mercat i dels serveis públics (molins, forns i aigua).12 Les concessions gracioses i les reformes endegades per Ramon Berenguer III i Ramon Berenguer IV als segles xi-xii aconsegueixen mantenir intacta la unitat jurisdiccional en mans del comte i limitar els abusos dels vescomtes i dels veguers, que amenaçaven la comunitat urbana protegida per privilegis. Veguers de Barcelona (esmentats per primer cop el 1094) i batlles de Barcelona (esmentats ja el 1144) han d’auxiliar el comte en l’exercici de les seves funcions públiques i, en especial, en les funcions fiscals i tributàries.13 El primer cens de Barcelona per recaptar un tribut es confegeix el 1145 i pot dir-se que en aquest moment s’identifica una comunitat urbana barcelonina sobre la base del tribut o quèstia que per raó de la família o del patrimoni familiar s’haurà de satisfer al comte. També en aquests moments (1148) trobem la primera acció cooperativa dels ciutadans amb els projectes d’expansió territorial del comte, quant al substanciós préstec que li van facilitar onze ciutadans distingits de Barcelona per finançar la conquesta militar de Tortosa. El pacte de finançament d’aquesta empresa de guerra pública va comportar que els burgesos prestamistes entressin a l’Administració local de la ciutat i poguessin recuperar el capital i els interessos dels seus crèdits amb la gestió de drets, tributs i serveis públics consignats i cedits a ells pel comte com a penyora i garantia dels pagaments concertats. La reforma administrativa endegada per Ramon Berenguer IV i la posterior introducció el 1179 del retiment de comptes en tots els dominis del rei van esperonar la inversió dels capitals burgesos a les finances reials, atesa una concepció emprenedora de l’Administració pública que alhora ofereix seguretat jurídica.14 En efecte, l’Administració reial s’anava organitzant i dotant amb una força executiva àmplia però també sotmesa a avaluació periòdica per raó dels resultats econòmics assolits i per la legalitat de la seva gestió. És a dir, l’exigència de responsabilitats introdueix el principi de l’imperi del dret pel qual la gestió dels oficials reial que actuen a Barcelona s’ha de mesurar també d’acord amb la tradició del dret visigòtic i d’acord amb el privilegis i amb les normes dels incipients usos i costums locals de Barcelona que expressaran jurídicament i de mica en mica els interessos comuns dels ciutadans.15 La resolució dels conflictes o litigis entre parts i la competència per a resoldre’ls a Barcelona van experimentar una evolució semblant a la de tot Catalunya.

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La societat de Barcelona i el seu dret. Segles xi-xiii

Fins al segle xi l’Administració de justícia és una competència que pertany en exclusiva a la potestat pública, que segueix en cada cas els preceptes i els procediments establerts en el llibre de la legislació visigòtica (Liber iudiciorum), tal com s’havia anat transmetent des del segle vi. Un tribunal públic presidit per jutges professionals coneixia la causa seguint un procediment judicial que s’iniciava amb la citació del demandat i es cloïa amb la promulgació de la sentència, en la qual s’aplicava el dret escrit als fets provats racionalment en la causa. La crisi del poder públic al segle xi va provocar que els litigis entre parts es resolguessin a través de pactes i acords entre els interessats, de manera que les sentències —documents públics judicials— van ser substituïdes per altres documents de caire privat com foren les convenientiae o concordiae, l’evacuatio, la definitio o l’arbitratio.16 A partir del 1094, amb l’aparició de la figura del veguer,17 es produeix el renaixement de la justícia pública perquè l’ofici actua com a tribunal públic on els litigis es resolen aplicant el dret (lleis i costums) i no pas a través d’una negociació entre les parts enfrontades. Tanmateix aquest últim procediment el van anar mantenint els ciutadans de Barcelona amb el consell dels cònsols i d’homes honorables de la ciutat (1094-1140) o amb el consell dels prohoms o dels pròcers (1140-1180), els quals en virtut de la seva experiència i coneixement de les tradicions i costums de la ciutat ajudaven a establir els precedents i a validar els costums locals de Barcelona en el moment d’oferir aquests criteris normatius i per tal d’ajudar a resoldre de forma negociada el cas que es posava sota la seva consideració. La coexistència a la ciutat dels dos sistemes d’administració de justícia (el del tribunal públic o cúria del veguer i el del consell dels prohoms) va seguir un procés evolutiu que reforçà la jurisdicció del veguer reial i debilità la justícia ciutadana i el seu intent fallit d’institucionalització consular (1183-1219). El procés es va cloure amb les reformes del període 1249-1284, quan s’establí el consell municipal permanent per a la ciutat de Barcelona i el rei ordenà al seu veguer que hi fes un jurament, que demanés consell a l’assemblea i que executés les decisions del municipi (que estigués al seu consell), si bé preservant sempre la fidelitat i l’obediència deguda al monarca i a la seva jurisdicció. D’aquesta manera, els prohoms dirigents de Barcelona aconseguiran institucionalitzar jurídicament la seva posició de comandament polític i social a la ciutat; una posició assolida de fet per les seves famílies al llarg del temps i per raó d’unes determinades conjuntures econòmiques.18 La destrucció de Barcelona per al-Mansur el 985 i la reducció a captiveri dels seus supervivents donarà pas a una fase inicial d’expansió urbana durant el segle xi aprofitant l’actiu mercat de terres ben proveït pels béns abandonats i amb una demanda força intensa deguda als rendiments que ofereixen els conreus especialitzats al pla de Barcelona (horta i vinyet) que troben una sortida fàcil i valuosa en el mercat local del castell vell de Barcelona, un dels portals comtals de les muralles romanes de la ciutat.

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D’altra banda, fins a l’arribada dels almoràvits a al-Àndalus (1090), la desintegració del califat de Còrdova (1030) permetrà establir una economia tributària favorable als comtes de Barcelona, amb ràtzies i empreses de guerra dels milites catalans sobre les taifes musulmanes que hauran de satisfer tributs en or (paries) als comtes catalans a canvi de la pau i la protecció. En conseqüència, es produirà un desplaçament de riquesa des d’al-Àndalus vers Catalunya, si bé els guerrers i els comerciants agrícoles del mercat local de Barcelona no arribaran a fusionarse per emprendre projectes col·lectius de comerç exterior i de major envergadura. Els almoràvits posaran fi al pagament de les paries i l’economia de Barcelona entrarà en un període de crisi (1090-1140) que afectarà el descens del mercat de béns immobles, el volum dels crèdits, la liquiditat disponible i el proveïment de diner.19 L’inici de la segona fase d’expansió urbana (1140-1160) ja no es farà sobre els conreus especialitzats (horta/vinya), sinó sobre el crèdit immobiliari a llarg termini caracteritzat per cercar una renda en espècie a través de les penyores agràries, atesa la incertesa del valor del diner i la vinculació psicològica amb la terra com a font de riquesa. Aquí començarà la primera i discreta acumulació de capital de les famílies patrícies més antigues de Barcelona, que s’aniran fonent i formant una unitat composta peculiar gràcies a l’acció política del comte. El monarca, actuant la seva jurisdicció per la via de gràcia, regularà els equilibris interns entre famílies i evitarà així els efectes destructius de les rivalitats per al conjunt de la comunitat i per a la nova identitat que s’anava construint a Barcelona arran del buit de poder deixat a la ciutat per una noblesa urbana en retirada (1040-1140). La fugida voluntària dels nobles obeïa al fet que preferien consolidar la potestat privada en els seus territoris alodials del camp que no pas reconèixer i obtenir els beneficis hipotètics i condicionats d’una potestat pública i superior del comte a la ciutat de Barcelona. A mitjan segle xii, els prohoms de Barcelona encara no formaven un grup estable i homogeni de burgesos preeminents. Tanmateix ja des del 1140 un grup significatiu d’aquests burgesos havia començat a establir un lideratge urbà i un conjunt comú d’interessos econòmics que s’anaven articulant en usos i costums. Aviat, juristes lletrats, educats en els nous corrents del dret romà canònic ensenyat a les universitats, ajudaran a assegurar aquests nous interessos econòmics amb la recepció o divulgació del ius commune europeu que han estudiat, el qual, amb la introducció de noves figures jurídiques de dret familiar, matrimonial, real, comercial, etc., protegirà eficaçment el nou estament dels patricis, les seves famílies i els seus béns.20 Més endavant, el 1203, el primer privilegi del rei Pere I es dirigia als «prohoms i residents de Barcelona», de manera que els prohoms ja són reconeguts com un grup de ciutadans distingits que exerceixen un lideratge a la ciutat. La clau d’aquest significatiu ascens polític i social dels prohoms de Barcelona es troba en quatre factors princi-

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pals: (1) la producció menestral i el seu control, (2) els crèdits urbans i les seves funcions, (3) les finances reials i la jurisdicció urbana, i (4) el comerç i la seva protecció.21 Les noves activitats artesanes són fonts de riquesa que permeten prosperar de forma modesta. Amb tot, els grans propietaris i els inversors procuraran participar dels beneficis artesans amb arrendaments d’obradors i de parades i amb inversions creditícies. Els oficis predominants produeixen per al mercat local (pells d’animals, ferro, productes comestibles) o es dediquen a la prestació de serveis (fusters, sastres, taverners, carnissers). Tanmateix no són menys importants els oficis associats al comerç internacional (teixidors, mariners, mercaders i canviadors), als quals donen vida uns determinats productes estel·lars com són ara els draps, les espècies, l’argent i les pells. L’activitat diària dels oficis donarà lloc a una identitat professional col·lectiva molt abans que aquests oficis s’organitzin majoritàriament en corporacions gremials reconegudes oficialment (segle xiv).22 Durant el segle xii, el préstec amb penyora i les hipoteques són dues figures jurídiques que permeten al creditor entrar en possessió de les terres gravades amb la garantia i alhora rebre’n els productes en concepte d’interessos. Per això, moltes vegades els crèdits no retornats esdevindran un mitjà molt més barat d’adquirir la terra que no pas la compra. Apareixen també en aquesta època el descompte i la transferència d’instruments de crèdit, així com les societats de creditors que reparteixen guanys i obligacions entre els seus membres. Tot plegat, un conjunt d’instruments jurídics, que asseguren i permeten les inversions i els guanys dels ciutadans i dels prohoms i que promouen la interdependència entre les seves famílies. Les prohibicions canòniques de la usura pel Concili IV del Laterà (1215) i la manca de banquers professionals no aturaran aquestes operacions creditícies privilegiades —i encara reduïdes—, si bé s’haurà d’eludir la interdicció mitjançant la reformulació escrita de la usura il·lícita sota les figures lícites de negocis jurídics que, de fet, són ficticis, simulats o indirectes. Les finances reials seran un dels camps d’inversió més destacats per als nous capitals acumulats dels prohoms barcelonins. Durant el segle xii les polítiques d’expansió territorial vers la Catalunya Nova i vers Occitània van requerir als monarques la disponibilitat de capitals, que van rebre dels ordes militars, de les esglésies i de financers urbans en qualitat de préstec i contra la cessió en penyora de tributs, peatges i dominis a la Catalunya Nova. El regnat de Pere I (1190-1213) va iniciar una nova època en el món del crèdit, atès l’abast immens del deute compromès que va fer necessàries la realització d’operacions internacionals i la contractació de crèdits col·lectius de grans quantitats per part del monarca. En aquest punt, els financers de Barcelona esdevenen una força política poderosa en beneficiar-se amb la contrapartida dels crèdits atorgats, que no solament consistia en la percepció d’interessos, sinó també en la participació

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a les empreses reials i baronials i en l’adquisició de jurisdiccions urbanes i senyorials.23 Per la via pacífica del crèdit els patricis de Barcelona esdevenen una autoritat pública o jurisdiccional a la ciutat. Una figura representativa d’aquesta situació és la de Guillem Durfort, prohom de Barcelona i financer de Pere I. Durfort va organitzar una societat de prestamistes al rei que reunia unes grans masses de capital i que va consolidar un grup emergent de rics negociants de la ciutat. Tot amb tot, si l’èxit militar de Las Navas de Tolosa el 1212 va provocar una situació d’entusiasme especulatiu, la derrota de Muret de l’any següent (1213) abocarà a una crisi financera de gran abast en no poder complir la monarquia amb les obligacions creditícies pactades amb les cases principals de Barcelona. Aquest esfondrament de les finances reials no es redreçarà fins als volts del 1220.24 Tanmateix el patriciat de Barcelona havia obert una via de col·laboració amb la monarquia que ja no abandonarà quan es trobi de nou en la necessitat d’invertir els quantiosos guanys obtinguts amb el comerç internacional promogut per la política imperial de la Corona d’Aragó a la Mediterrània al segle xiii. En definitiva, la política imperial de la dinastia comtal i la política comercial dels ciutadans de Barcelona no són dos mons incomunicats, sinó que es complementen i provoquen la integració de Barcelona als circuits mercantils mediterranis, cosa que produeix l’enriquiment i la prosperitat dels mercaders de Barcelona.25 L’economia tributària basada en l’obtenció de guanys per la via expeditiva de la força militar (pirateria, imposició de tributs) no és incompatible amb l’economia de mercat basada en la llei de l’oferta i la demanda i en l’aprofitament de la diferència existent entre els preus d’un mateix producte en el lloc de compra i en el de venda. Els privilegis de protecció comercial que obtindrà Barcelona a canvi del seu ajut als monarques en les seves polítiques d’expansió territorial vers la Catalunya Nova i vers Occitània (segle xii) i vers la Mediterrània (segles xiiixiv) posen de manifest que la ruta de les espècies i la ruta de les illes (Balears, Sicília, Sardenya) són dos objectius de comunicació que s’alimenten recíprocament: obrir vies segures de comerç de productes lucratius —amb el Llenguadoc, Ifriqiya, el Magrib, Romania i Alexandria— on la competència estrangera militar i comercial —Gènova, Pisa, Tolosa— quedi situada en una posició inferior o de subordinació. L’objectiu conjunt final s’assolirà quan els guanys del comerç internacional siguin superiors als guanys obtinguts pel saqueig i per la protecció. En aquest punt, els monarques obtindran molts més recursos de forma indirecta a través de fomentar el comerç exterior —i, per tant, la prosperitat del patricis de Barcelona— promovent la concentració dels mercaders forasters a l’alfòndec de Barcelona, organitzant una fira de negocis anual el mes de juliol i atorgant concessions d’urbanitzar en el barri comercial de la Ribera als financers principals de la ciutat.26

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La societat de Barcelona i el seu dret. Segles xi-xiii

Els canvis marítims, les comandes i les societats seran les figures jurídiques més utilitzades per facilitar les transaccions i el comerç internacional, mentre que els costums i els usos de la Mediterrània seran les normes que facilitaran l’activitat comercial marítima, duta a terme pels mercaders, navegants i homes de mar. Les seves redaccions escrites s’iniciaran a Barcelona al segle xiii i culminaran al segle xv amb la publicació del Llibre del Consolat de mar.27 Les primeres generacions de patricis barcelonins enriquides amb les activitats artesanes, amb les inversions en les finances reials o amb el comerç internacional van voler perpetuar, consolidar i augmentar en el seu llinatge la prosperitat material i el lideratge social adquirits durant aquest període (segles xii-xiii). Per tant, era necessari reformar l’estructura familiar i assegurar unes determinades vies matrimonials i familiars d’acumulació i de transmissió de la propietat. Ens fixarem ara en els punts significatius d’aquesta qüestió: (1) els antecedents, (2) la noció de parentiu, (3) les estratègies successòries, i (4) les esposes i les vídues davant el patrimoni familiar.28 La historiografia europea anterior sobre famílies urbanes medievals no distingeix, per manca de perspectives més àmplies, entre un model familiar ciutadà i el model familiar de la noblesa rural. Segons la visió tradicional, existeix una reforma de les estructures dels parentius i de les institucions domèstiques a partir del segle xi, quan es passa d’un sistema familiar en què predominen les relacions cognatícies a un d’afiliació agnatícia en el qual la línia de descendència correspon, bé a tots els mascles, que exploten col·lectivament els béns heretats (terres, càrrecs, castells), bé a un sol mascle o hereu, que assegura la representació única de la família i del llinatge en cada generació. Una raó d’aquest canvi es troba en la reforma gregoriana impulsada per l’Església, que dóna caràcter indissoluble i sacramental al matrimoni, posant en valor la família nuclear, que defineix i prohibeix l’incest entre consanguinis i que legitima la paternitat i la condició d’hereu. Un altre motiu del canvi és la necessitat de no dividir el patrimoni rural dels senyors perquè ara és d’allí d’on extreuen les seves rendes principals, atès que les hosts i les cavalcades han deixat d’ésser fonts apreciables de riquesa. Tanmateix cal saber si aquest model familiar nobiliari, que s’origina en el món rural i s’insereix en la societat europea, s’adequa al cas de les famílies patrícies de la ciutat de Barcelona. A Barcelona, no sembla produir-se la mateixa reforma de parentiu que acabem de descriure, atès que es manté la consciència de divisions àmplies entre els familiars materns i paterns i les respectives competències o influències que aquests parentius exerceixen sobre la nova família nuclear conjugal composta pel matrimoni i els fills. No endebades, molts documents notarials de compravenda de principis del segle xiii estableixen la identitat de les parts amb referència, no sols al pare, sinó també a la mare.

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La mateixa noció de família o de casa al·ludeix en aquesta època a un conjunt de persones indefinides lligades per vincles de sang que formen grups nombrosos i confusos de parents. Mentre la casa o família no és titular d’un patrimoni considerable no hi ha problemes successoris i les previsions legals contingudes en el Liber iudiciorum eren suficients per a resoldre com repartir-se els béns dels difunts pobres. Les regles bàsiques d’aquesta tradició visigoda vigent a l’alta edat mitjana a Catalunya establien: una quota legítima successòria molt àmplia en favor dels descendents, la preeminència d’aquests sobre els ascendents, el dret de tots els fills (homes i dones) a compartir l’herència a parts iguals, el dret del pare a millorar amb un terç de la legítima algun dels seus fills, i el dret del pare de testar lliurement pel que fa a una cinquena part dels seus béns (la part de l’ànima). Però el professor Bensch, que ha examinat dos-cents seixanta-tres testaments de persones laiques de Barcelona entre el 1100 i el 1290, constata que la pràctica testamentària durant aquest període s’aparta considerablement de les previsions legals contingudes en el Liber iudiciorum. Entre el 1100 i el 1140 l’estratègia dels testadors era conservar les propietats familiars unides amb herències conjuntes i indivisibles.29 Per tant, es rebutjava la divisió igualitària del patrimoni, promoguda pel Liber iudiciorum, malgrat que es respectés el principi igualitari en el moment d’establir les quotes indivises. Vers el 1200, quan el monarca oferia la possibilitat d’efectuar inversions lucratives en les seves finances, els patricis de Barcelona van tendir a concentrar els recursos familiars més valuosos en mans d’un sol hereu, a fi de facilitar aquestes beneficioses inversions per a la família. Amb tot, la propietat conjunta i indivisible no es va extingir, sinó que coexistia amb la figura de l’hereu, que anirà esdevenint majoritària, a partir del primer hereu testamentari conegut, l’any 1227. L’hereu dels patricis barcelonesos no obeeix a una reacció defensiva, com la dels nobles europeus, perquè la seva potestat patriarcal i les seves facultats econòmiques estaran moderades pels drets dels germans i germanes legitimaris i per la posició que ocupen les esposes i vídues en l’àmbit patrimonial familiar. És cert, però, que la legítima dels fills serà reduïda sensiblement pel costum, tal com ho fixarà finalment el privilegi del Recognoverunt proceres (1284),30 que la limitarà des de catorze fins a vuit quinzenes parts del cabal hereditari. La nova concepció sacramental del matrimoni introduïda a partir de la reforma gregoriana del segle xi considerava de dret natural la unió conjugal de marit i muller, així com la seva finalitat de procreació de nous cristians que salvaran la seva ànima dins de l’Església, a la qual, naturalment, també donaran vida. Per tant, la família nuclear constituïda per pares i fills havia d’ésser protegida pel dret positiu i, en especial, s’havia de preveure un fons conjugal que assegurés la viabili-

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tat terrenal i la independència d’aquesta família. Això volia dir que en endavant s’haurien de tenir en compte les dues parts constitutives del matrimoni. A Barcelona es va iniciar en el segle xii la protecció econòmica del matrimoni nuclear partint i distorsionant les previsions del dret visigòtic que establia el dot marital consistent en una dècima part del patrimoni del marit i que podia justificar-se en l’antic preu de la núvia que l’espòs pagava a la família de l’esposa. En el segle xii aquest dot masculí es transforma en esponsalici atorgat en concepte de garantia o de promesa de sosteniment futur de l’esposa. Aquest esponsalici es va decantar vers una cessió àmplia a l’esposa d’uns drets sobre el conjunt del patrimoni del marit i no pas en la cessió d’uns béns específics. La capacitat contractual de la dona per alienar o disposar mortis causa del dot marital o esponsalici va convertir moltes vídues de Barcelona en «majores i senyores» (domina et potens, 1192) i això comportava una certa gestió conjunta del fons conjugal i, per tant, del patrimoni del marit. L’any 1194 ja trobem un contracte en el qual la figura del dot és una aportació de la dona al fons conjugal. Aquest dot femení, que també es coneixerà amb el nom d’aixovar, es relacionarà aviat amb l’esponsalici del marit o escreix (ja anomenat així el 1234), de manera que serà habitual que guardin entre si la proporció de dos a un. Així, el dot del marit es considera un augment en la meitat del dot aportat per l’esposa i la documentació jurídica d’ambdues figures —dot i escreix— ja es farà aviat en un sol document.31 Moltes vegades els dots de les dones anaven a compte de les seves legítimes paterna i materna, a les quals renunciaven, però a voltes el dot no exhauria el dret de legítima, que quedava tot o en part pendent de pagar a càrrec de la família de la dona. A partir del 1250 es perd el costum majoritari del testador amb fills de designar les seves mullers com a administradores i usufructuàries de tot el patrimoni (senyores i majores), atès que la quantificació del dot i de l’escreix en feia fàcil la separació o restitució a favor de la muller o de la seva família. A partir d’aquest moment, i amb la freqüent institució d’hereu, és ell qui esdevé el cap de família en lloc de la vídua usufructuària i qui té l’obligació moral de perpetuar el patrimoni per assegurar la reproducció de la família i de la seva posició social dirigent en les noves generacions. Amb tot, per arribar a aquest objectiu el titular del patrimoni que vol lligar l’acció futura de les noves generacions haurà de comptar i de respectar la posició i els drets de les dones, atès que només amb les seves aportacions tangibles (dot) i intangibles (relacions i influències de la família de la dona) es fa possible constituir un nou matrimoni independent, que pugui afrontar les nombroses i fatigoses càrregues habituals que li sobrevenen. En definitiva, les cases patrícies de Barcelona prefereixen cercar aliances entre famílies més que refermar la des-

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cendència directa patrilineal. Els instruments jurídics que ajudaran a consolidar aquest grup social de patricis barcelonins seran els testaments, els dots i els capítols matrimonials, els quals permetran perfeccionar la formalització d’aquestes estratègies familiars de reproducció social.32 Per acabar aquest apartat, i com ja hem indicat al principi, ens resta examinar el procés de consolidació i de perpetuació del patriciat barceloní durant el període 12201300, així com les formes familiars utilitzades per a assolir els seus propòsits de lideratge social de Barcelona. Des del regnat de Pere el Catòlic (1196-1213), els consellers urbans assisteixen per primera vegada a les assemblees de Corts de Catalunya. A les Corts celebrades el 1228 per preparar la conquesta de Mallorca s’estableix un tribut general per a tot Catalunya per tal de finançar-la. L’esforç tributari es fa a través d’un ús alternatiu de la vella figura tributària del bovatge que abans anava destinada a garantir la pau del bestiar, dins del marc de les assemblees de pau i treva anteriors. En contrapartida per aquesta contribució, Barcelona obtindrà la seva part en el repartiment de l’illa, però, encara més important que això, els habitants de Barcelona seran beneficiats posteriorment amb exempcions comercials a l’illa i amb exempcions de lleudes reials a tota la Corona d’Aragó. La conquesta de Mallorca, a més a més, permetrà dominar la ruta del comerç al llarg de la costa sud de la Mediterrània i orientarà vers el sud i l’est l’expansió marítima de Barcelona. Els efectes de la creació d’aquest imperi per a Catalunya seran un augment dràstic de la riquesa comercial, essent Barcelona la ciutat catalana que en treu més profit, com es comprova pel constant creixement econòmic durant aquest període, per l’augment demogràfic i per l’aparició de noves fortunes. Tot plegat provoca una nova estratificació social urbana que es concreta en la forma de tres estaments o mans diferenciades socialment i econòmica (major, mitjà i menor)33 que apareixen esmentats per primera vegada l’any 1226 malgrat que la distinció antiga entre prohoms i ciutadans no desapareix perquè els prohoms o pròcers continuen conservant la seva auctoritas com a grup social més distingit i reconegut. Les tensions socials que aquest creixement provocarà no són degudes a l’oposició entre una oligarquia conservadora (que monopolitza els càrrecs municipals, que viu de les rendes urbanes i que participa en activitats d’especulació immobiliària) i uns mercaders emprenedors que aprofiten l’expansió comercial per esdevenir nous rics. Segons aquesta visió, la lluita popular dels artesans i els mercaders amb els patricis del Govern municipal reflectia una lluita entre faccions patrícies. Els patricis també participaven en activitats emprenedores i constituïen un grup social ben nombrós. Però la seva funció directiva no era fàcil de determinar, i per aquesta raó es produïen enfrontaments interns decisius que fixaven el lideratge social i polític d’una facció patrícia sobre tota la comunitat.34

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La societat de Barcelona i el seu dret. Segles xi-xiii

Els contractes de comanda i de préstec van permetre formalitzar les operacions de comerç internacional en què s’associaven el capital i el treball per assolir els màxims beneficis. El mercat del crèdit va fer néixer associacions bancàries concentrades que oferien interessos en diners líquids i no en espècies de la terra. Els jueus van exercir un paper important en aquest terreny després de les prohibicions de la usura del Concili IV del Laterà (1215), però els cristians van continuar participant en activitats prestamistes, si bé sense aflorar oficialment els seus resultats. Existia ja al segle xiii una doble comptabilitat per tal d’amagar —i controlar alhora— els préstecs. Les cases patrícies de Barcelona van participar en el comerç, primer amb el nord d’Àfrica (al Magrib) i després també amb Alexandria i Constantinoble. A tots aquests territoris es van constituir consolats que ajudaven i promovien l’exportació i la importació de productes comercials. Així, s’exporten des de Barcelona productes locals (draps de lli, de fustany, cereals, oli d’oliva, vi, figues, cuir), productes del Llenguadoc (draps de llana) i productes del mercat negre local (armament, estris navals i gra). Les importacions duien a Barcelona productes locals del Magrib (comí, pells de cabra, fruites) i productes d’Orient (gingebre, canyella, pebre, tints, alum). D’altra banda, els patricis de Barcelona també exportaven productes des de València, Granada o el sud d’Itàlia (sucre, cotó, armes). Vers el 1250, Barcelona era un dels emporis principals de la Mediterrània pel fet de poder fer servir un circuit complex de rutes que eren segures gràcies a la protecció militar i diplomàtica oferta pels reis de la Corona d’Aragó, així com per l’ajut comercial i logístic dels primers consolats. El comerç va beneficiar molts emprenedors que no pertanyien al patriciat i petits inversors modestos que van anar acumulant una riquesa silenciosa. En aquest punt cal destacar que l’estratègia de les cases patrícies va ser la de cercar nous aliats entre els nous rics i no pas excloure’ls. Moltes vegades eren mercaders individuals els qui controlaven les xarxes comercials de Barcelona amb una gran independència de les famílies patrícies. En definitiva, tots a Barcelona (majors, mitjans i menors) estaven a favor de desenvolupar el comerç exterior. La prosperitat comercial va fer pujar el valor de les propietats urbanes i el creixement demogràfic va crear una gran demanda d’habitatges i de locals de negoci (obradors i parades) que provocà la urbanització dels ravals i l’establiment i sotsestabliment emfitèutic dels immobles. La divisió vertical del domini que comportava l’emfiteusi permetia la participació d’un nombre més gran de persones en els beneficis immobiliaris i, a més a més, oferia l’espai a qui el necessitava per poder viure i treballar. La figura jurídica de l’emfiteusi ja s’utilitza a Barcelona el 1196 i la del lluïsme el 1210. Recordem que al titular del domini directe (el dominus o senyor) li corresponen: (1) la fadiga (dret de retracte durant els trenta dies posteriors a

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l’alienació), (2) el dret d’entrada (un pagament inicial de l’emfiteuta en el moment d’assumir la titularitat del domini útil de l’immoble com a conseqüència de la divisió o sotsdivisió del domini), (3) el lluïsme (dret del senyor a un percentatge del valor de l’immoble per transmissió del domini útil), i (4) el cens anual o pensió.35 A més a més, l’emfiteuta o titular del domini útil té el dret d’usar, de fruir i de posseir la casa, així com la facultat de sotsestablir-la. La utilització massiva de l’establiment emfitèutic en el mercat immobiliari i la ràpida constitució d’una cadena de sotsestabliments va provocar una jerarquia de dominis que aviat generà serioses tensions socials entre els titulars superiors i els inferiors de la cadena de domini. A la fi, el menestral que era a l’obrador o el jornaler que vivia en un modest habitatge rebia una pressió creixent d’augment de les prestacions emfitèutiques que el carregaven, sense que pogués transferir-les a una altra persona. Per tant, en últim terme, els beneficis o rendes immobiliàries s’extreien del comerç, que també afavoria la prosperitat de menestrals i jornalers. Si en el pla privat l’emfiteusi va servir als patricis per a extreure’n valuoses rendes que procedien en últim terme del comerç, a nivell públic calia trobar uns mecanismes institucionals i unes noves figures tributàries que servissin per a col·lectar els quantiosos recursos públics que requeria la monarquia per a dur a terme les seves polítiques públiques imperials. Segons la concepció jurídica dominant,36 no es podia exigir una prestació pública (munus o commune) si no hi havia una causa justa que ho requerís. Aquestes causes eren ben definides per la doctrina teologicojurídica i lligaven de mans i peus el monarca quant a la seva potestat impositiva de tributs, que no era, de cap de les maneres, discrecional. Per tant, el rei depèn més dels tributs generals irregulars i extraordinaris atorgats graciosament pels seus naturals que no pas dels tributs ordinaris i de les rendes del seu patrimoni. L’origen del règim municipal concedit a Barcelona per una sèrie de privilegis reials (1249-1274) es troba en la necessitat de legitimar i d’executar la recaptació d’un gran volum de tributs sobre els ciutadans de Barcelona. Els paers del 1249 són alhora magistrats de la ciutat i financers reials encarregats de col·lectar grans sumes de diner per al monarca.37 D’ací les competències inicials que el rei els dóna per exigir un «comú»38 o tribut als ciutadans de Barcelona, els quals estan obligats a satisfer-lo, ja que la seva indicció procedeix formalment de la mateixa institució municipal.39 El 1226, Jaume I, davant les queixes dels ciutadans de Barcelona per l’exigència reial d’un tribut «sense causa» que consideraven una usurpació, va determinar que l’exacció es fes seguint una «justa causa» formal, és a dir, la quota tributària a pagar per cadascú havia d’ésser el resultat d’aplicar un principi de proporcionalitat a cada ciutadà segons la quantia del seu patrimoni (per solidum et

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libram). Aquesta decisió va significar una classificació de la ciutadania per raó de la riquesa i no pas per raó de l’estatus social (mà major, mitjana i menor). El règim municipal barceloní esdevindrà una eina per coordinar les energies i els recursos dels ciutadans, dels patricis i de la monarquia en el context d’un període d’expansió econòmica i política. El municipi no és un mitjà per apaivagar les faccions cíviques ni per reduir el control de fet dels patricis mitjançant la institució d’assemblees representatives. El projecte imperial de la Corona d’Aragó, dirigit pels monarques del segle xiii, va complaure profundament els patricis de Barcelona, que hi van col·laborar de fet (des dels inicis de l’expansió) i de dret (des de la constitució formal de la Universitat de Barcelona el 1249), si bé hi ha un aiguabarreig d’aspectes d’ajuda mútua (comercials, militars, administratius, tributaris) que fa difícil separar la dimensió pública de la privada. Barcelona serà el centre dels armaments navals de la Corona d’Aragó i l’èxit comercial i polític de l’expansió mediterrània promourà la formació d’un consorci bancari de ciutadans de Barcelona que invertirà els seus fons al comerç exterior. El 1268 el monarca prohibirà establir a Barcelona taules de canvi estrangeres i després de la conquesta de Sicília (1282) el rei podrà pagar amb comoditat els seus creditors concedint-los drets d’importació de blat sicilià. A més a més, el 1293 un d’aquests grans banquers creditors del monarca, el ciutadà de Barcelona Arnau ça Bastida, serà nomenat mestre racional de la Cort per Jaume II, amb la qual cosa es posa en mans de les grans societats de creditors del monarca la fiscalització economicoadministrativa de tots els oficials reials de la Corona d’Aragó.40 L’aliança entre el rei i els patricis de Barcelona és ben evident. Els patricis confien en el monarca i en les seves polítiques i inverteixen grans sumes en les finances reials per tal d’obtenir-ne el patronatge. Tanmateix les tensions fiscals per mantenir un imperi tan dispers són molt grans, de manera que la pressió es fa insostenible i el rei finalment no pot satisfer els seus creditors de Barcelona, cosa que provoca la primera crisi bancària greu (1300).41 Aquesta aliança entre el rei i els patricis de Barcelona també ens pot explicar l’origen i la resolució dels aldarulls i greus conflictes socials, amb brots de violència, esdevinguts a la ciutat durant la segona meitat del segle xiii, i que es deuen més a la competència entre cases patrícies per explotar nous recursos i guanyar l’accés al rei que no pas al ressentiment popular davant la posició elevada dels dirigents. Així, la rivalitat entre patricis al barri de la Ribera per controlar els comerços i les rendes seria el motiu principal que va ocasionar l’assassinat de l’explotador immobiliari Bernat Marquet42 i la crema de les seves cases i béns. Jaume I, amb l’erecció de la Universitat de la Ribera el 1258 i la concessió de competències en matèria fiscal, de defensa i d’urbanització, així com amb la subsegüent aprovació d’ordinacions sobre els afers comercials i ma-

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rítims, no estaria legitimant una secessió mercantil, com han sostingut Batlle43 i Font,44 sinó que es volia estabilitzar una situació social explosiva i alhora controlar el barri de la Ribera. Els brots de violència del 1271 també eren deguts a qüestions de parentiu, de veïnatge i de patronatge i no pas a conflictes ideològics o d’interessos econòmics. Les reformes municipals de Barcelona (1249-1274) anaven dirigides a assolir l’estabilitat de les faccions patrícies i, segons Bensch, que en aquest punt no comparteix la visió de Font,45 no són el resultat d’una evolució natural i pacífica d’una classe privilegiada de ciutadans. La greu torbació de Berenguer Oller del 1285,46 que havia organitzat el poble menut perquè s’oposés als dirigents de la ciutat, va posar de manifest el suport decidit del monarca als patricis, en reprimir i executar sumàriament Berenguer i els seus seguidors més propers, però alhora aquests avalots van palesar el control per determinades faccions patrícies de les importacions de cereals i els abusos dels grans explotadors de béns immobles, coses que van permetre d’obtenir suports plurals a la revolta. Per tal de perpetuar la identitat familiar i el patrimoni i consolidar la seva influència, el patriciat de Barcelona, al voltant del 1250, va fomentar les unions matrimonials entre les seves cases. D’aquesta manera, a finals del segle xiii una xarxa intricada d’afinitat i de consanguinitat relacionava totes les cases patrícies principals de Barcelona. Tots els seus membres eren entreparents. A més a més, les cases patrícies estaven arrelades a una residència física: la domus, que generava una identitat compartida entre tots els seus residents. La vida en comú aflorava lligams econòmics i emocionals amb la casa així com el deure moral de treballar per continuar mantenint-la unida. Aquest deure al segle xii era una responsabilitat compartida per tots els membres mascles que cooperaven per fer tirar endavant la família i per preservar el bon nom de la casa, tot coordinant els seus interessos generals comuns amb els particulars i especials de cadascun dels seus membres. Al segle xiii, la reestructuració de la família patrícia comportarà més autoritat paterna i la seva transferència exclusiva a un sol hereu, utilitzant amb aquesta finalitat els consells tècnics dels juristes i dels notaris (teòrics i/o pràctics en el nou ius commune europeu)47 que assessoraven els atorgaments dels testaments, les donacions i els capítols matrimonials. Aquest fenomen suposarà una estabilització del patrimoni patrici, per bé que a costa de reduir i limitar la cooperació anterior. La concentració del poder en una línia familiar es reblarà amb la concentració de les sepultures dels avantpassats i dels futurs membres de la casa en la fossa familiar del cementiri parroquial o de l’església d’un determinat convent beneficiat per la família. El culte religiós als avantpassats (misses, llànties, capelles, fundacions religioses, etc.) contribuirà també a l’enfortiment de la identitat familiar.

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Notes i referències [1]

Aquest treball s’inscriu dins el marc dels projectes de recerca «Els drets històrics i l’autogovern dels pobles d’Espanya», finançat per SGR, AGAUR, Generalitat de Catalunya, de referència 2005SGR00117, i «El derecho histórico en los pueblos de España: ámbitos público y privado (siglos xii-xxi)», finançat pel MEC i de referència SEJ2006-15051-C03-01. Agraiexo al professor Jaume Ribalta la lectura del manuscrit i les observacions crítiques que m’han ajudat a millorar-ne el contingut. [2] Francesco Calasso. «Medio Evo del Diritto», Le Fonti, i, Milà 1954, p. 26-27. [3] Tomàs de Montagut Estragués. «Els orígens de la institució municipal barcelonina. Segles xi-xiii (v. 1000-1276)». Història de l’Ajuntament de Barcelona, Barcelona, Ajuntament de Barcelona, en premsa. [4] José María Font Rius. Cartas de población y franquicia de Cataluña. i, 1-2, «Textos. Introducción. Diplomatario. Presentación monográfico-local e índices». Madrid-Barcelona, 1969; ii, «Estudio. Apéndice al vol. i». Madrid-Barcelona, 1983. Tomàs de Montagut Estragués. Estudi jurídic del «Llibre Verd de Barcelona», edició facsímil. Base, Ajuntament de Barcelona, Barcelona 2004, p. 59-98. [5] Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents 1096-1291. Proa, Barcelona 2000. L’obra original d’aquest autor era: Barcelona and its rulers, 10961291. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1995, col·l. «Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought», núm. 26. [6] Ídem, p. 3. [7] Sobre aquest període, vegeu Catalunya a l’època carolíngia. (Marc històric. Territori). Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, Barcelona 1999, p. 19-119. [8] Pierre Bonnasie. La Catalogne du milieu du xe siècle à la fin du xie siècle: croissance et mutations d’une société. Universitat de Tolosa-Le Mirail, Tolosa de Llenguadoc 1975-1976, 2 v. N’hi ha una traducció catalana: Catalunya mil anys enrera. Creixement econòmic i adveniment del feudalisme a Catalunya de mitjan segle x al final del segle xi. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1979. [9] Sobre la noció d’aquesta figura política que formarà part de la monarquia hispànica durant gairebé cinc segles, vegeu Jesús Lalinde Abadía. Depuración histórica del concepto de Corona de Aragón. A: E. Sarasa, E. Serrano (coord.). La Corona de Aragón y el Mediterráneo. Siglos xv-xvi. Institución Fernando el Católico, Saragossa 1997, p. 433-460. [10] Ramon d’Abadal i de Vinyals. Catalunya carolíngia. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 19261950, vol. ii, primera part, p. iii-xx. [11] Que moltes vegades consisteix en la llei visigoda (propria lex) encarnada en costums.

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[12] Sobre el feudalisme a Catalunya, fenomen correlatiu a aquesta crisi de poder públic comtal, vegeu supra, nota 8. [13] Sobre el procés de construcció del sistema fiscal a Catalunya, vegeu Manuel Sánchez Martínez. El naixement de la fiscalitat d’Estat a Catalunya (segles xii-xiv). Eumo, Vic 1995. Sobre Barcelona en especial, Pere Ortí. Renda i fiscalitat en una ciutat medieval: Barcelona, segles xii-xiv. Institució Milà i Fontanals, CSIC, Barcelona 2000. També cal consultar els treballs sobre la gènesi de l’autonomia fiscal del municipi reunits a Quaderns d’Història (Barcelona), 2/3 (1996), i en especial els treballs de Pere Ortí. «La construcció del sistema fiscal municipal a Barcelona, segles xiii-xiv», p. 17-34, i de Manuel Rovira, Sebastià Riera. «Les ajudes concedides per la ciutat de Barcelona a Jaume II, 1314-1326», p. 35-52. [14] Sobre aquest punt, vegeu Thomas N. Bisson. Fiscal accounts of Catalonia under the early count-kings (1151-1213). University of California Press, Berkeley 1984. [15] Cf. supra, nota 3, nota 5: «L’ordenament jurídic especial de Barcelona, i: el dret (costums, privilegis i ordinacions)». [16] Joan Bastardas. «Dos judicis antics (s. ix i xi). La pràctica judicial en el període de la formació nacional de Catalunya». A: Documents jurídics de la història de Catalunya. Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de Justícia, Barcelona 1992, p. 23-30. [17] Jesús Lalinde Abadía. La jurisdicción real inferior en Cataluña: corts, veguers, batlles. Ajuntament de Barcelona, Barcelona 1966. Flocel Sabaté. El veguer a Catalunya: anàlisi del funcionament de la jurisdicció reial al segle xiv. Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Bellaterra 1994. Flocel Sabaté. El territori de la Catalunya medieval: percepció de l’espai i divisió territorial al llarg de l’edat mitjana. Rafael Dalmau, Barcelona 1997. [18] Vegeu-ho a Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents... [19] Ibídem. En aquest punt cal recordar que l’usatge de Barcelona «Alium namque» recollia ja el costum segons el qual el comte repartia les paries entre els magnats de la seva cúria, si acceptem la crítica textual que d’aquest usatge va formular el jurista humanista Antoni Olibà al segle xvi segons la qual on diu pallias ha de llegir-se parias. Vegeu el text d’aquest usatge a Ramon d’Abadal i Vinyals, Ferran Valls Taberner (eds.). Usatges de Barcelona. Impremta de la Casa Provincial de Caritat, Barcelona 1913, us. núm. 114. Vegeu el text utilitzat per Olibà a Antonii Olibani civis honorati Barcinonae in albo conscripti et regii senatoris ac fisci patroni, Commentarius, ad usat[icum] Alium namq[ue] de Iure Fisci, lib.10, Constit[utionis] Cathalonia. Barcelona 1600, p. 21:

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«Latina impressio Antiqua Alium namque supradicti Principes nobilem et honestum et utilem miserunt usaticum, quem illi tenuerunt, et successoribus suis tenere in perpetuum mandaverunt, scilicet ut tenerent curiam et magnam familiam, et fecissent conductum, et darent soldatas, et facerent emendas, et tenerent iustitiam, et iudicarent per directum, et manutenerent oppressum, et ocurrerent oppresso, et quando vellent edere, facerent cornare, ut nobiles et ignobiles venirent prandere, et ibi distribuerent pallias, quas haberent in magnatibus et in eorum familia, et ibi mandarent hostes, cum quibus irent ad destruendam Hispaniam et facerent novellos milites.» [20] Sobre la recepció del ius commune a Catalunya, vegeu José María Font Rius. «La recepción del derecho romano en la península ibérica durante la edad media». A: Recueil de mémoires et travaux publié par la Société d’histoire du droit et des institutions des anciens pays de droit écrit, fasc. vi. Montpeller 1967, p. 85-104, i Tomàs de Montagut Estragués. «La recepció del dret tributari comú a la Corona d’Aragó». A: El territori i les seves institucions històriques. Actes. Ascó, 28, 29 i 30 de novembre de 1997. Fundació Noguera, Lleida 1999, p. 361383. [21] Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents... [22] Sobre aquest tema, vegeu Antoni Riera. «La aparición de las corporaciones de oficio en Cataluña (1200-1350)». A: Cofradías, gremios y solidaridades en la Europa medieval. XIX Semana de estudios medievales. Estella, 20 a 24 de julio de 1992. Gobierno de Navarra, Pamplona 1993, p. 285-318. [23] Sobre el procés de construcció de poders públics a Europa amb una nova figura jurídica, vegeu Pietro Costa. Iurisdictio. Semantica del potere politico nella pubblicistica medievale (1100-1433). Giuffrè, Milà 1969 (reed. Milà 2002). [24] A aquest redreçament va contribuir-hi la introducció de la moneda de doblenc per Jaume I el 1222, que va generar quantiosos beneficis a les finances de la Corona administrades en aquells moments pels templers. [25] És la conclusió a què arriba Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents... [26] Aquesta urbanització plantejarà segurament diversos problemes derivats del veïnatge dels predis i de les noves edificacions que seran resolts de forma pràctica segons uns criteris de solució que esdevindran costums. La redacció i compilació de molts d’aquests costums i d’altres en forma de capítols donarà lloc en últim terme a la compilació oficialment coneguda com a Consuetuts de la ciutat de Barcelona sobre les servituts de las casas e honors. Sobre aquest punt, vegeu Jaume Ribalta i Haro. Ordinacions d’en Sanctacília. Servituds, relacions de

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[27] [28] [29] [30]

[31] [32]

[33]

[34] [35] [36] [37] [38]

[39] [40] [41]

veïnatge i límits al dret de propietat en el dret (històric) català, en premsa. Jaume Ribalta i Haro. Dret urbanístic medieval de la Mediterrània, Barcelona, Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 2005, «Col· lecció d’estudis d’història del dret», núm. 1, p. 3338. Germà Colon, Arcadi Garcia. Llibre del Consolat de Mar, vol. i-iv. Fundació Salvador Vives Casajuana, Barcelona 1981-1983. Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents... Ídem, p. 221-236. Sobre aquest text i el seu significat, vegeu Josep M. Font i Rius. «Estudi introductori». Constitucions de Catalunya. Incunable de 1495. Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de Justícia, Barcelona 1988, p. cv-cix. Podeu veure’n la versió catalana a Recognoverunt Proceres, Versión medieval catalana del privilegio así llamado. Universitat de Barcelona, Facultat de Dret, Barcelona 1927. Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents..., p. 237-249. Sobre totes aquestes figures jurídiques en la història del dret català, vegeu Guillermo M. de Brocà. Historia del derecho de Cataluña, especialmente del civil, y exposición de las instituciones del derecho civil del mismo territorio en relación con el código civil de España y la jurisprudencia. Gili, Barcelona 1918 (2a ed. facsímil: Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de Justícia, 1985), p. 231252 i 682-874. Carme Batlle i Gallart. «Estudi històric. El «Llibre del Consell», font de coneixement del municipi i de la societat de Barcelona del segle xiv». A: C. Batlle, M. T. Ferrer, M. C. Mañé, J. Mutgé, S. Riera, M. Rovira. El «Llibre del Consell» de la Ciutat de Barcelona. Segle xiv: les eleccions municipals. Consell Superior d’Investigacions Científiques, Institut de Cultura, Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat, Barcelona 2007, p. 11-47. Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents..., p. 253-258. Ibídem, p. 277-287. Tomàs de Montagut Estragués. «La recepció del dret tributari comú a la Corona d’Aragó». El territori i…, p. 361-383. Stephen P. Bensch. Barcelona i els seus dirigents..., p. 287-298. Sobre la noció de comú, vegeu Tomàs de Montagut Estragués. «La doctrina medieval sobre el Munus y los Comuns de Tortosa». In Memoriam. Homenaje al profesor Carlos Díaz Rementería, Huel va, (1998). Vegeu supra, notes 3 i 12. Tomàs de Montagut Estragués. El Mestre Racional a la Corona d’Aragó (1283-1419), 2 v. Virgili i Pagès, Lleida 1987, vol. i, p. 157-172. Stephen P. Bensch. «La primera crisis bancaria de

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Barcelona». Anuario de Estudios Medievales, num. 19. (1989), p. 311-328. [42] Sobre Bernat Marquet i la seva família, vegeu C. Batlle, M. T. Ferrer, M. C. Mañé, J. Mutgé, S. Riera, M. Rovira. El «Llibre del Consell»..., p.135267. [43] Carmen Batlle Gallart. La crisis social y económica de Barcelona a mediados del siglo xv. Universitat de Barcelona, Facultat de Filosofia i Lletres, Institut d’Història Medieval, Barcelona 1973, vol. i, p. 71-72: «la mencionada tentativa de independización de los mercaderes, menestrales y marineros de la Ribera no gustaría nada a los ciudadanos honrados, que se opondrían a la misma inmediatamente.» Si bé la professora Batlle afegeix a continuació que «este antagonismo es sólo una hipótesis.» [44] Vegeu aquest punt en el treball de referència sobre aquesta matèria: José María Font Rius. «La Uni-

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versidad de prohombres de Ribera de Barcelona y sus ordenanzas marítimas (1258)». Estudios de Derecho mercantil en homenaje al profesor Antonio Polo. Edersa, Madrid (1981), p. 209. [45] Tanmateix aquest autor té ben present que «tal fue la estructura fundamental del municipio barcelonés, fruto, según acabamos de ver, de una elaboración meditada y experimentada que se extiende desde 1249 hasta 1274»: José María Font i Rius. «Orígenes del régimen municipal en Cataluña». A: Estudis sobre els drets i institucions locals en la Catalunya medieval. Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona 1985, p. 495. Sobre aquest punt vegeu també Carmen Batlle Gallart. La crisis social y económica..., vol. i, p.65-75. [46] Sobre aquesta revolta popular, vegeu Carmen Batlle Gallart. La crisis social y económica..., vol. i, p. 36-44. [47] Vegeu supra, nota 20.

Nota biogràfica Tomàs de Montagut i Estragués es llicencià en dret el 1975 i en filosofia i lletres (secció d’història medieval) el 1977 a la Universitat de Barcelona. El 1982 es doctorà en dret per la mateixa universitat. Inicià la seva carrera docent a la càtedra d’Història del Dret del doctor Josep M. Font i Rius, primer com a professor ajudant (1976), després com a professor adjunt (1982) i finalment com a professor titular. Va guanyar per concurs oposició la càtedra d’Història del Dret de la Universitat de Santiago de Compostel·la (1991) i per concurs de mèrits la de la Universitat Pompeu Fabra de Barcelona (1993), on actualment és catedràtic d’Història del Dret i de les Institucions. Les línies d’investigació, dins de les quals s’inclouen la majoria de publicacions, activitats de recerca i tesis dirigides, són la història de les institucions polítiques i financeres de Catalunya i de la Corona d’Aragó; la història de la recepció del ius commune a Catalunya i la història dels juristes catalans i de les seves doctrines. És membre numerari de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans per l’especialitat Història del Dret de la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica (2001) i membre corresponent de la Real Academia de Córdoba de Ciencias, Bellas Letras y Nobles Artes (2007).

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 195-209 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.14 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Vida, pensament i context de Ramon Llull Josep Maria Ruiz, Albert Soler*

Centre de Documentació Ramon Llull, Universitat de Barcelona

Resum Presentació de la vida, el pensament i l’obra de l’escriptor, filòsof i missioner mallorquí Ramon Llull (c. 1232-1316) en el context de la política, la universitat, l’espiritualitat i els corrents de pensament del seu temps. En comptes de la imatge que s’ha difós sovint de Llull com a personatge extravagant i excèntric, en resulta una personalitat coherent, que desenvolupa una acció i una obra plenament integrades en el món que li va tocar viure.

Paraules clau: Llull, lul·lisme, filosofia medieval, diàleg interconfessional Llull, un home del seu temps Presentar Ramon Llull com un personatge extravagant que emprèn uns projectes insòlits i forassenyats és un tòpic de gran abast.1 Durant molt de temps Llull ha estat considerat com un geni l’aparició del qual seria difícil d’explicar, en el millor dels casos; o, en el pitjor, com un foll incomprensible. Però els estudis lul·lians moderns han fet aportacions decisives per a la contextualització del personatge. Vegem-ho en tres àmbits fonamentals de la seva actuació.2 En primer lloc, l’impuls que hi ha en el seu canvi de vida radical i sobtat, l’abandonament de la seva vida mundana i de la seva família, i la tenacitat a difondre un missatge missional durant els següents cinquanta anys, els hem de posar en relació amb les inquietuds espirituals que s’estenen entre els laics cristians al llarg dels segles xii i xiii. Es tracta d’un desig d’imitació evangèlica de Jesús i dels apòstols, resolt com a vocació personal cap a la santedat; l’espiritualitat reservada als especialistes, els monjos, que s’aïllen del món i que exerceixen com a intercessors dels laics, produïa una insatisfacció manifesta. Francesc d’Assís (1181/82-1226) és el resultat més significatiu d’aquestes tendències i un model que l’Església s’afanya a oferir per la seva ortodòxia. Llull no és, doncs, l’únic laic cristià que se sent cridat a lliurar la seva vida per l’eixamplament de la fe sense deixar mai de ser laic, és a dir, sense fer-se religiós.3

* Adreça de contacte: Albert Soler. Centre de Documentació Ramon Llul. Facultat de Filologia, Universitat de Barcelona. Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes 585. 08007 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 934035629. Fax: +34 934035698. E-mail: albert.soler@ub.edu <http://www.ub.edu/centrellull>

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Un exemple coetani, proper a Llull, d’alta sensibilitat religiosa, el tenim en Arnau de Vilanova (c. 1238/12401311); cap al 1288, quan ja és un metge prestigiós, al servei de la casa reial catalana, comencen les seves preocupacions espirituals. Se centren, principalment, en la vinguda imminent de l’Anticrist; la fi dels temps i les tribulacions que durà l’Anticrist el porten a exhortar els fidels i la jerarquia eclesiàstica a dur una vida més evangèlica i a reformar-se, amb una insistència i una vehemència que el duran fins al conflicte obert amb els teòlegs.4 En segon lloc, és excepcional que un laic sense estudis reglats acabi produint una obra intel·lectual fabulosa per la seva ambició i per les seves dimensions (260 títols sobre les matèries més diverses!) com la que desenvolupa Llull; però no es pot perdre de vista que tot al llarg del segle xiii es detecta en tots els estaments del laïcat una inquietud particular per accedir al saber que fins llavors estava reservat als clergues, ja sigui el saber filosòfic, el teològic o el que es vinculava a la cura de la salut o al coneixement del món. Es tracta d’un veritable esfondrament de les barreres que separaven els continguts de la formació cultural dels diversos estaments socials. Una mostra clara d’aquesta tendència són les traduccions d’obres científiques a les llengües vernacles que comencen a circular just a partir d’aquest moment. La presència social de la llengua vernacla en la difusió dels sabers científic i tècnic a partir de principis del segle xiv, contraposada al llatí de la ciència oficial de les universitats i de l’Església, pot ajudar a comprendre per què Llull va utilitzar el català en una part de la seva producció de caràcter científic i filosòfic en unes dates molt primerenques (és a dir, a partir del 1274): Llull es dirigia en la llengua vulgar al mateix públic urbà, burgès o aristocràtic, que aviat consumiria la prosa tècnica dels tractats sobre la salut, l’astrologia o la pràctica mercantil dels quals tenim notícia.5

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En tercer lloc, que la conversió dels no-cristians ocupi un lloc central en els projectes de Llull, és un aspecte relacionable amb el fet que, al segle xiii, els ordes mendicants, tot just acabats de fundar, donin una nova dimensió i un nou impuls a les missions i a les polèmiques amb jueus i musulmans; és per això que R.I. Burns ha parlat del «somni de la conversió al segle xiii». El desig de Ramon Llull, repetidament expressat, de donar la vida per aquesta causa entronca molt directament amb el model de les missions franciscanes, que giren al voltant del testimoniatge personal i del martiri; en canvi, la proposta sostinguda al llarg de tota la seva vida d’aconseguir la fundació d’escoles de llengües i de formació per a missioners és molt pròpia de la línia que van seguir els dominics.6 Ramon de Penyafort (c. 1185-1275), que va ser mestre general de tot l’orde dominic (1238), va promoure la fundació de monestirs per a la instrucció de missioners en les llengües orientals i per a l’estudi de la Torà, el Talmud, l’Alcorà i la haddīth; el primer studium arabicum dominic sembla que es va establir a Palma cap al 1232 i que va tenir un funcionament més o menys regular fins al 1259, però se’n van fundar molts d’altres (Xàtiva, Múrcia, València). L’estratègia consistia a conèixer les llengües i els textos bàsics dels no-cristians per després demostrar-ne els «errors». Penyafort va intervenir també en l’organització de disputes teològiques entre missioners i representants d’altres religions; especialment en la que va tenir lloc a Barcelona, el 1263, entre el rabí jueu Moisès ben Nahman (Nahmànides) i el dominic Pau Cristià, un jueu convers, al palau reial de Barcelona, en presència de Jaume I. Aquestes disputes públiques, tanmateix, no donaven lloc a cap conclusió clara ni obtenien cap resultat palpable; la tècnica dels dominics de fonamentar els seus arguments en les autoritats (textos i autors) de l’adversari, en realitat, desembocava en discussions inacabables sobre la interpretació d’aquestes autoritats.7 Llull ho resumeix molt bé a la seva Disputació de cinc savis (1294):

un missioner hauria aconseguit convèncer el soldà de Tunis de l’error en què es trobava la fe musulmana que professava, però, en contrapartida, no hauria pogut oferir-li sinó el credo cristià perquè se’l cregués, cosa que havia decebut el soldà enormement; en conseqüència, el missioner no només no hauria aconseguit un nou cristià sinó que hauria provocat la pèrdua de tota fe en el seu interlocutor. Llull insisteix que els infidels no volen canviar una opinió per una altra, sinó per un veritable coneixement. Es per això que que no els serveixen les «autoritats» i que volen «raons (necessàries)».9 D’altra banda, tenim notícia d’un mercader, de nom Inghetto Contardo, personatge ben documentat, molt rellevant en la vida econòmica i política de Gènova, que el 1286, tot just a Mallorca, sostenia disputes amb la comunitat jueva de l’illa. Segons la Disputatio contra iudeos (una recreació anònima posterior d’aquests debats), el laic Inghetto substituïa amb èxit i competència qualsevol frare missioner, per la seva habilitat dialèctica, apresa en el seu ofici de negociant, i la seva preparació teològica. Els paral·lelismes entre el cas de Llull i el de Contardo, que a més són estrictament coetanis i es mouen en uns espais geogràfics molt similars (encara que no tinguem cap indici de contacte real), són molt clars. Llull, al Liber per quem poterit cognosci quae lex sit magis bona, magis magna et etiam magis vera (1313), constata el fenomen dels mercaders que entren en contacte amb els no-cristians per causa de la seva activitat i hi disputen sobre la fe; la diferència és, però, que Ramon Llull ens parla de la ignorància d’aquests laics i de la conveniència de dotar-los d’instruments per a la defensa de la fe.10 El «fenomen Llull» apareix en aquest context d’inquietuds espirituals, intel·lectuals i missionals dels laics cristians de la tardor de l’edat mitjana que ajuda a explicar-lo.

«[...] com sia açò que auctoritats pusca [= pugui] hom espondre en diverses maneres e haver d’elles diverses opinions, per les quals se multipliquen paraules e esdevé l’enteniment en confusió».8

Ramon Llull va néixer a Mallorca cap al 1232. El 1229, el rei Jaume I havia ocupat l’illa i l’havia incorporat a la seva corona. Llull era fill d’uns rics colons barcelonins que seguien l’obra d’expansió del rei i que trobaven en els nous territoris un medi per a la prosperitat. Mallorca, durant tota la joventut de Ramon Llull, va ser un món bigarrat i complex, un món amb diversitat de credos, d’interessos i de races i costums: d’una banda, hi havia la colonització d’un país que havia estat musulmà durant tres segles; d’una altra, la permanència a l’illa d’un gruix importantíssim de població islàmica que ara vivia sotmesa; i no podem oblidar la presència a diverses viles mallorquines de comunitats de jueus.11 Aquest aiguabarreig havia de marcar anys més tard els ideals lul·lians. Llull devia rebre l’educació corrent dels fills de burgesos: uns coneixements doctrinals bàsics, rudiments de lectura i d’escriptura (potser, fins i tot, en llatí)... més tot un rerefons cultural i ideològic propi de la classe dominant (costums, normes, llegendes, lectures, etc.). És difí-

Ramon de Penyafort, d’altra banda, és al darrere de la producció de diverses obres apologètiques i polèmiques per part del dominic català Ramon Martí (1230-1284), com ara el Pugio fidei contra Iudaeos (1278); el títol, «la daga de la fe contra els jueus», és ben indicatiu de la duresa de les intencions de l’obra, un immens manual sobre el judaisme per a ús dels missioners. És possible que Martí també sigui l’autor d’un vocabulari àrab-llatí i llatí-àrab, conegut com a Vocabulista in arabico, que, en tot cas, va ser compost en àrea mallorquina o valenciana i al segle xiii. Llull explica en diverses obres seves una anècdota que exemplifica el refús dels infidels de deixar una religió per abraçar-ne una altra motivats per la sola fe. Resulta que

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cil de precisar; però en aquest cas hem de comptar amb les limitacions que imposava un medi poc estructurat en un territori acabat de conquerir. El jove Ramon Llull va tenir una relació amb la casa reial que no podem determinar amb seguretat; sembla que va arribar a ocupar algun càrrec a la casa del segon fill del rei Jaume, el futur Jaume II de Mallorca. El pas per la cort (encara que sigui una cort tan secundària) l’havia de familiaritzar amb el món polític i administratiu. El que és segur és que va gaudir d’una posició econòmica i social reconeguda i còmoda, ja que la seva família tenia a l’illa unes possessions considerables. Ramon Llull es va casar amb una tal Blanca Picany, de qui va tenir fills (almenys en coneixem dos, Domènec i Magdalena). Ell mateix confessa diverses vegades a les seves obres que va dur una vida dissipada i desordenada, lliurat a la mundanitat i al menyspreu de Déu; no gaire més del que era normal en les formes de vida dels laics benestants.12 Però hi va haver un trencament absolut. Tenim una font d’informació sobre la vida de Ramon Llull en un document contemporani excepcional que anomenem Vita coetanea; es tracta d’una biografia que va escriure un monjo de la cartoixa de París basant-se en una narració que li va fer el mateix Llull quan ja tenia prop de vuitanta anys (1311).13 A l’inici de la Vita se’ns explica un procés de canvi de vida que comença amb un fet sobrenatural, típic de les vides de sants. Una nit, mentre Ramon Llull escrivia una cançó d’amor a una dama, se li aparegué Jesús crucificat; esgarrifat, abandonà la seva tasca i es ficà al llit. Llull va voler oblidar el senyal aterridor, però una setmana després es repetí la visió; i així fins a un total de cinc vegades. Tot això s’hauria esdevingut cap al 1263, quan Ramon Llull tenia uns trenta anys. Llull entengué que Déu li demanava un canvi radical. El text de la Vita en diu una «conversió a la penitència», és a dir, l’adopció de les formes de vida pròpies dels laics que, sense deixar de ser-ho (sense esdevenir religiosos pròpiament dits), duien una vida especialment significada per la pietat, la sobrietat, la caritat i la penitència, i que es distingien vestint una mena d’hàbit religiós.14 En el procés de conversió de Ramon Llull va tenir un paper important el model de vida, no gaire llunyà en el temps, de sant Francesc: aquell jove burgès d’Assís que, també enmig d’una vida dissipada, va sentir-se cridat a abandonar-ho tot i a viure amb una fidelitat total el missatge evangèlic. Llull, en efecte, va abandonar el món: va deixar la seva dona i els seus fills, encara que sabem que amb aquests sempre hi va mantenir una certa relació; i, en part, va abandonar les seves possessions. Tenim un document del 1276 en què Blanca Picany denuncia al rei Jaume II de Mallorca que el seu marit «s’ha tornat tan contemplatiu que no s’ocupa de l’administració dels seus béns temporals i així els seus béns es perden i són destruïts» i implora que sigui nomenat un administrador.15 Llull inicià aleshores un llarg pelegrinatge, al santuari de Santa Maria de Rocamador (al migdia de França) i a Sant Jaume de Galícia.

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De mica en mica defineix un projecte de vida al servei d’una triple causa: treballar per la conversió dels no-cristians fins a arribar a donar la vida per aquest objectiu, escriure el millor llibre que mai s’hagués fet contra els errors dels no-cristians i promoure la fundació de monestirs de missioners que estudiessin les llengües dels no-cristians. És fàcil d’adonar-se que la centralitat del problema dels no-cristians en el triple propòsit de Llull té al darrere una situació social molt concreta: Mallorca, un país de frontera (més cruïlla que no illa), en què l’existència de tres cultures diferents (cristiana, musulmana i jueva) era ben palpable.

Formació autodidacta Ramon Llull era ben conscient de les limitacions de la seva formació: d’una banda, no sabia prou bé el llatí, la llengua de la cultura i de l’escola, i hem de tenir en compte que l’estudi del llatí comportava el domini de la gramàtica i de la retòrica; ni tampoc àrab, la llengua que per força havia de dominar qui volgués comunicar-se eficaçment amb els musulmans, el grup més nombrós i també més poderós dels no-cristians. La Vita en aquest punt ens diu que Llull s’entrevistà a Barcelona amb Ramon de Penyafort (c. 1185-1275), que havia estat general dels dominics, conseller del rei Jaume el Conqueridor, fundador d’escoles de missioners per als seus frares i canonista reputat a Roma. Llull li consultà la possibilitat d’anar a estudiar, a París, a la universitat més important de tota la cristiandat. La Vita explica que el dominic li ho desaconsellà i el convencé perquè retornés a Mallorca. No sabem exactament com devia anar aquesta trobada; és possible que Ramon de Penyafort no enten gués gaire els plans d’aquell mallorquí tan peculiar. Però tampoc no podem descartar que Llull utilitzés aquest episodi i el prestigi d’un Ramon de Penyafort per justificar la seva falta de formació acadèmica ortodoxa.16 Sigui com sigui, la decisió de no anar a cursar estudis a una universitat i de tornar a Mallorca és d’una gran transcendència perquè tot el sistema de pensament de Llull, i tota la seva actuació, són d’una originalitat difícil de ponderar. Allò que explica la manera de fer de Llull és, en part, que la seva formació autodidacta va evitar que incorporés els hàbits acadèmics i que, per tant, el va mantenir al marge de les valoracions implícites en aquests hàbits (o li va permetre de qüestionar-les). És fàcil d’entendre que si Llull hagués accedit al món universitari al principi de les seves inquietuds, molt probablement hauria adoptat el sistema i el llenguatge establerts que se li oferien. Per exemple, la tendència de la cultura medieval d’amagar la novetat sota el vel de la repetició (un dels hàbits que fa al clergue) s’aprenia a les aules, comentant els comentaris dels autors, legitimant amb autoritats cada comentari, sempre amb l’aire de no dir res de nou. Llull (el laic) no té aquest hàbit i fingeix innovar fins i tot quan repeteix. I és potser en part perquè no té aquest hàbit que valora d’una altra

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manera les «autoritats» i la seva relació amb la raó. L’originalitat del pensament de Llull té poc a veure, d’entrada, amb l’originalitat de les seves doctrines sobre matèries concretes. Com veurem, l’Art, entès com a sistema de produir discurs, és, en ell mateix una alternativa a la maniera escolàstica. Aquesta originalitat va ser la causa de moltes de les dificultats de comunicació que va tenir Llull. Llull a Mallorca hi va aprendre el llatí i l’àrab suficients per poder-se expressar, buscant més l’eficàcia que no pas la correcció o l’elegància.17 I també va familiaritzar-se amb algunes obres bàsiques de la cultura cristiana, musulmana i potser hebrea, encara que no és fàcil de determinar quines. Més que no pas a l’illa de Mallorca, Llull podia trobar formació i llibres a Montpeller, ciutat occitana, on havia nascut el rei Jaume i que pertanyia a la corona catalanoaragonesa; la ciutat va quedar incorporada a la corona balear amb la partició del regne a la mort de Jaume I el 1276 i, per tant, va tenir unes relacions estretíssimes amb Mallorca. Montpeller comptava des d’antic amb una prestigiosa escola de medicina i, des del 1242, va tenir una facultat d’arts; com se sap, el nucli del currículum de la facultat d’arts era la lògica i la filosofia (que s’aprenien «comentant» Aristòtil), tot i que també s’ensenyava gramàtica i s’oferien alguns rudiments d’altres arts liberals (com l’astronomia). Era una ciutat oberta, amb un important nucli jueu i una gran activitat traductora d’obres científiques d’origen àrab. Sabem que Llull va ser a la ciutat algunes vegades entre el 1275 i el 1287 i hem de pensar en una possible influència de l’ambient intel·lectual montpellerí.18

El Llibre de contemplació Al final del llarg període de formació que va seguir la seva conversió a la penitència i el temps que va dedicar a la peregrinació, Llull va escriure les primeres obres: el Compendium logicae Algazelis (1271-1272?), del qual es disposa d’una versió llatina i d’una posterior traducció catalana en rims, i el Llibre de Contemplació en Déu (1273-4?).19 La primera és, bàsicament, un resum de la part lògica de Les tendències dels filòsofs del pensador musulmà Gatzell, una obra que, tot i que ja circulava en llatí, Ramon Llull compendia des de l’original àrab. Llull va presentar la seva versió llatina com un manual per als escolars que s’iniciaven en la filosofia i la teologia i la seva versió catalana com el producte de la seva voluntat de divulgar els rudiments de la lògica i la filosofia entre els laics desconeixedors del llatí i de l’àrab. Però, com apunta Tomàs Carreras Artau, el Compendium també ofereix l’aspecte d’un quadern de treball.20 Ramon Llull no es limita a resumir, reordenar i completar, ad consolationem scholarium i segurament també per a ús propi, els rudiments de la lògica exposats per Algatzell, sinó que hi afegeix qüestions extretes de la part filosòfica d’aquesta mateixa obra i algunes consideracions de matèria teològica que no provenen del text del

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pensador musulmà, com la referent a la relació entre la fe i l’enteniment en les proves sobre la trinitat i l’encarnació. La selecció dels materials que s’hi interpolen reflecteix quina era la direcció dels interessos de Llull en aquest moment. D’acord amb la decisió de dedicar la vida a la conversió dels «infidels», la seva recerca s’orientava a l’estudi de l’aplicabilitat de les tècniques de la lògica escolàstica sobre l’argumentació i sobre la disputa a les qüestions teològiques, un tema que també és molt present al Llibre de contemplació. El Llibre de contemplació ocupa set generosos volums en l’edició de les Obres de Ramon Llull i prop de 1.200 atapeïdes pàgines, a doble columna i amb tipografia minúscula, en la de les Obres essencials. És una obra monumental, la més extensa de la producció lul·liana. Està formada per 355 capítols, repartits en quaranta distincions i ordenats en cinc llibres, als quals s’afegeix un últim capítol, el 366, no inclòs ni en la sèrie dels llibres ni en la de les distincions. Cadascun dels capítols segueix la mateixa estructura: trenta paràgrafs o versicles, repartits en deu grups de tres versicles cadascun. L’autor justifica aquesta rígida ordenació del material de l’obra fent referència a un simbolisme múltiple. Els llibres són cinc en record de les nafres de la crucifixió. Les distincions, quaranta pels dies de dejuni que Jesús va passar al desert. El nombre de distincions que forma cada llibre és variable però també respon a raons simbòliques. El primer en té nou, pel nombre dels cels; el segon, tretze, pels dotze apòstols més Crist; els tercer, deu, pels cinc sentits corporals i els cinc sentits espirituals… Els 365 capítols que s’apleguen en aquestes quaranta distincions es corresponen amb els dies de l’any i el capítol addicional, quadripartit, respon al dia que s’afegeix, cada quatre anys, als anys de traspàs. Finalment, les deu parts de cada capítol remeten als manaments, les tres parts de cadascuna de les parts anteriors a la Trinitat i les trenta parts que resulten d’aquesta divisió fan referència a les monedes rebudes per Judes com a pagament de la seva traïció. Tot plegat ordenat en tres volums i sota un nom, Llibre de contemplació en Déu, en record de la unitat divina.21 Els continguts que es despleguen a través d’aquesta estructura responen, formalment, a un enfocament enciclopèdic. Però la naturalesa i la finalitat de l’obra són essencialment místiques, s’orienten a la contemplació; per bé que, en Llull, la contemplació sempre acaba conduint a l’acció ja que, al seu entendre, el coneixement correcte de Déu és inseparable de l’amor per ell i aquest amor és incompatible amb la renúncia a retre-li, en la pràctica, tot allò que li és degut i, de manera molt concreta, a fer tot allò que sigui possible per la conversió dels «infidels». Atenent a les rúbriques que sintetitzen el tema de cada distinció, es pot veure que el primer llibre tracta de les «propietats» de Déu considerat en ell mateix i el segon, de les virtuts de Déu com a creador i ordenador del món; el tercer, d’acord amb el simbolisme numèric que determina el nombre de les seves distincions, s’ocupa dels sentits corporals i espirituals de l’home; el quart, que conté qües-

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tions relatives a la filosofia natural i a la teologia cristiana, gravita entorn del problema de les relacions entre la fe i la raó, i assaja vies d’argumentació filosòfica dels articles de la fe catòlica; finalment, el cinquè tracta de l’amor i de l’oració, i els ordena cap a Déu com a causa final. La successió d’aquestes rúbriques dibuixa, en definitiva, un itinerari contemplatiu circular en el qual, d’acord amb el tradicional esquema de processió i retorn, Déu és l’origen i la fi. Primer és considerat en la seva essència, després en la seva obra i finalment com a bé suprem objecte de l’amor i oració. El llibre central s’ocupa de l’home i dels seus sentits, considerats com la condició de possibilitat de l’ascens de l’ànima des de la naturalesa al seu creador. Els dos últims llibres ofereixen bàsicament «arts e maneres» que permeten de portar a terme d’una manera eficaç aquest ascens. En qualsevol cas, l’itinerari enciclopèdic que superficialment dibuixen les rúbriques oculta la realitat d’un text en el qual els discursos sobre allò diví i sobre allò humà es presenten barrejats perquè avança, com una oració interminable, a través de l’establiment i de l’ampliació de paral·lelismes antitètics, d’oposicions que responen a finalitats exhortatives, entre les perfeccions de Déu i les imperfeccions humanes. Josep E. Rubio descriu, encertadament, el Llibre de contemplació com un primer assaig d’ordenació del material que Llull havia anat recollint en la seva aventura de formació intel·lectual.22 Llegida des d’aquest punt de vista, l’obra reflecteix tant els interessos que polaritzaven la seves lectures com els límits d’aquesta formació en el moment de redactar-la. Tot i que es pugui dir, convencionalment, que el Llibre de contemplació posa fi al període d’aprenentatge lul·lià, resulta obvi, comparant els continguts d’aquesta obra amb els de les que va escriure amb posterioritat, que Ramon Llull mai no va deixar de dedicar bona part del seus esforços, particularment a les seves estades a París, a posar-se al dia pel que fa tant als continguts lògics, filosòfics i teològics propis del currículum universitari com a les qüestions disputades més candents. De tota manera, en aquesta obra ja tenen un gran protagonisme tres doctrines que seran fonamentals al llarg de tota la producció lul·liana: la teoria dels atributs divins (entesos com a idèntics a l’essència divina i, per tant, com a equiparables entre ells), la doctrina de la primera i la segona intenció (que troba la seva font primera a Aristòtil i que regula la relació entre la causa final i allò s’hi ordena com a mitjà) i l’afirmació de la demostrabilitat dels dogmes de la fe catòlica.23 Aquestes tres doctrines ja es trobaven esbossades al Compendium logicae Algazelis. L’existència d’un suposat original àrab (avui perdut) de la totalitat o de part de l’obra és, des de fa anys, una qüestió debatuda entre els estudiosos de Llull, que discuteixen la interpretació que cal donar als passatges que podrien apuntar en aquesta direcció. La qüestió resta encara irresolta. Però, entre el material que es recull i s’ordena al Llibre de contemplació, no hi falta el de procedència àrab. Aquest sembla ser el cas, d’una manera molt concreta, del llibre V, que, segons Dominique Urvoy, pot llegir-se com

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un assaig d’integració (amb finalitats polèmiques) de la substància del pensament musulmà conegut aleshores per l’autor.24 L’aparentment ingènua afirmació que es troba en l’últim dels seus capítols, el 366, sobre el fet que el segon volum és millor que el primer i el tercer millor que el segon apunta, d’altra banda, entre línies, el caràcter de work in progress del Llibre de contemplació.25 L’ordre en què es presenta el material que s’hi recull reflecteix l’aprofundiment progressiu de Llull en les matèries filosòfiques, teològiques i metodològiques que centraven el seu interès en un procés en el qual no són absents els canvis en la terminologia utilitzada i algunes contradiccions conceptuals entre les doctrines d’arribada i les de partida. El capítol 366 del Llibre de contemplació també enumera, abans d’oferir al lector les instruccions per al seu ús, les virtuts de l’obra. Una de les principals bondats que se n’assenyalen és que ensenya a disputar i a convertir aquells que són en l’error. Segons Llull, tot el món podria ser convertit a la fe catòlica seguint la manera d’aquest llibre que, per altra banda, serveix per augmentar l’honor, el poder i la riquesa de l’Església romana.26 La preocupació, que ja hem indicat pel que fa a les versions sobre la Lògica de Gatzell, pel problema de l’aplicabilitat de les tècniques de l’argumentació i de la disputa a les matèries teològiques i, particularment, al tractament d’aquelles qüestions que separaven les diverses lleis religioses, un problema indestriablement lligat al de la conversió dels «infidels», resulta ben palesa en el tercer volum de l’obra, que aplega els llibres quart i cinquè. Aquests llibres reflecteixen l’esforç gairebé compulsiu de Llull per buscar mètodes («arts e maneres») que permetin de portar a terme les activitats pròpies dels missioners d’una manera eficaç. Aquest esforç, que de manera més moderada ja havia guiat anteriors versions del Llibre, apareix ara entrellaçat a l’aposta per organitzar la matèria conceptual amb què es treballa en aquests llibres a través de «figures», bàsicament arbres i lletres simbòliques. El llibre quart, per exemple, s’estructura a través del simbolisme de l’arbre. Cadascuna de les seves distincions es correspon amb un arbre i els capítols que formen cada distinció amb una branca d’aquest arbre. I, ja en el llibre cinquè, en l’última i més llarga de les distincions de l’obra, Llull recorre al mètode algebraic substituint els elements conceptuals de l’argumentació per lletres. Els capítols d’aquesta distinció, ofereixen, fent ús d’aquest recurs, diverses arts que permeten de tecnificar les activitats que l’autor considera que, segons la doctrina de les dues intencions, haurien de ser les adients per a aquells que llegeixen el seu llibre: l’ascens de les potències de l’ànima cap a Déu, la contemplació... Una d’aquestes arts, d’acord amb una de les preocupacions més característiques de Ramon Llull en aquest període de la seva obra, és l’art «per la qual [hom] coneix com l’enteniment reep en conclusió figura dreta o torta», en què es troba la proposta de completar amb una quarta figura, la «figura teological» —formada per lletres que simbolitzen els atributs divins— les tres figures que segons els Analytica priora

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d’Aristòtil poden usar-se en l’argumentació sil·logística.27 Les dues últimes arts que proposa Llull són una art del coneixement de la veritat en la disputa i una art de la manifestació de la veritat i la falsedat que pretén compendiar la resta d’arts que s’han ofert i en la qual les combinacions sistematitzades de lletres en cambres assoleixen el protagonisme que serà característic de les Arts posteriors a aquesta obra.28 El Llibre de contemplació, que, com hem vist, tenia com una de les seves autoproclamades virtuts la d’ensenyar a disputar i a convertir aquells que són en l’error ja apuntava, en els seus últims capítols, la possibilitat de portar a terme aquestes activitats d’acord amb una única Art, amb una sola tècnica, que n’oferís els principis i les regles.

L’Art i la «il·luminació» Els assaigs de tecnificació de la disputa interreligiosa que Llull havia intentat regular i unificar al Llibre de contemplació són el precedent immediat de la compilació de l’Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem (c. 1274), escrita just després i que incorpora algunes d’aquestes temptatives.29 Aquesta Ars, la primera de les quatre grans arts lul·lianes, va ser pensada com un manual, com una obra destinada a l’ensenyament i a l’aprenentatge que contenia les nocions essencials de la disciplina de què tractava i que havia de resultar útil a l’hora de fer-ne una consulta ràpida. Com s’esdevé sovint amb els manuals, el seu títol coincidia amb la seva matèria. Però, en aquest cas concret, també remetia, i no per casualitat, al nom d’una altra disciplina ben coneguda en les facultats d’arts de les universitats medievals, la dialèctica, que tradicionalment era denominada ars inveniendi i que era estudiada per mitjà de la lectura dels Tòpics, l’obra que Aristòtil va dedicar a l’art de disputar en general. L’ars inveniendi aristotelicoescolàstica és la matriu de l’Art lul·liana. L’Art de Llull va ser configurada, a semblança de la dialèctica, com una art de trobar la veritat que tenia com a objectiu la solució de qüestions (interrogacions dobles, amb un enunciat afirmatiu o negatiu com a possibles respostes) i que argumentava a partir de tòpics o llocs (el que Llull anomena «universals»), és a dir, de principis generals que havien de permetre falsar o verificar les afirmacions o negacions (els «particulars») que podien donar resposta a aquelles qüestions. D’altra banda, Llull pretenia que, tot i haver estat confegida a mida per a la disputa sobre la fe, la seva Art també estava dotada de dues de les virtuts més característiques de la vella dialèctica: la seva capacitat d’argumentar sobre qualsevol matèria i el poder d’examinar la pertinència dels principis de totes les ciències, un poder que la convertia en una mena d’art de les arts.30 Després de l’Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem, Llull va escriure altres versions de la seva Art. Llegides una rere l’altra, posen de manifest el gran esforç que va portar a terme per perfeccionar-ne els tòpics i per augmentar la seva productivitat com a màquina de fer argu-

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ments. Art rere Art, Ramon Llull proposa nous llocs o elimina o perfecciona (simplificant-los en uns casos, sofisticant-los en d’altres) els ja existents. Els llocs per excel·lència de l’Art són, en totes les seves versions, les figures, aquelles figures que actualment tant sorprenen aquells lectors que s’apropen per primer cop a una de les obres artístiques de Llull. A les Arts lul·lianes hi ha: 1) figures circulars bàsiques, simbolitzades, a semblança de l’àlgebra, per lletres (cadascuna d’aquestes figures aplega una sèrie de principis simples o termes relatius a una determinada matèria, que també són representats per lletres), 2) figures circulars complexes o combinatòries (amb diversos cercles concèntrics mitjançant la rotació dels quals es poden formar diverses combinacions entre els principis simples o les figures bàsiques) i 3) figures tabulars o de combinacions (on es presenten les relacions binàries o ternàries que es poden obtenir a partir del mecanisme combinatori representat per una figura circular complexa). Aquestes tres menes de figures constitueixen l’arsenal, el magatzem d’«universals» que ofereix l’Art lul· liana en les seves versions successives.31 A partir d’elles, els usuaris poden construir els arguments que els han de permetre de solucionar qüestions. L’establiment d’un nombre limitat d’elements primitius, fàcilment recordables gràcies a l’ús de les figures i de la notació alfabètica, unit al recurs de la combinatòria, que permet de trobar sistemàticament totes les seves possibles relacions, és la condició de possibilitat de la compendiositat a què al· ludeix el títol de la primera de les seves concrecions literàries. La combinatòria permet, en definitiva, que els elements primitius, els principis de l’Art, tot i ser «mínims en quantitat», siguin, per dir-ho d’acord amb una dita aristotèlica que descriu a la perfecció la gran virtut del raonament tòpic, màxims «en potestat» (és a dir, en el seu poder de trobar un gran nombre d’arguments). La Vita coetanea posa en relació la confecció de l’Art amb el poderós dictamen de la ment que hauria entrat al cor de Llull, després que el Crucificat se li hagués aparegut cinc vegades i que ell hagués decidit de posar-se al seu servei dedicant la resta de la vida a la conversió dels musulmans: «que ell mateix amb el temps havia de fer un llibre, el millor del món, contra els errors dels infidels». Explica que, molt més endavant, després de la seva conversió a la penitència, de les seves peregrinacions i d’uns anys d’estudi, el Senyor va il·lustrar la seva ment dalt d’una muntanya, donant-li la «forma i manera» de fer l’esmentat llibre. La narració continua dient que, un cop rebuda aquesta il· luminació, Llull va donar infinites gràcies a l’Altíssim, va baixar de la muntanya i es va posar a ordenar i a escriure el millor de tots els llibres, «que primer va anomenar Art major [l’Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem] i més tard Art general i d’acord amb els principis del qual va escriure’n molt altres».32 En realitat, Llull mai no va fer cap referència a aquesta pressumpta il·luminació fins uns vint anys després del seu pretès esdeveniment. No és fins a mitjan de l’última dècada del segle xiii que, convertit en propagandista de la croada, comença a presentar la seva

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Art com una art donada per Déu. La primera referència a aquesta donació es troba, probablement, a la Petitio Raymundi pro conversione infidelium ad Coelestinum V papam (1294).33 Ramon Llull, que, al Llibre de contemplació, ja havia expressat el seu temor per les conseqüències que per a la seva obra podia comportar la seva «poca autoritat» mai no va deixar de buscar estratègies literàries que permetessin de superar aquesta mancança.34 I la referència a la donació de l’Art podia ser efectiva, davant de determinats públics. Llull, que havia concebut l’Art com una tècnica per disputar eficaçment sobre els assumptes de la fe, també la va presentar, de bon principi, com una ciència. Com hem vist, Ramon Llull estava convençut que ningú no adopta una nova creença perquè se li hagi mostrat dialècticament que la seva creença antiga era falsa si no se li mostra per «raons necessàries» (és a dir: científicament) la veritat dels continguts de la fe de recanvi. L’evolució de l’Art de Llull respon en bona part a la voluntat del seu autor d’adaptar els seus principis i el seu funcionament a aquesta pretensió de cientificitat. Si el primer manual de l’Art de Llull tenia una denominació que remetia a la concepció que l’escolàstica tenia de la dialèctica, el manual en què va cristal·litzar la segona de les seves versions (l’Art demostrativa, c. 1283) portava, i no per casualitat, un títol que coincidia amb la denominació d’aquella part de la lògica, l’ars demonstrandi, que, segons l’escolàstica, oferia les regles del coneixement científic, un coneixement els principis i les regles del qual s’aprenien llegint els Analytica posteriora d’Aristòtil. En la introducció de l’obra, Llull, tot i que no esmentava obertament l’autoritat d’Aristòtil, donava la raó de la nova denominació de la seva tècnica justificant la naturalesa demostrativa de l’Art per mitjà de la indicació que aquesta ensenyava a argumentar a partir de tres menes de demostracions, dues de les quals eren la propter quid (provant l’efecte a partir de la causa) i la quia (provant la causa a partir de l’efecte), és a dir, les dues menes de demostracions de què es parlava als Analytica posteriora i que els escolàstics consideraven les pròpies de la ciència. A aquestes dues menes de demostracions ja conegudes pels «antics», Llull n’afegia una de collita pròpia: la per equiparantiam (per equiparació o per establiment d’igualtats), que, al seu entendre, però d’acord amb una determinada lectura dels principis escolàstics sobre el grau de necessitat de les proves, permetia d’assolir un grau de certesa superior a la demostració propter quid, que era considerada més demostrativa que la quia, o, fins i tot, com l’única demostrativa en el sentit estricte del terme.35 Posant en circulació una Art que pretenia ser alhora inventiva i demostrativa, Llull presentava un mètode que implicava, si més no sobre el paper, la superació de l’escissió típicament escolàstica entre la demostració i l’heurística. Però aquesta no era l’única novetat que la caracterització de l’Art suposava en relació amb el sistema de les arts i les ciències del seu temps. Atès que, com ja s’ha apuntat, l’Art lul·liana també es presentava, a semblança de la dialèctica aristotèlica, com una art capaç d’ocupar-se de

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qualsevol matèria i dels principis de totes les ciències, i atès que, d’acord amb la seva naturalesa d’ars demonstrandi, pretenia fer-ho científicament, aquesta Art també volia encarnar una nova ciència que segons els Analytica posteriora aristotèlics era impossible però que, en el cas d’existir, seria la més desitjable: la ciència universal.36 L’evolució de l’Art lul·liana no solament s’explica per la voluntat del seu autor de millorar la seva eficàcia com a tècnica per trobar arguments i pel seu interès per fer que aquests arguments es corresponguin, cada cop més, amb les característiques pròpies de la demostració. També té molt a veure amb el procés de reflexió per part del Doctor Il·luminat sobre les condicions de possibilitat de la universalitat d’aquesta nova ciència i sobre la naturalesa del caràcter general dels seus principis. Els estudiosos actuals de Llull solen distingir dues grans etapes en l’evolució de l’Art, que reben, respectivament, la denominació d’etapa «quaternària» i «ternària» pel nombre de principis que apleguen les seves principals figures (16, és a dir, 4 x 4, les primeres; 9: 3 x 3, les darreres). Les dues Arts que he esmentat fins ara, l’Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem (c. 1274) i l’Art demostrativa (c. 1283), formen part de la primera d’aquestes etapes. Simplificant es podria dir que, d’acord amb els plantejaments lul·lians, la universalitat dels seus principis tenia a veure amb el fet que tota afirmació o negació sobre qualsevol matèria implica també una afirmació o una negació sobre Déu o sobre la manera com aquell que les enuncia s’hi relaciona. Les primeres arts ofereixen uns principis que regulen les afirmacions i les negacions que resulten pertinents a propòsit de Déu i sobre la manera com cal relacionar-s’hi i, per tant, són universals en la mesura que permeten de verificar o falsar les afirmacions o negacions que, respectivament, concorden o contradiuen aquells principis. La universalitat dels principis de les Arts de la segona etapa, una etapa que s’inicia amb l’Ars inventiva veritatis (1290) i culmina amb l’Ars generalis ultima (1305-1308) i amb l’Ars brevis (1308), que la resumeix, és d’una altra naturalesa. Tenint molt en compte la funció que Aristòtil atribueix a la causalitat en la demostració, Llull passa a pensar aquesta universalitat a partir d’una concepció neoplatonitzant de les relacions causals legitimada de manera tàcita en la filosofia de Procle i la teologia del pseudo-Dionís, una concepció que li permet d’establir ontològicament la generalitat dels principis simples de l’Art a través de l’afirmació de la seva presència en Déu com a causes eminentíssimes i en els seus efectes com a semblances d’aquestes causes. En les últimes obres de l’etapa quaternària, obres que encara depenien de l’Art demostrativa, Llull va començar a reflexionar a partir d’aquesta teoria de la causalitat, una teoria que li permetia de mantenir que tots els éssers creats són constituïts, en major o menor grau, per les semblances divines, sobre la manera com la seva Art era demostrativa i general. En l’Ars inventiva veritatis, la primera de les Arts ternàries, a més de reduir el nombre de les figures i dels principis d’aquestes figures, va transformar els mecanismes artístics tenint en compte els resultats assolits en

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aquest procés de reflexió. La teoria dionisianoprocliana de la causalitat a través de la semblança li va permetre de pensar en els principis de la seva Art com a principis que es podien predicar unívocament (d’acord amb la mateixa definició) de tots els éssers de què fossin predicables sense que per això s’esborressin les diferències que separen els subjectes de què es predica. La semblança feia possible que éssers diferents tinguessin la mateixa qualitat, però també que la tinguessin de manera diferent, en diversos graus. I la mena de generalitat dels principis que permetia fonamentar va fer possible que Llull construís una Art en la qual els principis del conèixer coincidien amb els de l’ésser.37 En l’Ars generalis ultima (en el pròleg de la qual Llull legitima, a partir de la teoria de la ciència aristotèlica, la possibilitat de la nova Art) s’exploten a fons les virtuts d’aquesta coincidència.38 Llull no podia evitar de buscar la legitimació de la seva ciència universal en la teoria d’una ciència, l’aristotèlica, que, al segle xiii, s’identificava amb la ciència sense adjectius. Però mantenia que la seva Art superava les greus deficiències que, al seu entendre, limitaven aquesta ciència. El Doctor Il·luminat insisteix en les seves obres en el fet que la ciència aristotèlica comporta anomalies i no satisfà les necessitats del que anacrònicament podríem denominar la «comunitat científica» pel que fa, per exemple, a la fonamentació de determinades ciències (com la medicina o la teologia) sobre bases sòlides. Cal recordar, d’altra banda, la situació de la Universitat de París, la principal universitat de l’època, en el moment en què Llull va confegir el seu mètode. L’època en què Llull va començar a elaborar la seva Art (c. 1274) és la de les condemnes, per part del bisbe d’aquella ciutat (el 1270 i el 1277), d’un gran nombre de tesis relacionades amb la introducció en el currículum de la facultat d’arts, després de les prohibicions inicials (1210 i 1231), de les obres filosòfiques d’Aristòtil, un filòsof que en els segles anteriors només havia estat llegit en l’occident llatí com a autor de tractats de lògica. És l’època, en definitiva, en què es va posar en evidència la crisi del projecte eclesiàstic d’edificar, a les universitats, una saviesa cristiana que tingués els seus fonaments en la ciència aristotèlica; una crisi paral·lela a la que unes dècades abans, com sabia prou bé el mateix Llull, havia portat a la prohibició de l’ensenyament de la lògica i la filosofia aristotèliques pel soldà almohade Abu Yusuf i a la que, en aquells mateixos anys, hi havia al darrera de la querella sobre els estudis filosòfics que enfrontava els savis jueus residents en els països cristians de la Mediterrània.39 Aquell era, en definitiva, el període en què es va fer palès que la teologia i la filosofia oferien «veritats dissonants». I, tot i haver estat concebuda primordialment com una art de la disputa interreligiosa, l’Art també pretenia donar una resposta a aquesta crisi. No solament havia de servir per vèncer els «infidels», sinó també aquells que, com els «averroistes» que Llull va combatre amb abundant literatura durant la seva última estada a París (1309-1311), practicaven una filosofia independent de la teologia i arribaven a conclusions que plantejaven problemes a la fe.

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Des d’aquest punt de vista, l’Art va ser presentada per Llull, que com els neoaugustinians del seu temps s’oposava al procés de secularització del pensament afavorit per la aristotelizació dels currículums, com una alternativa a una ciència, l’aristotèlica, que semblava fer impossible la concordança entre la filosofia i la teologia. L’absoluta generalitat dels principis de l’Art, que també eren, per tant, generals respecte a aquestes dues disciplines, permetia, segons el Doctor Il·luminat, no només la concordança entre aquestes dues disciplines, sinó també —donats els continguts d’aquests principis— la subordinació de la primera a la segona. I també feia possible, sempre segons Ramon Llull, la constitució de la teologia com una ciència no dependent epistemològicament de la fe (que només oferiria hipòtesis a confirmar o a falsar), sinó d’uns principis, els de l’Art, que serien evidents per ells mateixos. Era precisament per aquest fet, perquè considerava aquests principis com a evidents i, per tant, com a no específicament cristians, que Llull podia presentar l’Art com una ciència neutral capaç de convertir la disputa interreligiosa en un afer científic, tot i que, en la pràctica, les conclusions dels seus arguments demostratius sempre verificaven les hipòtesis ofertes pel credo catòlic i falsaven la resta. L’Art pretenia, en definitiva, fer possible tot allò que, per a Llull, era necessari, sobretot la concordança de la filosofia i la teologia, la subordinació de la primera d’aquestes disciplines a la segona, la constitució de la mateixa teologia com una veritable ciència i, evidentment, la conversió dels sarraïns. El Doctor Il·luminat mai no va deixar de pensar la seva Art com una arma de conversió massiva al servei de l’eliminació de l’islam i de la cristianització de tota la humanitat. I si la primera de les seves concrecions literàries va ser concebuda com un manual per a una escola de missioners situada en un paisatge apartat i idíl·lic, l’Ars generalis ultima i la seva versió portàtil, l’Ars brevis, van ser pensades com a armes espirituals indispensables per als croats que havien de conquerir, per la força de les armes materials, i en el context d’una gran operació bèl· lica per terra i per mar, els dominis dels «infidels». En qualsevol cas, la fortuna de l’Art en la història del pensament té menys a veure amb totes aquestes prestacions que amb el fet que aquest estrany artefacte epistemològic plantejava la possibilitat de descompartimentar la «vella ciència»: de trencar amb el prejudici de la incomunicabilitat entre els principis i els àmbits de les diverses ciències, i d’establir ponts entre l’àmbit de la doctrina científica i el del descobriment dels seus coneixements. Però l’Art també era, com s’apunta entre línies en el passatge de la Vita coetanea en què es parla de la seva donació, una «forma e manera» de fer llibres. Ramon Llull tendeix a expressar la relació entre les seves quatre Arts principals en termes de filiació: cada nova Art «descendeix» de l’anterior. Però alhora cadascuna d’aquestes Arts encapçala una nova generació d’obres, que n’adopten els principis i els procediments i en fan «lectures», «comentaris», «introduccions», «aplicacions» o «pràctiques» o, fins i tot, transmuten la seva ciència en literatura destinada a

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la formació i a l’edificació dels laics.40 Resulta impossible entendre correctament la producció de Llull si es fa abstracció d’aquest aspecte genealògic que també afecta les seves obres més convencionalment «literàries», com les seves dues novel·les: el Blaquerna (ca. 1283) o el Llibre de meravelles (1288-1289).

L’acostament al poder; viatges a l’Occident cristià El 17 d’octubre del 1276 una butlla papal havia confirmat la fundació d’un monestir a Miramar (Mallorca) sufragat per Jaume II, on, d’acord amb un projecte de Llull, tretze franciscans s’havien de posar a estudiar l’àrab i l’Art. Però, des del 1282, els territoris catalans es van veure trasbalsats per tota mena de conflictes: aquell any Pere el Gran s’havia annexionat Sicília, i tres anys després Felip III de França havia intentat una invasió de Catalunya, beneïda com a croada pel papa, que havia acabat costant la vida al rei francès i, al cap de poc, també al rei català; posteriorment (1285) Alfons III de Catalunya-Aragó va desposseir el seu oncle (i senyor natural de Ramon Llull) Jaume II de les seves possessions insulars. Aquest, que comptava amb el suport incondicional del papat davant del seu germà Pere i que, com a senyor de Montpeller, era vassall del rei de França, havia estat aliat dels francesos en la croada contra Catalunya. La vida de Llull durant aquest període i fins a la pau d’Anagni (1295) no s’entén fora de l’eix RomaFrança-Mallorca. Des del 1282 fins al 1294, no va posar els peus ni a l’illa de Mallorca ni als dominis catalanoaragonesos (només al 1294, quan ja eren en marxa les negocions pel tractat d’Anagni passa per Barcelona, tornant de Nàpols, i refà les relacions amb el rei Jaume II d’Aragó, fill del difunt Pere el Gran). Un cop acabada a Montpeller la primera de les seves revisions de l’Art (l’Art demostrativa), Llull va creure imprescindible atènyer els cercles més alts del poder de la cristiandat llatina per difondre l’Art i fer realitat els seus projectes. Ramon Llull sabia perfectament que qualsevol èxit en la seva empresa comportava interessar la cort romana, la casa reial francesa i la universitat parisenca. La capital de França era el centre del món intel·lectual i la capital del regne més poderós d’Occident. Llull hi va ser almenys en tres ocasions.41 A la primera, entre mitjan 1287 i final del 1289, va aconseguir de ser rebut a la cort reial, però es va produir el primer gran problema de comunicació de Llull: el seu sistema de pensament i el seu llenguatge eren massa diferents dels universitaris i també massa complexos; l’exposició que va fer de l’Art a la universitat va resultar un fracàs.42 En tornar a Montpeller, emprengué la reformulació del seu sistema en l’Ars inventiva veritatis (1290) a la qual ja ens hem referit. La segona estada a la capital francesa tingué lloc al cap de deu anys, entre el 1297 i el 1299 i va ser menys traumàtica. Va tornar a entrevistar-se amb el rei Felip IV el Bell, a qui dedicà l’Arbre de filosofia d’amor però de qui no ob-

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tingué res de concret. També aprofità per ensenyar públicament l’Art; és aleshores que establí una relació amb Tomàs Le Myésier, el seu principal deixeble a París, compilador de l’Electorium i del Breviculum, que havia de tenir una gran transcendència.43 La darrera presència de Llull a París és entre la tardor del 1309 i fins a la tardor del 1311.44 Hi va aconseguir, per fi, un cert reconeixement per part de la universitat i del rei de França: quaranta mestres i batxillers de les facultats d’arts i medicina aprovaren les seves lliçons sobre l’Art breu (un resum de l’Ars generalis ultima) i el canceller de la universitat i Felip IV li lliuraren cartes de recomanació.45 És durant aquest període que el Doctor Il·luminat, com ja hem vist abans, es dedica a combatre, amb abundant literatura, els «averroistes» de la facultat d’arts i pretén que el rei de França prohibeixi la lectura en la universitat de les obres d’Averrois. Les seves estades a la cort pontifícia tampoc no va ser gaire fructíferes.46 El 1292, Nicolau IV era el primer franciscà que accedia a la seu pontifícia i això infonia a Ramon Llull (a qui un parell d’anys abans el general dels franciscans Ramon Gaufredi havia autoritzat, com a «amic de l’ordre», a predicar en els convents d’Itàlia) noves esperances de ser escoltat a Roma. Tot va ser debades: la cúria romana estava massa ocupada en problemes interns. Per contra, el 1291, la ciutat d’Acre, l’última plaça forta que els cristians conservaven a Terra Santa, queia en mans dels musulmans; l’islam avançava i ni els prínceps catòlics ni els dirigents de l’Església semblaven adonar-se’n. El 1294, a Nàpols, adreçà una Petició exposant els seus projectes al nou papa Celestí V, Pietro da Murrone, un ermità que només va ser papa durant cinc mesos.47 El 1295, altre cop a Roma, feia una Petició en els mateixos termes al seu successor Bonifaci VIII.48 A la ciutat eterna escrigué en el temps rècord de sis mesos un dels llibres més llargs i complexos que mai va compondre, la grandiosa enciclopèdia Arbre de ciència. Abandonà Roma el 1296 sense haver obtingut res del pontífex; amb una certa amargor escrigué llavors el Desconhort, una lamentació en vers pel poc esment que mereix la seva missió. El 14 de novembre del 1305 Llull assisteix a la coronació de Climent V, un papa sotmès als interessos de la casa reial francesa, que trasllada el soli pontifici a Lió; Ramon Llull també li adreça una petició, però és en va. El 1311 el papa Climent V convocà un concili general a la ciutat de Vienne del Delfinat i Llull, amb l’aprovació obtinguda a París, s’hi adreçà. La Vita coetanea, que narrà als cartoixos parisencs, va ser concebuda aleshores com una mena de carta de presentació per a Vienne. En aquest moment escriu també una obra sorprenent en què, defensantse d’aquells que l’acusen de boig pel seu entestament en els projectes que havia emprès a major glòria de Déu, sosté un diàleg enfront d’un mal clergue que només procura pel seu bé. És el Phantasticus; i així hi parla Ramon Llull: «Jo era un home casat, amb fills, bastant ric, dissolut i mundà. Tot això ho vaig deixar lliurement, a fi de po-

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der procurar l’honor de Déu i el bé públic, i exaltar la santa fe. Vaig aprendre l’àrab; diverses vegades vaig anar a predicar als sarraïns; per la causa de la fe he estat arrestat, empresonat i ferit. Durant quaranta-cinc anys he intentat moure l’Església i els prínceps cristians a actuar pel bé públic. Ara sóc vell i pobre, però continuo en el mateix propòsit, i en el mateix propòsit continuaré fins a la mort, si Déu vol.»49 A Vienne Llull obtingué la resolució del concili de crear diverses escoles de llengües per a missioners, tot i que sembla que aquest propòsit no es dugué mai a terme. Sense perdre mai de vista els objectius que es proposava, Llull sabia variar els mitjans a emprar. Així, cap a final del 1299 era a Barcelona, on s’entrevistava amb Jaume II d’Aragó (de qui, atès que el rei de Mallorca tornava a serne feudatari, era súbdit) i rebia la seva autorització per predicar a les sinagogues i mesquites catalanes. I el 1305 presentava al mateix rei la seva obra més important sobre la croada, el Liber de fine, que també va fer arribar al papa Climent V. Fins a la seva mort, Llull va estar en contacte amb Jaume II d’Aragó.50 Ramon Llull també tingué relacions polítiques amb repúbliques italianes com Pisa i Gènova;51 o amb un altre sobirà del casal de Barcelona, Frederic de Sicília, germà de Jaume II d’Aragó, que professava públicament idees espirituals molt radicals, pròximes a Arnau de Vilanova, però amb qui Llull no sembla que acabés de travar una bona entesa, malgrat l’estada que va fer a l’illa entre el 1313 i el 1314.52

Viatges al nord d’Àfrica i a l’Orient Llull fa tres estades al nord d’Àfrica: dues a Tunis i una a Bugia. Per entendre correctament com es desenvolupen aquests viatges i els contrastos d’actitud que demostra Ramon Llull entre uns i altres és necessari posar-los en relació amb una evolució personal i també de la seva obra que A. Bonner ha definit com a «tendències dintre d’èpoques de la trajectòria lul·liana i no posicions exclusives».53 En el període inicial en què desenrotlla el seu sistema, Ramon Llull té una plena confiança en la bondat i l’eficàcia de l’Art, que aquesta imposarà les seves virtuts de forma evident i sense que ell hagi de presentar-se públicament com a autor. En aquest moment, escriu sense signar les obres i es presenta mitjançant el tòpic l’autodenigració (que tant li agradava per exemple a sant Agustí), com un home culpable, mesquí, pobre pecador, menyspreat per les gents i indigne que el seu nom aparegui escrit en els llibres; Ramon Llull es denigra per valorar l’obra com un «instrument» de Déu i exposa el seu sistema tenint una concepció idealitzada del món al qual l’ofereix, poc concreta i sense adversaris. Des d’aquest punt de vista, l’obra més representativa d’aquest període és sens dubte el Llibre del gentil e dels tres savis (que, com s’ha dit, va ser escrita entre el 1274 i el 1276). El protagonista, el gentil, és

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un personatge singular en el món de Llull: representa l’home sense revelació que es regeix per la sola raó natural i que, per tant, malgrat tota la subtilesa del seu enginy, no pot arribar a la veritat: li cal trobar una veu humana difusora del saber; el problema es produeix quan resulta que les veus són tres, una per cada una de les religions monoteistes. Així doncs, després que el gentil ha descobert Déu, li cal sofrir l’escàndol de la pluralitat de religions. Al final de l’obra, després d’escoltar el jueu, el cristià i el sarraí, que li fan una exposició responsable dels principals continguts de les tres religions, el gentil descobreix la solució anhelada; així que quan troba un compatrici seu al bosc ja sap què li ha d’anar a revelar. El resultat de la discussió, però, no es dóna enlloc de manera explícita perquè els savis demanen que el gentil no els digui la seva elecció i així poder continuar dialogant sense condicionaments; és clar que, si s’aplica el sistema lul·lià, no hi ha dubte que el gentil es farà batejar. El Gentil és, doncs, una obra amarada d’un optimisme sense límits en la possibilitat d’una victòria de la fe cristiana sobre les altres religions.54 Després de les primeres experiències decebedores a París i a la cort pontifícia, de la simplificació i reformulació de l’Art en l’Ars inventiva (1290) i del seu primer viatge a Tunis (1293), Llull pren consciència de les dificultats reals de comunicació del seu projecte, adopta un paper actiu com a autor (si cal, apareixent com a personatge dins de les seves mateixes obres), reivindica l’Art com una eficaç alternativa a les formulacions teològiques i filosòfiques del seu temps i intenta persuadir els estaments més influents de la societat, referint-s’hi d’una manera general, sense personalitzar-los.55 Finalment, en un tercer estadi que comença amb el viatge de Llull a Bugia (1307), es donen confrontacions directes, amb adversaris ja molt determinats i caracteritzats negativament si convé (és el cas de l’Homer de la Disputatio Raimundi christiani et Homeri sarraceni).56 El 1293, a Tunis, Llull va voler entaular discussions amb els membres més formats del país amb la confiança que, un cop convençuts aquests, la resta de la població els seguiria en la nova fe; es tractava de la tàctica més habitual entre els missioners cristians, en particular entre els dominics catalans. Però el que no era corrent és l’actitud que la Vita coetanea atribueix a Llull en aquesta missió: Ramon Llull s’ofereix a escoltar els arguments dels savis musulmans sobre la veritat de la fe corànica amb el compromís que, si els arriba a trobar més vàlids que no els cristians, adoptarà la seva religió. Aquesta actitud receptiva sembla que va estimular els seus oponents, ja que van acudir al repte en gran nombre. Segons la Vita la missió començava a obtenir resultats i, per això mateix, alguns dels caps musulmans, preocupats per l’èxit, van aconseguir que el soldà l’empresonés. Llull va ser condemnat a mort, pena que va ser commutada per l’expulsió forçosa, gràcies a la intercessió d’un home de religió admirat pel zel apostòlic de Ramon Llull. Tenia ja seixanta anys. En el relat que fa la Vita d’aquest episodi es fa ben palès el contrast entre la comprensió d’alguns intel·lectuals musul-

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mans cap a Llull, la desconfiança i l’hostilitat d’altres i, finalment, una tolerància de part del poder, gens fàcil de trobar en àmbit cristià.57 La primavera del 1307 Llull emprèn el seu segon viatge missional al Magrib, aquest cop a Bugia.58 Aquesta ciutat havia estat incorporada a l’estat hàfsida de Tunis el 1240, però des del 1284-1285 havia constituït un emirat independent que duraria fins al 1309. Les relacions comercials i polítiques de Bugia amb els estats catalans eren molt intenses en aquell moment, en particular amb Mallorca (tractat del 1302) però també amb Catalunya-Aragó (tractat del 1309). No és només que hi hagués un alfòndec català i un altre de mallorquí a la ciutat, és que també (com a Tunis) hi havia milícies catalanoaragoneses, pagades pel sobirà de Bugia però comandades per catalans, i diverses capelles (de pisans, de marsellesos, de mallorquins), amb presència de frares trinitaris, mercedaris, dominics i franciscans que atenien les necessitats espirituals dels cristians lliures i procuraven per la redempció dels cristians captius. En arribar a Bugia, Llull va prendre un to desafiador, molt diferent del que havia tingut a Tunis, proposant de demostrar la falsedat de la fe musulmana i la veritat de la cristiana. Tal manifestació era una ofensa imperdonable al creient musulmà i va merèixer una reacció aïrada de part del poble baix; de manera que l’empresonament que en va dictar el cadi, de fet, li va salvar la vida. La Vita coetanea dóna detall de les discussions sostingudes entre Ramon Llull i el cadi, que segons aquest text era un gran filòsof però que va ser posat en un greu destret pels raonaments de Llull. És aleshores que la Vita explica que: «Ramon, doncs, en sortir de la casa del cadi i anar cap a la presó, fou batut ara per cops de bastó, ara per mans, i fins i tot fou asprament arrossegat per la barba, que tenia abundant. Llavors fou tancat en la latrina de la presó dels lladres, on dugué una vida penible durant qualque temps. Després el posaren en una cel·la de la mateixa presó.» Ramon Llull va romandre empresonat a Bugia durant mig any, per bé que la intercessió de genovesos i catalans residents a la ciutat li valgué un alleugeriment en les condicions de vida. Durant el seu captiveri Ramon Llull va entaular disputes religioses amb diversos savis musulmans. Finalment, el rei de Bugia, Abu-l-Baqa Halid, resident llavors a Constantina, va tenir el gest magnànim d’alliberar-lo i d’expulsar-lo dels seus dominis. Però les penalitats d’aquest viatge no acaben aquí, tal com explica la Vita: «Mentre la nau navegava cap a Gènova, s’esdevingué que a l’alçada del port de Pisa s’aixecà una violenta tempesta, a unes deu milles del port. I com que la nau sofrí gravíssimes envestides del temporal, a la fi naufragà; algunes persones moriren negades i altres, amb l’ajuda prèvia de Déu, se salvaren. Entre aquests es trobaven

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Ramon i un companyó seu, que, havent perdut tots els llibres i la roba, arribaren en una barca a la ribera, quasi nus.»59 Totes aquestes tribulacions podrien haver estat definitives per a un home de més de setanta anys; però aquest no va ser el cas de Ramon Llull que, un cop a Pisa, va refer les obres perdudes al naufragi i va acabar la darrera versió de l’Art, la que ell va considerar definitiva, l’Ars generalis ultima, i va enllestir un resum d’aquesta, l’Ars brevis. En el naufragi es perdé la versió original en àrab de l’obra que havia escrit Ramon Llull a Bugia, la Disputatio Raimundi christiani et Homeri sarraceni, que hem conservat en la versió llatina refeta a Pisa (1308) i que retrata les aspres polèmiques sostingudes durant el seu empresonament, bo i reduint-les a una disputa amb un contrincant perfilat molt negativament, Homer. En aquesta obra, que després presentaria al papa Climent V perquè en prengués nota, Llull volia mostrar com els savis musulmans, d’acord amb el kalam, requerien arguments racionals i no d’autoritat. En efecte, Homer pretén demostrar amb raons filosòfiques la impossibilitat dels dogmes cristians de la Trinitat i l’Encarnació, la qual cosa constitueix alhora un desafiament i una confirmació de la pertinència de la reflexió de Llull sobre la necessitat de recórrer a les raons necessàries si es vol convertir els infidels.60 El 1314, Llull retorna a Tunis en un viatge missional i sabem que el 1315 hi era encara. En aquest llarg sojorn, Ramon Llull juga a fons l’estratègia de la prudència i de l’assimilació: compta amb cartes de recomanació de Jaume II d’Aragó al rei de Tunis, té el suport de conterranis seus, es vesteix com els tunisians, manté relacions cordials amb el soldà Abû Zakariyâ al-Lihyâni, a qui potser dedica dues obres.61 Però el viatge més llunyà que va fer mai Llull va ser, l’estiu de 1301, al Pròxim Orient. Havia rebut la notícia que Ghazan, el khan mongol de Pèrsia, havia envaït Palestina amb la intenció de sotmetre-la. Ramon Llull havia mostrat des d’antic un gran interès per la possibilitat que oferien els tàrtars: un immens i poderosíssim poble que ocupava gairebé tot l’Extrem Orient i una gran part del Pròxim, que no tenia una religió definida i que havia demostrat una hostilitat clara contra l’islam; convertir els tàrtars al cristianisme (establir-hi aliances si més no) donava l’oportunitat, a curt termini, de recuperar els llocs sants de Palestina i, a llarg termini, d’encerclar els musulmans i forçar-los a recular. Però, en arribar a Xipre, Llull sabé que les notícies que havien arribat a l’altra banda de la Mediterrània no eren exactes: els tàrtars s’havien acostat a Palestina però s’havien fet enrere per atendre d’altres fronts. Durant la seva estada a l’illa, Ramon Llull fou objecte d’un intent d’enverinament per part dels seus servents. Va ser acollit pel gran mestre de l’Orde del Temple, Jaume de Molay, fins que es restablí.62 Les darreres obres de Ramon Llull daten del desembre del 1315, i són escrites a Tunis; després, desapareix de la història. Tenia cap a vuitanta-quatre anys. No sabem ni

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tan sols on va morir, si a Tunis o bé, cosa que sembla més probable, un cop retornat a Mallorca. En tot cas, és millor dir que desapareix la seva presència física de la història, perquè les seves obres i les seves idees van tenir un ressò i una força d’expansió en la història de la cultura europea dels darrers set segles que potser ni el mateix Llull podia sospitar.

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[10]

Notes i referències [1] [2]

[3] [4] [5]

[6] [7]

[8]

[9]

Per a una revisió del tòpic, vegeu J.N. Hillgarth. «Raymond Lulle et l’utopie». Estudios Lulianos, 25 (1981-1983), p. 175-185. L’aportació més rellevant per a la contextualització històrica de Llull és, sens dubte, J.N. Hillgarth. Ramon Lull and Lullism in Fourteenth-Century France. Oxford-Warburg Studies. Oxford at the Clarendon Press, Oxford 1971, versió catalana actualitzada Ramon Llull i el naixement del lul·lisme, ed. Albert Soler; trad. Anna Alberni i Joan Santanach, Textos i Estudis de Cultura Catalana, 61, Curial Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1998. Albert Soler. «Espiritualitat i cultura: Els laics i l’accés al saber a final del segle xiii a la Corona d’Aragó». Studia Lulliana, 38 (1998), p. 3-26. Jaume Mensa i Valls. Arnau de Vilanova, Episodis de la història, 313. Rafael Dalmau, Barcelona 1997. Lluís Cifuentes i Comamala. La ciència en català a l’Edat Mitjana i el Renaixement. Col·lecció Blaquerna, núm. 3. Universitat de Barcelona, Universitat de les Illes Balears, Barcelona — Palma de Mallorca 2001; 2a edició revisada 2006. Jordi Gayà Estelrich. Raimondo Lullo. Una teologia per la missione, trad. Domenico Lanfranchi, Eredità Medievale. Jaca Book, Milà 2002. Miquel Batllori. «Història político-religiosa: la intervenció de Sant Ramon de Penyafort». A: De l’Edat Mitjana. ed. Eulàlia Duran, pr. Jordi Rubió, Obra Completa, I. 3i4, València 1993, p. 19-34. Josep Perarnau i Espelt. «La “Disputació de cinc savis” de Ramon Llull. Estudi i edició del text català». Arxiu Textos Catalans Antics, 5, (1986), p. 7229. Anthony Bonner. «L’apologètica de Ramon Martí i Ramon Llull davant de l’Islam i del judaisme». A: El debat intercultural als segles xiii i xiv. Actes de les Primeres Jornades de Filosofia Catalana. Girona 2527 d’abril del 1988, ed. Marcel Salleras, Estudi General, 9. Col·legi Universitari, Girona 1989, p. 171-185. Generalment, s’ha identificat el «missioner fracassat» amb el dominic Ramon Martí (vegeu Éphrem Longpré. «Le B. Raymond Lulle et Raymond Martí, O.P.». Butlletí de la Societat Arqueològica Luliana, 24 (1933), p. 269-271), però és potser

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[11] [12]

[13] [14] [15]

[16]

[17]

més probable que s’hagi d’atribuir al també dominic André Longjumeau, tal com indica Josep M. Ruiz Simon. L’Art de Ramon Llull i la teoria escolàstica de la ciencia. Quaderns Crema, Barcelona 1999, p. 361-362, nota 501. Ora Limor. The Disputation of Majorca, 1286: A Critical Edition and Introduction. Publications of the School of Graduate Studies, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Faculty of Humanities, 2 vols., Jerusalem, 1985. Lola Badia. «La «Disputatio contra Iudeos» d’Inghetto Contardo». Studia Lulliana, 33 (1993 [1994]), p. 47-50. Vegeu David Abulafia. A Mediterranean Emporium. The Catalan Kingdom of Majorca. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1994. Així per exemple al cap. 70 del Llibre de contemplació: «22. Savi fos, Sényer, vós en lo començament de vostra nativitat e en lo mijà e en la fi de los dies que vós visqués en est segle; mas jo són estat foll del començament de mos dies d’entrò a trenta anys passats, que començà en mi remembrament de vostra saviea e desig de la vostra llaor e membrança de la vostra passió. 23. On, enaixí com lo sol ha major força en la mijania del dia, enaixí jo són estat foll e menys de saviea tro a la mijania de ma edat. Mas la vostra saviea és, Sényer, tan gran, que ella em pot dar aitanta de saviea en lo romanent de ma edat, con si tota ma edat fos estada en bones obres.» Ramon Llull, Obres Essencials (= OE), 2 vols. Barcelona 1957-1960, vol. II, p. 250. Fernando Domínguez. «Idea y estructura de la “Vita Raymundi Lulii”». Estudios Lulianos, 27 (1987), p. 1-20. Jordi Gayà. «’De conversione sua ad poenitentiam’: reflexiones ante la edición crítica de “Vita coetanea”». Estudios Lulianos, 24 (1980), p. 87-91. J.N. Hillgarth. Diplomatari lul·lià: documents relatius a Ramon Llull i a la seva família, trad. L. Cifuentes. Col·lecció Blaquerna, 1. Universitat de Barcelona, Universitat de les Illes Balears, Barcelona, Palma de Mallorca 2001; vegeu el document núm. 13. Miquel Batllori. «L’entrevista de Ramon Llull amb Ramon de Penyafort a Barcelona». Cuadernos de Historia Económica de Catalunya, 21 (1980), p. 9-11. Ara reproduït a íd.: Ramon Llull i el lul· lisme, ed. Eulàlia Duran, pr. Albert Hauf, Obra Completa, II. 3i4, València 1993, p. 45-46 i 87-93. Pel que fa al llatí, vegeu Lola Badia. «A propòsit de Ramon Llull i la gramàtica». Estudis de llengua i literatura catalanes-XVIII. Miscel·lània Joan Bastardas 1. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1989, p. 157-182, també a íd.: Teoria i pràctica de la literatura en Ramon Llull, Assaig, 10. Quaderns Crema, Barcelona 1992, p. 173-194. Pel que fa a l’àrab, vegeu Fernando Domínguez. «Ramon Llull, “catalán de Mallorca”, y la lengua árabe.

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[18]

[19]

[20]

[21] [22] [23] [24] [25] [26] [27] [28] [29]

[30] [31]

Contexto sociolingüístico», dins Literatura y bilingüismo. Homenaje a Pere Ramírez, Problemata Literaria, 15. Reichenberger, Kassel 1993, p. 3-17. Jordi Gayà. «El ambiente científico de Montpellier en los siglos xiii y xiv». Estudios Lulianos, 21 (1977), p. 59-67. Anthony Bonner. «L’aprenentatge intel·lectual de Ramon Llull». Studia in honorem prof. M. de Riquer II. Quaderns Crema, Barcelona 1987, p. 11-20. Vegeu també Raimundi Lulli Opera latina, Tomus XX, ed. Jordi Gayà Estelrich, Corpus Cristianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, CXIII. Brepols, Turnhout 1995, p. ix-xl. Charles Lohr. «Logica Algazelis: Introduction and Critical Text», Traditio, 21 (1965), p. 223-290; Jordi Rubió i Balaguer. «La lògica del Gazzali posada en rims per en Ramon Llull», dins íd.: Ramon Llull i el lul·lisme. Obres de Ramon Llull. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1985, p. 111166; per al Llibre de contemplació, vegeu l’edició citada a la nota 12. Tomàs Carreras Artau, Joaquim Carreras Artau. Historia de la filosofía española. Filosofía cristiana de los siglos xiii al xv, vol. I, edició facsímil de la primera edició del 1939. Institut d’Estudis Catalans; Diputació de Girona, Barcelona; Girona 2001, p. 348. «Pròleg». Llibre de contemplació, edició citada a la nota 12 (OE), vol. II, p. 107. Josep Enric Rubio. Literatura i doctrina al Llibre de Contemplació de Ramon Llull. Editorial Saó, València 1995, p. 21. Ibídem, p. 357-358. Dominique Urvoy. Penser l’Islam. Les présupposés islamiques de l’Art de Llull. Vrin, París 1980, p. 326. Llibre de contemplació, op. cit., cap. 366, p. 1252 i ss. Ibídem. Cap. 331. Cf. cap. 363 (OE II, 1080; cf. ibidem, 1235). Caps. 362-363 i cap. 364 (OE II, 1229 i ss.). Pel que fa als aspectes concrets del trànsit del Llibre de contemplació a l’Ars compendiosa inveniendi veritatem, vegeu Josep Enric Rubio. Les bases del pensament de Ramon Llull. Institut Universitari de Filologia Valenciana; Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, València; Barcelona 1997. Per a la relació entre l’Art de Llull i aquesta ars inveniendi, vegeu Josep M. Ruiz Simon. L’Art..., citat a la nota 9, p. 27-29 i 184-238. Anthony Bonner. The Art and Logic of Ramon Llull. A User’s Guide. Brill, Leiden; Boston (MA) 2007, ofereix una útil i suggerent introducció a la funció d’aquestes figures en les argumentacions reglades per l’Art. Per a una introducció més tradicional a aquestes figures i als mecanismes artístics, encara resulta molt aclaridora la presentació que se’n fa a Carreras Artau: Historia... citat a la nota 20, p. 345 i ss.

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[32] Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus VIII. Ed. Hermogenes Harada, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, XXXIV. Brepols, Turnhout 1980, p. 280. [33] Raymundi Lulli Opera Omnia. Ed. Salzinger Ivo i Franz Philipp Wolff, Magúncia, Häffner, 1722; reimpr. F. Stegmüller, Frankfurt 1965, II, iv, 51 (175). [34] Libre de contemplació, OE II, 1257. Pel que fa a la construcció «publicitària» que Llull fa de la seva pròpia imatge, vegeu Lola Badia. «Ramon Llull: autor i personatge», dins Fernando Domínguez et al. (eds.). Aristotelica et Lulliana magistro doctissimo Charles H. Lohr, septuagesimum annum feliciter agenti dedicata, La Haia 1995, p. 355-375. [35] Vegeu Art demostrativa. «Pròleg». A: Obres selectes de Ramon Llull (1232-1316), ed. A. Bonner. Editorial Moll, Palma de Mallorca 1989, vol. I, p. 290. Vegeu Ruiz Simon. L’Art... citat a la nota 9, p. 31-45, 204-208, 238-295 pel que fa als vincles entre l’Art i l’ars demonstrandi aristotèlica. [36] Analytica posteriora I, 9. Cf. Ars generalis ultima, «De prologo», Ramon Llull. Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus XIV, ed. Alois Madre, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, LXXV. Brepols, Turnhout 1986, p. 5-6. [37] Aquesta transformació de la manera d’entendre la universalitat dels principis de l’Art és analitzada i interpretada a Josep Maria Ruiz Simon. «La transformació del pensament de Ramon Llull durant les obres de transició cap a l’etapa ternària». A: Maria Isabel Ripoll Perelló (ed.). Actes de les Jornades Internacionals Lul·lianes: Ramon Llull al segle xxi, Col· lecció Blaquerna, 5. Universitat de les Illes Balears; Universitat de Barcelona, Palma-Barcelona 2005. [38] Vegeu Ars generalis ultima, edició citada a la nota 36. [39] Pel que fa als musulmans, Llibre del gentil e dels tres savis, (ed. Anthony Bonner. Nova Edició de les Obres de Ramon Llull, II. Patronat Ramon Llull, Palma de Mallorca 1993, p. 196-197; la regularització ortogràfica és nostra): «Mas altres gents són enfre nós qui entenen la glòria moralment e exponenla esperitualment, e dien que Mafumet parlava per semblança a les gents qui eren pegues e sens enteniment […] E aquest aitals són naturals e grans clergues, e són hòmens qui en alcunes coses no serven bé los manaments de la lei nostra, e per aço nós los havem enfre nós quaix a heretges, a la qual heretgia són vinguts per oir lògica e natures. E per açò és fet establiment enfre nosaltres que públicament null hom no gos legir lògica ni natures.» Els punts de vista «gairebé herètics» descrits pel savi sarraí en aquest passatge lul·lià fan pensar en els exposats per Averrois al Tractat decisiu sobre l’acord de la religió i la filosofia, aleshores inèdit en llatí. Pel que fa al judaisme, vegeu Eduard Feliu. «La controvèrsia sobre l’estudi de la filosofia en les comunitats jueves

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[40]

[41] [42]

[43]

[44] [45] [46]

occitanocatalanes a la primeria del segle xiv: Alguns documents essencials del llibre Minhat Quenaot d’Abamari ben Mossé de Lunèl»: Tamid, 1 (1997), p. 65-131, esp. p. 110-122. Aquesta controvèrsia es remunta a principis del segle xiii i sorgeix com a resultat de la recepció de l’obra de Maimònides. És interessant d’assenyalar que, l’any 1305, Salomó ben Adret, rabí de Barcelona, cabalista i conegut de Llull, va signar una excomunió (hérem) contra els qui estudiessin «els llibres dels grecs», és a dir, la filosofia, abans de tenir vint-i-cinc anys. Cal no oblidar, finalment, que Llull, pels volts de l’any 1311, era partidari de la prohibició de la lectura de les obres filosòfiques que (com les d’Averrois) fossin «contràries a la teologia» (vegeu Liber natalis, Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus VII, ed. Hermogenes Harada, «Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis» XXXII, Brepols, Turnhout 1975, p. 69; Liber de ente, Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus VIII, ed. Hermogenes Harada, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, XXXIV. Brepols, Turnhout 1980, p. 242; Vita coetanea, ibidem, 303). Prenem aquesta última expressió del títol d’un article clàssic de Robert Pring-Mill. «Els recontaments de l’arbre exemplifical de Ramon Llull: la transmutació de la ciència en literatura», recollit a Robert D.F. Pring-Mill. Estudis sobre Ramon Llull. Curial Edicions-Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1991, p. 307 i ss. Per a les relacions de Llull amb França, i totes les seves estades a París, és indispensable el llibre de Hillgarth citat a la nota 2. Per a aquesta estada de Llull a París i els seus contactes a la universitat, vegeu Albert Soler i Llopart. «El “Liber super Psalmum Quicumque” de Ramon Llull i l’opció pels tàrtars». Studia Lulliana, 32 (1992), p. 3-19, i íd.: «Ramon Llull and Peter of Limoges». Traditio, 48 (1993), p. 93-105. Per a la segona estada de Llull a París, vegeu Anthony Bonner. «L’Art de Llull com a alternativa a l’aristotelisme parisenc». Taula, 37 (2002), p. 11-19; i també Ramon Llull. Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus XVIII, ed. Abraham Soria Flores, Fernando Domínguez, Michel Senellart, Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, LXXX. Brepols, Turnhout 1991, p. 15-26. Per a Le Myésier, el llibre de Hillgarth citat a la nota 2. Per a la tercera estada de Llull a París, vegeu Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus V, ed. Helmut Riedlinger, Palma de Mallorca 1967, p. 114-160. Vegeu els documents 41-43 del Diplomatari citat a la nota 15. Per a les estades de Llull a la cort pontifícia romana, vegeu l’estudi ja clàssic de Miquel Batllori. «El lulismo en Italia. (Ensayo de síntesis)». Revista de Filosofía, 2 (1943), p. 253-313, 479-537; 3 (1944),

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Josep Maria Ruiz, Albert Soler

[47]

[48]

[49]

[50] [51]

[52]

[53]

[54] [55]

[56] [57]

p. 146, revisada i traduïda al català a íd.: Ramon Llull i el lul·lisme... citat a la nota 16, p. 221-335. Josep Perarnau i Espelt. «Un text català de Ramon Llull desconegut: la “Petició de Ramon Llull al papa Celestí V per a la conversió dels infidels”. Edició i estudi». Arxiu de Textos Catalans Antics, 1 (1982), p. 9-46. Josep Perarnau i Espelt. «Bonifacio VIII fra Raimondo Lullo e Arnaldo da Villanova». A: Bonifacio VIII. Ideologia e azione politica. Atti del convegno organizzato nell’ambito delle celebrazioni per il VII centenario della morte. Città del Vaticano-Roma, 26-28 aprile 2004. Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medioevo, Roma 2006, p. 423-432. Ramon Llull. Disputa del clergue Pere i de Ramon, el Fantàstic. Llibre de la ciutat del món, edició de L. Badia, Traducció de l’obra llatina de Ramon Llull, 1, Brepols, Turnhout-Edèndum, Santa Coloma de Queralt, en premsa. Vegeu els documents 33, 35, 37-40 i 45-51 del Diplomatari citat a la nota 15. Fernando Domínguez. «“In civitate Pisana, in monasterio Sancti Domnini”: algunas observaciones sobre la estancia de Ramon Llull en Pisa (13071308)». Traditio, 42 (1986), p. 389-437. Margherita Spampinato Beretta. «Lulio in Sicilia». Atti del Convegno Internazionale Ramon Llull; il lullismo internazionale, l’Italia. Napoli, 30 e 31 marzo, 1 aprile 1989. Istituto Universitario Orientale. Annali: Sezione Romanza, XXXIV, 1. Nàpols 1992, p. 145-162; Clifford R. Backman. The Decline and Fall of Medieval Sicily. Politics, Religion and Economy in the Reign of Frederick III, 12961337. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge 1995, p. 217-219. Anthony Bonner. «Reducere auctoritates ad necessarias rationes». Actes de les Jornades Internacionals Lul·lianes. Ramon Llull al s. xxi. Palma, 1, 2 i 3 d’abril de 2004. Maria Isabel Ripoll Perelló (ed.), Col·lecció Blaquerna, 5. Universitat de les Illes Balears-Universitat de Barcelona, Palma; Barcelona 2005, p. 49-52. Vegeu l’edició del Gentil citada a la nota 39. Per a l’evolució del personatge de Ramon Llull, vegeu el treball de L. Badia citat a la nota 34, i també Anthony Bonner. «Ramon Llull: autor, autoritat i il·luminat». Actes de l’Onzè Col·loqui Internacional de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes. Palma (Mallorca), 8-12 de setembre del 1998. Joan Mas i Vives, Joan Miralles i Monserrat i Pere Rosselló Bover (ed.). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1998, p. 35-60. Per a les relacions de Llull amb el món musulmà l’estudi més complet és encara Dominique Urvoy (veure nota 24). Vegeu el relat d’aquesta estada a la Vita coetanea, edició citada a la nota 32, p. 289-293.

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[58] Armand Llinarès. «Le séjour de Raymond Lulle à Bougie (1307) et la “Disputatio Raymundi Christiani et Hamar Saraceni”». Estudios Lulianos, 4 (1960), p. 63-72. [59] Vegeu el relat d’aquesta estada a la Vita coetanea, edició citada a la nota 32, p. 297-301. [60] Vegeu Raimundi Lulli Opera Latina, Tomus XXII. Alois Madre (ed.), Corpus Christianorum, Con-

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tinuatio Mediaevalis, CXIV. Brepols, Turnhout 1998. [61] Armand Llinarès. «Les séjours de Raymond Lulle à Tunis et les derniers moments de sa vie». Revue de la Méditerranée, 20 (1960), p. 495-502. [62] Jordi Gayà. «Ramon Llull en Oriente (1301-1302); circunstancias de un viaje». Studia Lulliana, 37 (1997), p. 25-78.

Nota biogràfica Josep Maria Ruiz és doctor en filosofia i llicenciat en filologia catalana per la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, i professor titular de filosofia a la Universitat de Girona. Especialitzat en filosofia medieval, és autor de diversos treballs sobre el pensament de Llull, entre els quals cal destacar L’Art de Ramon Llull i la teoria escolàstica de la ciència (Barcelona: Quaderns Crema, 1999). És membre del Centre de Documentació Ramon Llull de la Universitat de Barcelona (www. ub.edu/centrellull). Albert Soler és doctor en filologia catalana per la Universitat de Barcelona. És professor titular de literatura catalana medieval a la Universitat de Barcelona. Especialitzat en Ramon Llull i els autors que li són coetanis, és autor de diverses edicions crítiques d’obres lul·lianes, entre les quals cal destacar el Llibre d’amic e amat (Barcelona: Barcino, 1995). És membre del Centre de Documentació Ramon Llull de la Universitat de Barcelona.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 211-222 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.15 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

La família Borja: historiografia, llegenda, tema literari Eulàlia Duran i Grau*

Institut d’estudis Catalans

Resum La família valenciana dels Borja ha exercit des del segle xv una fascinació continuada pel fet d’haver aconseguit, gràcies a la carrera eclesiàstica, un poder insòlit a Itàlia i a València. Ha suscitat a tot Europa, en especial a Itàlia però també a Alemanya, Gran Bretanya i França i no cal dir-ho a València, una ingent paperassa en el camp llegendari fins a convertir-la en blanc de tots els vicis, com a tema literari en les lletres i en la filmografia i ha estat objecte, en part com a reacció, d’una historiografia seriosa basada en documentació arxivística sobretot a partir del darrer terç del segle xix fins aquests darrers anys, que s’ha incrementat amb motiu del cinc-cents anys del pontificat d’Alexandre VI. Intento fer-ne un balanç i aportar algunes explicacions per comprendre aquest interès.

Paraules clau: els Borja, els Borgia, segle xvi, historiografia, llegenda, tema literari La família valenciana dels Borja constitueix un cas insòlit: aconseguí al llarg dels segles xv i xvi el màxim poder eclesiàstic i també polític a Itàlia i una sòlida situació a València. Està formada essencialment per dos papes, oncle i nebot, i pels fills d’aquest darrer. La família actuà com un veritable clan i pel seu poder i riquesa fou considerada com una família perversa, criminal, incestuosa, però també emprenedora, vital, lliure d’hipocresia, defensora del patrimoni eclesiàstic. El seu poder provocà por, enveja i animadversió, sentiments que es plasmaren en una història llegendària coneguda amb el nom de llegenda negra que afectà tota la família i que ha durat fins els nostres dies. La llegenda, basada principalment en l’escàndol, pretenia explicar el poder insòlit d’aquesta família, s’anà consolidant amb el temps i produí una gran quantitat de publicacions: obres polèmiques, tendencioses, que abraçaren tots els gèneres, des dels simples pamflets o pasquins, a cròniques, poesia, obres de teatre, novel·la i finalment més de quaranta pel·lícules. Caldrà esperar el darrer terç del segle xix per trobar les primeres investigacions serioses basades en fonts arxivístiques. Aquestes investigacions s’han anat consolidant, però no han desbancat la literatura basada en la llegenda que encara persisteix. En definitiva cal concloure que, a Europa, els Borja no han deixat indiferent ningú i han suscitat interpretacions diverses en bona part mediatitzades pels aires dels temps en què han estat escrites.

* Adreça de contacte: Eulàlia Duran i Grau. Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC), Secció Històrico-Arqueològica. Carme 47. 08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 932701628. E-mail: iieb@elsborja.org

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La família L’origen de la família Borja és obscur, en tot cas no és prestigiós i aquest fet sempre pesà com una llosa. Procedia de la localitat aragonesa de Borja i participà, el segle xiii, en la conquesta del País Valencià sota Jaume I el Conqueridor. Dues branques en destacaren: una de cavallers anomenats Gil de Borja i una altra de tintorers d’ofici anomenats simplement Borja i que serien els avantpassats dels papes Borja. El 1419 les dues branques s’uniren, per matrimoni. D’aquesta manera, l’origen familiar, gràcies a la similitud dels cognoms, adquirí un cert aire de noblesa.1 Un germà de la núvia, Alfons de Borja (1378-1459) va esdevenir el 1455 el primer papa de la família amb el nom de Calixt III. Degué el seu ascens meteòric bàsicament als seus dots diplomàtics en l’etapa final del Cisma i des del 1417 sobretot a favor del rei Alfons el Magnànim, en ingressar a la cancelleria reial; va esdevenir vicecanceller i a partir del 1442 president del Consell Reial. El 1429 havia estat nomenat bisbe de València i el 1444 cardenal fet que el portà a traslladar-se definitivament a Roma. El 1455 fou elegit papa amb l’amenaça turca com a rerefons, ja que Constantinoble havia caigut a les seves mans el 1453. La seva política se centrà infructuosament a convocar una croada contra els turcs.2 Papa estranger, Calixt s’envoltà de servidors procedents de la corona catalanoaragonesa i vetllà per la promoció dels seus nebots: Pere Lluís de Borja fou nomenat capità general de l’exèrcit pontifici, però morí prematurament el 1458, i Roderic de Borja (el futur papa) fou nomenat cardenal i vicecanceller pontifici, se-

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guint una pràctica habitual en la història pontifícia. Calixt III exercí els seus càrrecs de forma discreta, però eficaç, i posà els fonaments de l’ascens social de la seva família. Alguna anècdota més o menys llegendària pretén explicar aquest enlairament per una intervenció divina en la seva carrera. Per exemple, encara nen, sant Vicent Ferrer li hauria predit que acabaria sent papa i que el canonitzaria a ell. I així fou. Fou el gran impulsor de la família però la seva figura quedà sempre al marge dels atacs dels seus successors. Roderic de Borja (1431-1503), papa amb el nom d’Alexandre VI, el segon papa Borja, és ja una personalitat més complexa i sobretot controvertida.3 Gràcies al seu oncle Calixt III, començà a acumular càrrecs: a més de cardenal i vicecanceller de la cúria romana (1456 i 1457), fou comissari de les tropes pontifícies i aconseguí, entre d’altres beneficis i dignitats, l’abadia de Subiaco i l’administració dels bisbats de Girona, València, Cartagena i Mallorca. Fou considerat un dels cardenals més rics de l’època. En morir Calixt el 1458, no abandonà Roma llevat del breu període de la seva legació diplomàtica el 1472-1473 a la península Ibèrica en què visità solemnement la seu valenciana, que presidia des del 1458. Com a papa intentà, sense gaire èxit, d’aplicar la reforma eclesiàstica, sobretot a la mort del seu fill Joan el 1497. Dugué a terme algunes accions testimonials a favor de la croada contra el turc o de l’evangelització amb la tramesa de Bernat Boïl al Nou Món. Respecte a les noves terres descobertes, en una de les butlles conegudes com a butlles alexandrines (1493), confirmava el domini de la Corona de Castella sobre les terres descobertes al primer viatge de Cristòfor Colom.4 Acollí els jueus expulsats d’Espanya en contra de la voluntat dels Reis Catòlics.5 Per raons més polítiques que no eclesiàstiques s’enfrontà amb Girolamo Savonarola, que havia convertit Florència, a la caiguda dels Mèdici, en una república democràtica i teocràtica alhora, i l’excomunicà; jutjat per la Senyoria, fou cremat per heretge a la plaça de Florència el 1498.6 El 1500 celebrà solemnement el Jubileu, fet que s’ha vist com l’inici urbanístic de la Roma moderna transformant-la en una fusió de ciutat santa i d’antiga ciutat imperial. Va protegir algunes universitats,7 en especial la de València, i s’envoltà d’humanistes, que premià amb dignitats o amb càrrecs a la seva cúria,8 però va destacar sobretot pel mecenatge artístic.9 Des del punt de vista polític, intentà mantenir l’equilibri peninsular. Itàlia es trobava dividida essencialment en quatre grans unitats: al nord el ducat de Milà i la república de Venècia, al centre els Estats Pontificis i al sud el regne de Nàpols. L’amenaça externa venia de part de les dues grans potències de Castella-Aragó i de França, que cobejaven el regne de Nàpols i el ducat de Milà. Aquesta amenaça explica bona part del joc polític fluctuant d’Alexandre entre aquestes dues monarquies, i justifica la seva política intervencionista a Itàlia. Els onze anys del pontificat van ser marcats, doncs, per aliances i distanciaments amb els diferents blocs que es formaven a Europa

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per enfrontar-se a l’agressiva política de Carles VIII i de Lluís XII de França per decantar-se finalment per una política profrancesa. Aquests afers de política internacional són indestriables de les baralles amb els senyors feudals que envoltaven els Estats Pontificis o que tradicionalment es disputaven el control de Roma i el papat (Colonna, Orsini, Della Rovere, Sforza, etc.). Per contrarestar els cardenals contraris i per tal d’aconseguir fons per subvencionar les campanyes militars, Alexandre optà per crear cardenals afins, la majoria procedents de la Corona d’Aragó. Durant el seu pontificat el nombre de cardenals passà de 24 a 45 i el percentatge d’italians passà del 90% al 60%. No és estrany que aquesta política li creés nombrosos enemics. Amb tot, l’aspecte més controvertit fou l’ostentosa promoció dels seus fills. El cardenal Roderic de Borja havia tingut un mínim de nou fills, reconeguts per aquest i legitimitats. Els tres primers (Pere Lluís, Jerònima i Elisabet) són de mare o mares desconegudes; per a Pere Lluís (vers 1468-1488), el primogènit, creà el ducat de Gandia, el gran patrimoni borgià a la Corona d’Aragó. De Vannozza (Giovanna) Cattanei, una matrona romana molt emprenedora i discreta, tingué quatre fills: Cèsar (1475-1507), dedicat d’entrada a la carrera eclesiàstica; Joan (vers 14781497), segon duc de Gandia (per mort del seu germanastre Pere Lluís); Lucrècia (1480-1519), peça clau de la política matrimonial del papa, i Jofré (nascut vers 1481/1482), casat amb una filla il·legítima del rei Alfons II de Nàpols, matrimoni pel qual esdevingué príncep de Squillace. Coneixem encara dos fills més d’Alexandre, nascuts durant el pontificat: Joan, duc de Nepi i de Camerino (1498?1546), conegut com «l’infant romà» (sobre el qual es va escampar el rumor que era fill incestuós de Lucrècia i Alexandre), i Roderic, clergue (nascut vers 1503 i mort el 1527).10 Que els cardenals tinguessin fills era un fet força habitual a l’època anterior al Concili de Trento. El dietarista municipal de Barcelona consignava oficialment l’arribada del segon duc de Gandia a la ciutat amb aquestes paraules: «Aquest die entrà en la platge de Barcelona lo duch de Gandia, fill de nostre Sant Pare Alexandre.»11 El papa no se n’amagava i el fet no escandalitzava a ningú. En el cas dels fills tinguts durant el seu pontificat ja es comportà de manera més ambigua. Hi havia però un ingredient que causava animadversió: i era la seva obsessió per col·locar els fills atorgant-los territoris i títols, i l’ostentació que en feia, al mateix Vaticà. I proliferaren les crítiques dels contemporanis a la ràpida ascensió d’una família estrangera que havia basat la seva fortuna en la carrera dins l’Església.12 Val la pena deturar-nos ara en dos dels fills més famosos: Cèsar i Lucrècia. Cèsar Borja és la personalitat més brillant i controvertida dels Borja.13 Nasqué a Roma el 1475. Destinat a la carrera eclesiàstica i seguint el costum familiar, des dels set anys acumulà beneficis i dignitats eclesiàstiques: el 1482 era protonotari apostòlic, canonge de València i ardiaca de Xàtiva, el 1491 bisbe de Pamplo-

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na. Tingué com a preceptors el mallorquí Esperandéu Espanyol, poeta en llatí, i el futur cardenal Joan Vera. Estudià a Perusa i cursà dret civil i canònic a Pisa. En ser elegit papa Alexandre VI, Cèsar el succeí en l’arquebisbat de València (1492) i fou nomenat cardenal el 1493. Poc inclinat a la carrera eclesiàstica, hi renuncià el 1498 i assumí la capitania general dels exèrcits pontificis. Inicià una campanya d’aproximació al nou rei de França que culminà en un viatge a la cort francesa on es firmà el seu casament amb Carlota d’Albret, germana del rei Joan de Navarra. Entre d’altres títols, el rei de França li concedí el comtat, després ducat, de Valentinès al migdia de França. Amb l’ajuda francesa recuperà una part dels territoris pontificis, la Romanya a les Marques, foragitant-ne els senyors d’algunes ciutats feudatàries de la Santa Seu. L’eficàcia militar de Cèsar i els seus exèrcits esdevingué llegendària, encara que sembla que el joc diplomàtic fou tant o més eficaç que la força de les armes. La campanya culminà amb l’entrada triomfal de Cèsar a Roma el febrer del 1500 on rebé el títol de duc de la Romanya.14 Les incursions militars a aquesta regió continuaren els anys 1500-1502, i amenaçaren la Toscana: la Signoria florentina envià Maquiavel com a ambaixador davant del duc; els seus informes, i sobretot els comentaris que en faria a Il principe, assentaren bona part de la imatge de Cèsar per als segles posteriors.15 El duc alternà les campanyes militars amb estades a Roma, des d’on reorganitzà l’administració de la Romanya, governada a través de lloctinents i on intentà implantar mesures fiscals i monetàries centralitzadores. Encomanà a Leonardo da Vinci que projectés una sèrie de grans construccions hidràuliques per tal de canalitzar el riu de Cesena fins al mar. Se’n conserven els dibuixos però les obres no foren realitzades.16 S’ha volgut veure en la política de Cèsar una intencionalitat que en faria un precedent de la unitat italiana: aquesta teoria alimentada en època de Garibaldi i posteriorment en època feixista ha estat descartada recentment per Enrico Angiolini (2003): seria fruit de la ideologia d’aquesta època però inversemblant aplicada als primers anys del segle xv en què Itàlia estava dominada per barons feudals i en què el concepte de territorialitat encara no existia. Podríem fer un paral· lelisme amb el tractament que han rebut els Reis Catòlics per determinada historiografia castellana. La mort d’Alexandre l’estiu del 1503 suposà l’inici del declivi de la carrera de Cèsar, que en bona part es nodria de les arques pontificals. Malalt ell mateix, aconseguí influir en el conclave perquè nomenés un papa neutral, Pau III Piccolomini, que moriria, però, poques setmanes després. El seu successor, el bel·licós Juli II della Rovere, antic enemic d’Alexandre, no renovà la capitania general de Cèsar i decidí annexionar la Romanya directament al patrimoni de l’Església. Cèsar es rendí al papa el 1503; fet presoner a Roma, aconseguí fugir a Nàpols. Arrestat pel Gran Capità (1504),17 fou enviat com a presoner als castells de Chinchilla (Múrcia) i la Mota (Medina del Campo), d’on el 1506 s’escapà i féu cap a Navarra, on es posà al servei del seu cunyat, el rei consort Joan (Albret), per aca-

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bar amb els bàndols navarresos; morí en una escaramussa militar a Viana, el març del 1507, ara fa cinc-cents anys, actuant com a capità general de les tropes del rei. Deixava una filla de Carlota d’Albret, Lluïsa, i alguns fills il· legítims, dels quals tingué cura la seva germana Lucrècia. Lucrècia Borja18 havia nascut probablement a Subiaco, l’abril del 1480, i s’havia criat a Roma sota la tutela de la seva parenta Adriana del Milà, en companyia, entre d’altres, de Giulia Farnese, la bella Giulia, nova amant d’Alexandre VI. Les negociacions per a unions que no van arribar a bon port i els seus matrimonis, reflecteixen els contextos i els objectius polítics del seu pare. El febrer del 1491, l’aleshores encara vicecanceller pensà entroncar a través d’ella amb l’alta noblesa valenciana, però el novembre del 1492 Alexandre, ja papa, convertí Lucrècia en una peça del seu joc polític a Itàlia, i la facultà per exercir algun càrrec, com el de governadora de Spoleto.19 Apareixia sovint al costat del seu pare en cerimònies públiques, i, cosa que escandalitzava el mestre de cerimònies i dietarista Johannes Burckard, en absència d’aquell, residia a les habitacions pontifícies, i se li permetia obrir-li la correspondència i convocar els cardenals en cas de necessitat. El primer casament de Lucrècia fou amb Giovanni Sforza, senyor de Pesaro, per assegurar l’aliança amb el duc de Milà, Ludovico Sforza il Moro. Les noces se celebraren el 1493 al Vaticà amb tota solemnitat. La unió va durar poc: el matrimoni fou anul·lat amb l’argument que no havia estat consumat. I és que el papa es decantava a favor de la dinastia aragonesa de Nàpols. Com a resultat d’aquest apropament el juny del 1498 se signaren els capítols matrimonials de Lucrècia amb Alfons d’Aragó, fill del difunt rei Alfons II, que duia el títol de duc de Bisceglie. D’aquesta unió nasqué el seu fill Roderic. Poc abans, el mateix 1498, se situa el naixement de Joan, el misteriós infans romanus, futur duc de Nepi, que hom ha considerat bé fill de Lucrècia i d’un servidor, bé de Cèsar o d’Alexandre i d’una dona anònima (com indiquen dues butlles del 1501) o bé fill incestuós de Lucrècia i el seu pare. El nou gir de la política del papa, aquesta vegada cap a França, davant la nova amenaça d’incursió francesa, posà en perill la vida del marit de Lucrècia a Roma, i aquest fou finalment assassinat el 1501, sembla que seguint ordres de Cèsar. El desembre d’aquest any s’acordà un nou matrimoni de Lucrècia, ara amb l’hereu del ducat de Ferrara, Alfons d’Este, futur Alfons II. Aquesta unió, que costà molts diners davant les reticències del duc Hèrcules de Ferrara que no aconseguia esbrinar l’origen nebulós de la família, aportà als Borja el desitjat prestigi aristocràtic italià i una aliança favorable a les ambicions de Cèsar aleshores en plena campanya a la Romanya. Lucrècia havia sortit de Roma el 1502 per instal·lar-se a la cort ducal dels Este i ja no va tornar mai més a la ciutat. La historiografia d’arrel romàntica ha interpretat els anys a Ferrara com un retir aburgesat que la salvà de la caiguda dels Borja. La mort d’Alexandre deixà Lucrècia en una situació delicada, davant de la campanya de descrèdit con-

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tra la família, tot i que la relació amb els Este la’n mantingué relativament al marge. Quan Cèsar fou empresonat, Lucrècia intercedí a favor seu davant de diverses autoritats, entre les quals hi havia el seu sogre Hèrcules d’Este, que contemplà la possibilitat d’una tornada de Cèsar a la Romanya. Amb tot, aquests anys són lluny de constituir un recer: en heretar el seu marit el ducat com a Alfons II, Lucrècia esdevingué duquessa de Ferrara (1505). El 1508 naixia el seu fill i futur duc Hèrcules. La cort es veié sacsejada per les dissensions familiars entre Alfons i els seus germans i germanastres, dissensions novel·lesques motivades per l’avidesa de poder, de gelosia i de passió amorosa. L’ambició de Venècia i del papat —Juli II i Lleó X— d’incorporar el ducat de Ferrara als Estats Pontificis, féu que el duc, creat gonfanoner de l’exèrcit de l’Església el 1509, es veiés immers en contínues guerres, durant les quals Lucrècia exercí com a lloctinent; Alfons recuperà el ducat, però perdé part del seu territori davant del papa Juli II. Lucrècia es voltà d’un grup de cortesans, alguns d’ells humanistes, com el venecià Pietro Bembo, que li dedicà la seva obra Gli Assolani.20 S’ha conservat la correspondència amorosa, més o menys platònica entre els dos, en italià.21 Un humanista local22 que feia d’intermediari fou trobat mort en un dels carrers de Ferrara amb sospita d’una possible intervenció del duc. Eliminar les persones que feien nosa era una política corrent a la Itàlia de l’època. Mantingué també relació politicoamorosa amb el marquès de Màntua, Francesco Gonzaga, marit d’Isabel d’Este, la seva cunyada; aquest l’ajudà en les tasques de govern de Ferrara en absència del duc.23 Les complicacions del darrer part —tingué en total set fills— portaren Lucrècia a la tomba el 1519. S’ha parlat d’una evolució espiritual dels darrers anys cap a una vida més devota, cosa que testimoniarien les seves fundacions religioses —convents per educar els fills d’ella i de la seva dama de companyia i íntima amiga Àngela Borja, parenta seva—,24 i una carta modèlica plena de resignació i d’humilitat al papa Lleó X quan ja li quedava poc temps de vida. S’ha contraposat la seva etapa romana, model de crueltat, de cinisme, de luxúria, amb la de Ferrara, on portà una vida més tranquil·la i segons alguns fou i és encara considerada una santa. Des de Gregorovius (1874) persisteix la idea que fou una víctima a les mans de Cèsar i d’Alexandre VI. La família desaparegué de fet d’Itàlia amb la mort de Lucrècia. Però sobrevisqué al regne de València amb els ducs de Gandia.25 Tingué un inici desgraciat: Pere Lluís, el primer duc, morí prematurament. El succeí el seu germanastre Joan de Borja, que es casà amb María Enríquez, el 1493, unió que segellava la connexió entre la família i el rei Ferran II el Catòlic. Roderic, ara com a papa Alexandre VI, estigué sempre molt atent a tot el que succeïa a Gandia. Ja arran del viatge del nou duc des de Roma a Barcelona, no s’estava d’aconsellar-lo minuciosament —en català— sobre diversos aspectes del seu comportament. El jove duc sembla que no es prengué gaire seriosa-

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ment les recomanacions del pare perquè portà una vida poc apropiada al seu rang a Barcelona. El seu germà Cèsar li recriminà que anés per les teulades empaitant gats.26 Tanmateix el duc no visqué massa anys: cridat a Roma, el 1497 fou assassinat, sembla que per ordre de Cèsar que es preparava el seu nou camí civil. Arran de la mort del papa Alexandre el 1503, la branca valenciana dels Borja esdevingué autònoma del Vaticà. La regència de la duquessa vídua María Enríquez prengué una direcció hispànica: assegurà la successió del seu fill Joan i es posà sota la tutela de Ferran el Catòlic. Ingressà finalment al convent de Santa Clara de Gandia, d’on va ser abadessa. Amb el seu fill Joan, quart duc de Gandia (1497-1543), es reprengueren i s’accentuaven els contactes amb la cort castellana; el duc col·laborà militarment i econòmicament amb l’emperador Carles en la guerra de les Germanies, i el territori ducal esdevingué camp de batalla: el 1521 fou derrotat per l’exèrcit agermanat, que li destruí el palau, arxiu inclòs.27 El seu fill Francesc de Borja, cinquè duc i futur sant, continuà la vinculació amb la monarquia i fou virrei de Catalunya.28 Posteriorment, en fer-se jesuïta, passà el ducat al seu fill Carles de Borja, que hi donà un nou impuls en unir-se matrimonialment amb l’hereva dels veïns comtes d’Oliva. La gestió del nou ducat borgià corregia la fragmentació del període anterior amb una tendència a la unitat jurisdiccional, a través de la compra de petits senyorius i la inversió d’importants quantitats de diners en la compra de censals, activitat que convertí el llinatge en creditor de ciutats, viles i particulars dels seus territoris. La base econòmica del ducat de Gandia era el conreu de canyamel i l’explotació dels trapigs o molins de sucre amb mà d’obra, majoritàriament morisca.29 La cort dels ducs de Gandia, a diferència de la dels comtes d’Oliva més literària, respirava més aviat una atmosfera d’espiritualitat franciscana. El duc Joan de Borja, el pare de sant Francesc deixà, en morir, una biblioteca amb 280 títols, la meitat dels quals eren llibres religiosos dins la línia franciscana, però també hi figuraven 27 obres d’Erasme i onze de Lluís Vives. Es dedicà al mecenatge envers alguns professors universitaris i fomentà la conversió dels moriscs. Tot aquest ambient no vol dir que els ducs no intervinguessin en bandositats quan s’esqueia i es veiessin implicats en crims familiars seguint la tradició dels seus avantpassats a Roma.30 Durant el govern del duc Carles de Borja (1550-1592) trobem les primeres lloances explícites a membres de la família Borja: Jorge de Montemayor lloa algunes dames d’aquest llinatge.31 Gaspar Gil Polo lloa Calixt III, Alexandre VI, Cèsar Borja i altre membres posteriors del ducat de Gandia.

Historiografia Gràcies a l’impacte de l’obra de Jacob Burckhardt, Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien (1860), va augmentar l’interès per la cultura del Renaixement italià, interès que

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aleshores dominà Europa. El nou interès promogué la recerca als arxius i procurà deixar al marge la llegenda. La historiografia romàntica recuperà molts documents i assentà les bases per a estudis rigorosos al llarg del segle xx. Arreu foren publicats documents inèdits extrets dels grans arxius, en especial del Vaticà i dels ducs d’Osuna.32 Pel que fa el papa Alexandre VI, cal citar en primer lloc la monumental Història dels papes33 de Ludwig von Pastor (1854-1928), traduïda a gairebé totes les llengües, en la qual aprofità documentació de l’Arxiu Secret del Vaticà (recentment obert a la investigació) i d’uns 230 arxius europeus. Davant la proliferació de la llegenda, pretenia contrarestar-la basant-se en els fets. Igualment, l’historiador belga Peter de Roo (1839-1926), militant catòlic, publicava el 192434 en cinc volums nous materials sobre el papa. Ja a mitjan segle xx, en la línia de Roo, i a casa nostra, podem citar la reivindicació d’Elías Olmos y Canalda,35 que publicà alguns valuosos documents inèdits cedits per Lluís Cerveró (1955). El mateix Miquel Batllori dedicà al papa el seu discurs d’ingrés a l’Academia de la Historia (1958).36 La historiografia romàntica també posà de moda el gènere literari de la biografia, històrica i literària que, per fugir també de la llegenda antiborgiana, inicià la incursió als arxius, especialment els notarials, i fomentà l’estudi de la correspondència diplomàtica i privada. L’iniciador d’aquest corrent fou l’escriptor i historiador protestant Ferdinand Gregorovius (1821-1891), que, alhora que escrivia la seva obra magna sobre la ciutat de Roma a l’època medieval,37 publicava també entre el 1856 i el 1877 uns excel·lents llibres de viatges38 que demostren que era un bon coneixedor de tota la geografia italiana i un bon escriptor. Ja en plena maduresa, publicà el 1874 la biografia de Lucrezia Borgia.39 Tingué un gran èxit, fou una de les primeres temptatives de rehabilitació històrica d’un membre de la família Borja i donà a aquest corrent un impuls definitiu. Utilitzà nova informació arxivística procedent especialment dels arxius de Roma, de Mòdena i de Màntua i, amb profusió, les cròniques coetànies, detallisme narratiu que impregna tota l’obra. Des del primer moment esdevingué una obra de referència sobre la matèria i s’ha convertit en un clàssic que es reedita o tradueix periòdicament. Les aportacions de Gregorovius han estat completades i puntualment rectificades, però no superades per les obres posteriors. Entre aquestes cal citar Isabella d’Este e i Borgia d’Alessandro Luzio (1915), la Lucrezia Borgia40 de l’escriptora Maria Bellonci (1939), tantes vegades reeditada i ja un clàssic, la de Geneviève Chastenet (1993)41 i, especialment, la de Sarah Bradford (2004),42 que aprofita documentació procedent dels l’arxius de Màntua, de Mòdena i d’altres arxius italians, sobretot la correspondència de l’època. Paral·lelament, dins la sèrie de biografies de Cèsar Borja cal destacar l’obra Cesare Borgia: A Biografy de William Harrison Woodward publicada el 1913 amb una clara i explícita intenció de fer una obra històrica crítica contra el tractament partidista o romàntic del tema aleshores en-

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cara vigent. Obra encara de referència tingué nombrosos continuadors, sobretot anglesos. Com és el cas de Sarah Bradford. 43 Pel que fa la llegenda, i amb motiu dels cinc-cents anys de l’elecció d’Alexandre VI, se celebrà el 1992 en la petita ciutat alemanya Schwäbisch Hall un congrés sobre els Borja44 organitzat per Marion Hermann-Röttgen, historiadora especialitzada en la llegenda borgiana i a qui devem els primers estudis distanciats i objectius sobre aquesta matèria literària (1992).45 D’entre les aportacions al congrés destaca per la seva envergadura i novetat la de Marià Carbonell i Buades sobre el mecenatge de Roderic de Borja.46 Darrerament, la celebració del V centenari del pontificat d’Alexandre VI ha promogut nombrosos estudis sobre el papa Borja. En especial els sis congressos organitzats per l’associació Roma nel Rinascimento47 entre el 1999 i el 2001 i que representen un avanç important en l’estudi dels Borja: Roma di fronte all’Europa al tempo di Alessandro VI;48 De València a Roma a través dels Borja;49 Principato eclesiastico riuso dei Classici. Gli humanisti e Alessandro VI;50 La fortuna dei Borgia;51 Le rocche alessandrine e la rocca di Cività Castellana;52Alessandro VI. Dal Mediterraneo all’Atlantico53 i Reflessioni per un pontificato.54 Cal tenir també en compte congressos no dedicats especificament als Borja però sí en part. És el cas del congrés internacional Roma e la Spagna. Crogiolo della cultura europea nell’età moderna, celebrat el 8-12 de maig del 2007 organitzat per la Sociedad Estatal para la Acción Cultural Exterior. Dedica un dels temes a I Borgia e i Re cattolici: la configurazione della presenza spagnola a Roma: «La Corona d’Aragona e i Borgia» per Bruno Figliuolo (Universitat d’Udine) i «La Corona di Castiglia e i Borgia» per Julio Valdeón (Universitat de Valladolid). Ferrara ha celebrat també el 2002 la figura de Lucrècia Borja com a duquessa de Ferrara i el seu temps amb una sèrie d’actes, exposicions i publicacions per diverses institucions de la ciutat en especial per l’Istituto di Studi Rinascimentali de Ferrara, que ha dedicat al tema alguns articles interessants de la seva revista Schifanoia.55 És d’interès Lucrezia Borgia «La beltà, la virtù, la fama onesta».56 Sobre Cèsar Borgia com a duc de la Romanya, és molt interessant el volum miscel·lani Leonardo, Machiavelli, Cesare Borgia. Arte, Storia e Scienza in Romagna 1500-1503, publicat el 2003. València, a més de celebrar l’any jubilar d’Alexandre VI amb l’esmentat Congrés adherit a la sèrie organitzada per l’associació Roma nel Rinascimento, De València a Roma a través dels Borja (2000), ja havia organitzat actes des del 1992 amb motiu dels cinc-cents anys de l’elecció de Roderic de Borja com a papa Alexandre VI. El promotor dels diversos actes fou Miquel Batllori. N’és un exemple la publicació de la versió catalana dels Documenti inediti sulla famiglia e la corte di Alessandro VI de Mario Menotti (1917) a cura de Miquel Batllori i de Ximo Company (València: 1992), corregida i actualitzada i que conté

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un extens i innovador estudi de Marià Cabonell («Sobre la iconografia de l’apartament Borja del Vaticà»); el volum 17 de la revista Afers que aplega els estudis del congrés dedicat als Borja celebrat a Alemanya presentat per Miquel Batllori (Catarroja, 1994); la celebració del I Simposi Internacional sobre els Borja, L’Europa renaixentista el 1994 (València, 1998), que aporta un estat de la qüestió dels principals temes borgians; el volum miscel·lani publicat per la Generalitat Valenciana, Els temps dels Borja, també amb la participació de M. Batllori (València, 1996). Cal afegir igualment els catàlegs de les exposicions Xàtiva, els Borja: una projecció europea, Xàtiva, 1995 i Sucre i Borja. La canyamel dels ducs (Gandia, 2000), amb aportacions noves sobre el tema. I l’Estudio sobre los Borja, conferències pronunciades el 2001 en el Cicle de l’Any dels Borja, publicades per la Real Academia de Cultura Valenciana (València, 2002). Un esment a part mereix la contribució de Miquel Batllori a l’estudi de la família Borja. La major part de les seves investigacions estan recollides al volum IV de la seva Obra Completa (València, 1994). Posteriorment ha publicat una sèrie de cartes inèdites a De València a Roma. Cartes triades dels Borja (Barcelona, 1998). En realitat Miquel Batllori ha estat el gran promotor dels estudis sobre els Borja i la seva participació ha estat constant en tots els congressos sobre el tema, en pròlegs d’exposicions i publicacions. Ell reconeix sempre que la iniciativa prové de la tasca arxivística duta a terme per Lluís Cerveró (19021983) en els arxius valencians. Les seves abundants fitxes sobre documentació històrica i cultural, que inclouen els Borja, es poden consultar a l’Arxiu del Regne de València. A l’Arxiu Històric dels Jesuïtes de Catalunya es conserva un fragment de proves d’una Genealogía documentada de los Borjas. Siglos xii-xvi de Cerveró i un estudi preliminar de Batllori (Roma, 1969) que no progressà,57 però que es pot considerar un precedent del primer volum de la sèrie Diplomatari Borja que publica l’IIEB.58 L’any 2005 ha aparegut la primera biografia del papa Calixt III de Miquel Navarro, que aporta molta documentació nova i ha esdevingut una obra clàssica de consulta.59 El 2007 s’ha celebrat el cinquè centenari de la mort de Cèsar Borja. Per aquest ha tingut lloc a València i a Gandia el 21-23 de novembre el II Simposi Internacional sobre Els Borja: els fills del senyor Papa, organitzat per l’Institut Internacional d’Estudis Borgians. Ha tractat sobre «Història i cultura escrita», «Mecenatge i representació: la imatge dels Borja» i ha acollit una taula rodona sobre la «Documentació borgiana en arxius europeus», a més d’alguns actes alternatius. És una de les activitats de l’Institut, que darrerament duu a terme una sèrie de publicacions sobre documentació borgiana ja esmentada (Diplomatari Borja), d’obres clàssiques sobre els Borja («Biblioteca Borja») i la web (www.elsborja.org) que aporta més informació bibliogràfica recent així com també sobre filmografia borgiana. Té en preparació publicar, a més de les altres seccions ja en xarxa, una revista sobre temàtica borgiana.

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La llegenda Fins ara la realitat dels fets. Però la interpretació d’aquests ja és una altra cosa i pot crear de manera paral·lela una història imaginària i fantasiosa que pretén explicar fets insòlits o difícils de creure i difon una imatge pública que pot arribar a tenir una significació històrica més gran que no la pròpia situació real, sovint més complexa. La interpretació és subjecta a uns condicionaments generals que cal tenir en compte. El papat arrossegava des de l’època medieval mala fama, sobretot entre els corrents religiosos reformadors. El Cisma de l’Església havia conreat aquest clima i les ànsies de reforma s’incrementaven amb el temps. Les crítiques contra el papat i en general la corrupció de l’Església eren freqüents: les acusacions de simonia, abusos, tràfic d’influències, moral laxa, ostentació de riquesa, estaven a l’ordre del dia. El retorn a Roma dels papes d’Avinyó no resolgué, sinó més aviat accentuà, molts d’aquests defectes. Els corrents reformadors protestants i catòlics com els erasmistes en farien el blanc de les seves acusacions. I Roma, que ja no assistia a les solemnes coronacions dels emperadors germànics, retornà a l’antiga esplendor gràcies a la coronació dels papes, les llargues i solemnes celebracions litúrgiques, la riquesa dels ornaments, l’ostentació de la riquesa al Vaticà i els palaus cardenalicis. Tot plegat havia transformat Roma en una ciutat eclesiàstica i cortesana. Des del punt de vista polític, al segle xv, els papes havien pretès convertir la seu pontifícia en una mena de monarquia hereditària o, almenys, consolidada: d’aquí el nepotisme exercit en el nomenament de cardenals entre els familiars per tal d’assolir-ho. Fou una política aplicada ja pel primer papa Borja, Calixt III, i continuada pels seu nebot Roderic de Borja, cardenal i després papa, el qual fou en això un gran expert i rivalitzà, en pla d’igualtat i amb filigrana vaticana, amb les grans famílies romanes que seguien la mateixa política. La necessitat de comptar amb nebots o fills per assegurar la fidelitat, les aliances i la successió, com ho feien les monarquies europees, podria explicar la proliferació de fills de papes, al marge o a més de la possible concupiscència, aspecte que, en tot cas, no fou privatiu dels Borja. Però aquesta pretensió resultava poc segura —el nomenament de fills propis no assegurava tampoc la continuïtat de la família a la seu pontifícia— i era cara, perquè calia comprar els vots dels cardenals per ser elegit papa. Per això, a la llarga, seria abandonada. La situació administrativa era un altre punt fonamental: la burocràcia es trobava en plena expansió a totes les corts europees i, igualment, al Vaticà davant la necessitat de recobrar el perdut control dels territoris pontificis; perquè des de l’absència dels papes de Roma durant el Cisma, poderoses famílies s’havien anat apoderant de parcel·les locals de poder, famílies no sempre dòcils a les exigències, fonamentalment crematístiques, de la Santa Seu. L’activitat d’aliances polítiques calia que fos comple-

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La família Borja: historiografia, llegenda, tema literari

mentada així amb l’activitat militar, que passà a primer pla, amb la mirada no solament a Itàlia sinó a tot Europa, en una època de formació dels estats moderns. La moral privada s’havia vist igualment afectada, tot i que aquest no era un fet exclusiu del Vaticà sinó de tota l’Església. El celibat no era seguit amb gaire rigidesa i era freqüent que els eclesiàstics tinguessin fills. Cal recordar que el seguiment d’una carrera eclesiàstica no era una opció lliure ni vocacional: el fill segon estava obligat a seguir-la. No escandalitzava tampoc a ningú, però en el cas d’alts eclesiàstics es demanava una certa discreció. D’altra banda aquests es comportaven en tots sentits com uns veritables senyors feudals obligats a defensar els seus patrimonis amb les armes, si calia, com ho feien les monarquies i la noblesa en general. A més de tots aquests condicionaments generals, tres factors —entre d’altres— contribuïren a centrar les crítiques en la família Borja: el fet de ser estrangera, el fet de ser rica i el fet d’haver reeixit a establir un domini real a tot Itàlia en detriment dels senyors establerts. L’anomenada llegenda negra anti-Borja nasqué arran del famós diari del propi mestre de cerimònies d’Alexandre VI, Johannes Burckard, i anà prenent cos, amb elements nous, com el de considerar que la riquesa i l’èxit del papa Alexandre només eren explicables per un pacte amb el diable o considerar-lo encarnació del mateix diable o Anticrist. Efectivament, els Borja van tenir una mala imatge, especialment a Itàlia, ja durant el pontificat d’Alexandre VI —sabem que ell no feia cas de les acusacions i que més aviat hi feia broma. A més de ser estranger, el poder i la riquesa que va acumular fomentà l’enveja i el temor dels diversos prínceps italians, en especial d’aquells que eren teòricament vassalls del pontífex. El comportament familiar del papa d’intentar utilitzar els seus fills per crear un regne a Itàlia i consolidar la seu pontifícia dins la família ajudà a crear enemistats. I si bé els papes anteriors també tingueren fills,60 Alexandre VI en tingué almenys nou de legitimats i seguint la conducta del seu predecessor Innocenci VII, celebrà pomposament els natalicis, les noces i els enterraments d’aquests a les mateixes estances del Vaticà, i això sí que ja era una novetat. Tot això generà en els cercles diplomàtics italians interpretacions diverses no gens favorables, però sempre amb un rerefons polític i sovint propagandístic. I aviat s’hi sumaren els partidaris de l’abolició dels Estats Pontificis com els erasmistes i, en major grau, els propagandistes protestants que serien els que consolidarien la coneguda llegenda negra dels Borja. Per als reformistes feia temps que Roma —aleshores només comptava el Vaticà— era considerada un lloc d’abominació, una Babilònia, i els papes, uns anticrists.61 Ja sabem que la llegenda negra dels Borja es consolidà arran de la mort d’Alexandre VI el 1503. El responsable primer fou el mateix dietarista pontifici Johannes Burckard a partir de la terrorífica descripció de la mort del pontífex, enverinat, segons ell. La tarda del primer dia de les exèquies, el cos del papa, segons un beneficiat de Sant Pere que li ho explicà, sofrí una gran transformació:

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«Va créixer la lletjor i la negror de la seva cara, de tal manera que, cap a les onze de la nit, quan el vaig veure, la seva cara era com un drap o una móra d’allò més negra, tota plena de color morat, el nas molt gros, la boca grosíssima; dins la boca, la llengua era el doble de gran i li sobrepassava els llavis; la boca era oberta i tan horrible que ningú que hi veiés no hagués dit mai que pogués haver-n’hi una d’igual. Al vespre, més tard de les dotze de la nit, el papa va ser dut d’aquest lloc [darrere les reixes de l’altar major del Vaticà] cap a la Capella delle Febbre, i fou posat al costat del mur, en l’angle a l’esquerra de l’altar, per sis camàlics que reien i blasfemaven ja fos contra el papa, ja fos en menyspreu del cadàver, i per dos mestre fusters, que varen fer la caixa massa estreta i massa curta: li tallaren una part de la mitra i el cobriren amb aquell tapís antic, i el pitjaren amb els punys i amb força per tal que entrés a la caixa. No hi havia ciris ni cap llum ni cap prevere o persona que tingués cura d’ell.»62 És evident que la truculència tenia la intencionalitat de demostrar que la transformació es devia a un càstig diví pels seus pecats i que era pres pels dimonis cap a l’infern. El text causà un gran impacte i fou un dels elements bàsics de la llegenda negra dels Borja, i també que el verí fos un ingredient sempre més lligat a la família Borja. A més Burckard reproduí al seu Diari —o inventà— l’anomenada Carta a Silvio Savelli,63 el pamflet més conegut contra Alexandre VI i la seva família, teòricament datada el 1501 però que tot fa pensar que fou posterior. El papa hi era considerat el mateix Anticrist; Lucrècia la culpable de tots els mals i Cèsar, àvid de poder per formar el ducat de la Romanya, obra del diable. El to de la carta és més aviat apocalíptic i l’autor encomana al seu interlocutor que la difongui pertot arreu de l’Imperi. Es tracta d’un veritable compendi de tots els tòpics que desenvoluparà amb el temps la llegenda negra dels Borja: prefiguració de l’Anticrist, criminalitat, luxúria. Vegem-ne en alguns fragments el to general: «Ja no hi ha cap crim ni cap ignomínia que no es faci públicament a Roma i en la casa del pontífex. [...] Qui no sentirà horror de narrar els terribles actes monstruosos de luxúria que es cometen obertament en la seva casa, sense respectar Déu i els homes? Quants estupres, quants incests, quanta vilesa en els fills i en les filles, quanta munió de meretrius pel palau de sant Pere, quants alcavots, prostíbuls i bordells no hi ha arreu amb major vergonya?»64 El 1509, el jove historiador Francesco Guicciardini, en les seves Storie fiorentine seguia el mateix to. Tot i reconèixer que fou un home molt valent i de gran judici i ànim, el fet d’haver comprat amb diners el càrrec afectà tot el seu govern; el titlla de tenir tots els vicis, dominat per la luxúria per un i altre sexe fins a arribar a l’incest amb la seva filla Lucrècia; summament avar, no per conservar,

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sinó per acumular noves riqueses; al seu temps era freqüent la venda, com en uns encants, de beneficis, dispenses, episcopats, cardenalats i tota mena de dignitats. Féu enverinar molts cardenals i prelats per apoderar-se de la seva riquesa. Fou de gran crueltat, ingrat envers els que l’havien ajudat. No seguia cap religió, no observava cap fe, prometia molt però només observava allò que li era útil. No tenia cura de la justícia i al seu temps Roma era una cova de lladres i d’assassins. La seva ambició era infinita.65 A aquesta imatge s’afegí un altre element negatiu per obra del diplomàtic venecià coetani Girolamo Priuli i fou la difusió que Roderic de Borja «havia donat l’ànima i el cos al gran dimoni de l’Infern» a canvi de ser elegit papa durant el conclave del 1492. Versions del pacte foren escampades pels seguidors de Savonarola. Feia només un mes que el papa havia mort, que Francesco Gonzaga, marquès de Màntua, escrivia el 22 d’agost del 1503 des de Roma a la seva muller Isabel d’Este: «Quan [Alexandre] estava malalt va començar a parlar. Les seves paraules foren aquestes: ‘vindré, tens raó, espera’t una mica’. A partir d’això aquells que coneixien el seu secret entengueren que després de la mort d’Innocenci [VIII], essent al conclave, va comprar el papat amb la seva ànima i s’acordà que el mantindria durant dotze anys. N’hi ha d’altres que afirmen haver vist set diables al seu voltant en el moment que va morir; immediatament el seu cos començà a bullir i la seva boca començà a fer bromera, com una caldera posada al foc.»66 Era una manera d’explicar el gran poder que havia arribat a adquirir a tot Itàlia.67 Els Borja foren també el blanc predilecte dels propagandistes protestants. És el cas de Negri da Bassano, que recollí tots els elements del pacte amb el diable i afegí que aquest s’aparegué al papa vestit de protonotari i més endavant com el mateix papa (1550).68 Seguí la mateixa línia un altre protestant italià, Masserio, en un tractat antipapal del 1553. I sobretot l’excarmelità John Bale, exiliat protestant a Anglaterra. Però tingué major influència el luterà Johan Wolf, autor d’un gros volum il·lustrat publicat el 1600, i el calvinista francès Philippe de Mornay també, amb un impressionant volum publicat el 1611. La idea era la mateixa: «Alguns expliquen el pacte amb el diable. Que el diable treballa en les accions d’Alexandre, és clar. Tothom està d’acord que ningú no assolí mai el papat mitjançant tan malvades arts.» Cap al 1600 el pacte d’Alexandre VI amb el diable fou incorporat a la segona versió de la llegenda de Faust en un volum del luterà Georg Rudolf Widman publicat a Hamburg el 1599. Faust hauria estat impressionat per la maldat d’Alexandre VI, que hauria invocat el diable per primera vegada quan estudiava a Bolonya. Widman incorporà un nou insult, titllant el papa de «marrà», jueu batejat que no creia en res, motiu que ja era aplicat al papa i el seu fill Cèsar des del 1493.69

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Cèsar Borja tingué també la seva porció d’infern en la influent Vita di Cesar Borgia detto il duca Valentino del convers protestant Gregorio Leti publicada el 1655 a Amsterdam sota nom i impremta falsos, i reimpresa diverses vegades. El llibre acaba amb la narració de «com se sentien xiscles i veus aterridores al voltant de la tomba [de Cesar] durant un llarg període de temps», que al·ludien al fet que les seves accions havien estat les d’un diable. Per als escriptors catòlics la figura del papa passà a segon terme i Cèsar prengué el relleu, sobretot a partir dels Elogia del 1551 de Paolo Giovio, bisbe de Nocera. Aquest acusa Cèsar de «nat de llavor maleïda» i d’una «increïble bestialitat». És clar que Cèsar tingué un gran defensor en Maquiavel que l’arribà a mitificar i a posar de model del príncep; a la llarga, tanmateix, Cèsar heretaria, gràcies a la difusió d’El príncep maquiavel·lià, la fama però també els estigmes que envoltaren la figura i les teories polítiques del diplomàtic florentí per part de certs sectors catòlics. Estigmes que passaren a engruixir la llegenda negra.70 A la Corona d’Aragó, els escriptors fixaren també l’atenció en Cèsar Borja. L’autor principal fou l’historiador aragonès Jerónimo Zurita, en la seva Historia del rey don Hernando el Católico, on no s’estigué de criticar sobretot Cèsar Borja per haver-se passat al servei del rei de França enemic de Ferran el Catòlic. Els seus judicis mantenien el to dels pamflets anteriors però la intencionalitat era més política que no moral. El titllà de «fiera cruel», ple de «liviandad y grande osadía e insolencia». L’acusà amb tot luxe de detalls de matar el duc Alfons d’Aragó, marit de Lucrècia Borja (p. 150, 229). També s’estengué sobre la mort per verí del papa el 1503. I finalment va descriure la mort de Cèsar el 1507 com un càstig diví. 71 Zurita fou, tanmateix, un cas aïllat. I les seves acusacions foren contestades per historiadors valencians com Gaspar Escolano en pro de la família Borja. També alguns poetes, com Gil Polo, recordaren els papes amb benevolència. I és el cas que a València no trobem cap rastre de la llegenda negra dels Borja durant el segle xvi. Possiblement el silenci es degui al gran poder dels ducs de Gandia, al qual s’afegiria a mitjan segle el prestigi de sant Francesc de Borja i de la Companyia de Jesús recentment fundada. Cal admetre que la família ha donat grans personatges en sentits diferents i d’un extrem a l’altre. I recordar que precisament sant Francesc tenia un besavi papa i un avi arquebisbe de Saragossa.72

Els Borja com a tema literari Podem dir que els Borja han tingut la seva màxima difusió sobretot a través de la literatura, en especial de la narrativa i l’obra dramàtica i posteriorment la filmografia, en connexió amb la llegenda. Deixem a part la poesia, que n’hi ha i molta, però en general humanística, cortesana, dedicada a l’exaltació dels mecenes. La narrativa té present els Borja des del segle xvii: Tommaso Tommasi, La vita del Duca Valentino (1655),

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l’alemany Georg Friederich Klinger (conegut sobretot per la seva obra Sturm und Drang), Faust Leben (1791), que transcorre principalment a la cort d’Alexandre VI, on fa un paral·lelisme entre Faust i el papa relacionat amb el pacte amb el diable; Les Borgia (1842), una de les primeres novel·les d’Alexandre Dumas;73 Angela Borgia (1891), de l’escriptor suís Conrad Ferdinand Meyer, sobre l’apassionada cort ferraresa de Lucrècia Borja; La Rome des Borgia, de Guillaume Apollinaire (1913),74 veritable compendi de la llegenda negra; A los pies de Venus (Los Borgia), una de les darreres novel·les de Vicent Blasco Ibáñez (1926). Ja darrerament han evocat el tema, entre altres, Manuel Vázquez Montalbán en O César o nada (1998) i Joan Francesc Mira en Borja Papa (1997) ja menys lligats a la fantasia llegendària. D’entre les nombroses obres dramàtiques podem esmentar des de El gran duque de Gandía (v. 1650), atribuïda a Calderón de la Barca;75 Lucrèce Borgia, de Víctor Hugo (1831)76 obra melodramàtica que serviria de base per al llibret de l’òpera Lucrezia Borgia, musicat per Gaetano Donizetti i estrenat a Milà el 1834; Das Liebeskonzil (1895), d’Oscar Panizza;77 I Borgia, de Pietro Cossa (2001); The Duke of Gandia, d’Algernon Charles Swinburne (1926). I aquests darrers anys Borja, Borgia de Manuel Vicent (1995), una mena d’acte sagramental laic. També la filmografia78 s’ha interessat en el tema a partir del 1908.79 Fins a l’arribada del cinema sonor (1929), foren produïdes setze pel·lícules a Europa (la meitat italianes) i als EUA; més de la meitat amb Lucrècia Borja com a protagonista i cinc amb Cèsar Borja, les altres sobre la família. El director cinematogràfic francès Abel Gance inaugura el tema en el cinema sonor el 1935.80 Entre les més de quaranta pel·lícules produïdes fins avui predominen també les italianes seguides de les franceses i les espanyoles. El tema predominant continua sent Lucrècia Borja, sempre en el seu aspecte més o menys diabòlic i, en general, a partir del 1968, les pel·lícules eròtiques. La darrera ha estat el film italovalencià Els Borja, fins fa poc en cartell a Barcelona amb Cèsar com a protagonista principal. Des del 2002 està en procés de realització la gran producció Lucrezia de Neil Jordan (EUA). Com a curiositat, d’entre els actors més famosos podem citar Orson Welles en el paper de Cèsar (1949)81 i Paulette Godard en el de Lucrècia (1949).82 El tema Borja continua fascinant i no sembla pas en camí d’exhaurir-se. Queda encara molta documentació inèdita per estudiar.

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[5] [6]

[7]

[8]

[9]

[10]

[11] [12] [13]

Notes i referències [1]

[2]

Luis Pablo Martínez, Jaime Castillo, Jorge Saíz. «Els origens de la família Borja». L’Europa renaixentista. Simposi Internacional sobre els Borja. Ajuntament de Gandia, Ceic Alfons el Vell, 3i4, Gandia 1998, p. 39-61. Miquel Navarro Sorní. Calixto III Borja y Alfon-

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so el Magnánimo frente a la cruzada. Ajuntament de València, València 2003; Calixto III. Institut d’Alfons el Magnànim, València 2005. Sobre Alexandre VI vegeu més endavant l’apartat d’historiografia que aporta la bibliografia essencial. A. Baragona. «La polemica storiografica sulle bolle alessandrine relative alle grandi scoperte». Miscellanea di storia delles esplorazioni, II. Bozz, Genova 1977, p. 29-47. Ariel Toaff. «Alexandre VI i els jueus: Un pontífex a Roma davant l’expulsió del 1492». L’Europa renaixentista, op.cit, p. 217-232. Júlia Benavent. Savonarola y España. Centro Francisco Tomás y Valiente; UNED-València, València 2003; Júlia Benavent. «Las biografías antiguas de fra Girolamo Savonarola. El códice de Valencia». Memorie domenicane, 32 (2001), p. 63216. Alessandro VI e lo stato della Chiesa. Atti del Convegno (Perugia, 13-15 marzo 2000), a cura de C. Frova; M.G. Nico Ottaviani. Roma nel Rinascimento, Roma 2003. Mariàngela Vilallonga. «Alexandre VI i l’humanisme». L’Europa renaixentista, Simposi internacional sobre els Borja (València, 25-29 d’octubre 1994), CEIC Alfons el Vell, 3i4, Gandia 1998, p. 95-133. Marià Carbonell i Buades. «Roderic de Borja. Un exemple de mecenatge renaixentista». Afers, 17 (1994), p. 109-132; Mario Menotti. Els Borja. Edició a cura de M. Batllori, S.I. i de Ximo Company, amb un estudi de Marià Carbonell. Bancaixa, València 1992. Vegeu especialment, l’estudi de Marià Carbonell. «Roderic de Borja, client i promotor d’obres d’art. Notes sobre la iconografía de l’apartament Borja del Vaticà», p. 387-488. Per a la família vegeu M. Batllori. La família Borja, Obra completa, vol. IV. 3i4, València 1994, especialment el capítol 1.1. «El llinatge Borja del segle xiii al xvi», p. 3-54, on aclareix molts punts dubtosos i desfà identificacions errònies. Dissabte 24 d’agost del 1493. Dietari de l’Antich Consell barceloní III (1478-1533). Barcelona 1894, p. 105. Vegeu més endavant l’apartat sobre «La llegenda». La biogràfica clàssica i de consulta encara obligada sobre Cèsar és la de William Harrison Woodward. Cesare Borgia: A Biography. Chaman & May, Londres 1913. Edició catalana a cura de Pilar Sendra, revisada per Maria Toldrà, Biblioteca Borja, 3i4, València 2005, amb un pròleg de Júlia Benavent que aporta bibliografia. Cesare Borgia di Francia gonfaloiere di Sancta Romana Chiesa, 14981503. Conquiste effimere e progettualità statale. Atti del convegno di studi Urbino 4-6 dicembre 2003. Tecnostampa Edizioni. Ostria Vetere 2005. Enrico Angiolini. «La politica dei Borja in Romagna», dins Alessandro VI e lo stato della Chiesa, Atti

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[19]

[20] [21]

[22]

[23]

[24]

[25] [26]

[27]

del convegno (Perugia 13-14 marzo 2000), p. 147174. Article molt innovador. Miguel A. Granada. «Maquiavel i Cèsar Borja». L’Europa renaixentista. Simposi Internacional sobre els Borja, Gandia 1998, p. 187-216. Leonardo, Machiavelli, Cesare Borgia: Arte, storia e scienza in Romagna. 1500-1503. De Luca editori d’arte, Roma 2003. Enrique Ruiz Doménech. El Gran Capitán, retrato de una época. Península. Barcelona 2002. Fa un paral·lelisme entre Cèsar Borja i el Gran Capità. Ferdinand Gregorovius. Lucrecia Borgia. Nach Urkunden uns Briefes ihrer Zeit, 1874. Maria Bellonci. Lucrecia Borgia. Arnaldo Mondadori Editore, Milà 1939, trad. catalana. Lucrècia Borja. Eliseu Climent Editor, València 1992. Sarah Bradford. Lucrecia Borgia, 2004, versió castellana Lucrecia Borgia. Una mujer extraordinaria en un mundo de conspiraciones. Planeta, Barcelona 2005. Johannes Burckard. Dietari secret, edició a cura de Mariàngela Vilallonga (dir.), pròleg de Maximo Miglio. Eliseu Climent Editor, València 2003, p. 337. Pietro Bembo. Gli Assolani. Aldo Romano, Venècia 1505. Pietro Bembo, Lucrezia Borgia. La grande fiamma. Lettere 1503-1517, a cura de Giulia Raboni. Archinto, Milà 2002, (edició de la correspondència, amb notes). Hug Shankland. The prettiest love letters in he world. Letters between Lucrezia Borgia and Pietro Bembo (1503-1510). David R. Godine, Boston 2000, traducció i prefaci de Hug Shankland; gravats en fusta de Richard Shirley Smith. El poeta ferrarès Ercole Strozzi, que féu d’intermediari entre Lucrècia i Bembo i posteriorment entre Lucrècia i Francesco Gonzaga, havia dedicat, amb el seu pare Vespasiano Strozzi, diversos poemes a Lucrècia (Strozzii, Tito Vespasiano i Ercole: Strozzi poetae pater et filius, Simon Cosinaeus, París 1530). Este a Ferrara. Una corte nel Renascimento. Silvana Editorile, Milà 2004, a cura de Jadranka Bentini. Lucrezia Borgia «la beltà, la virtù, la fama honesta». Gabriele Corbo, Ferrara 2002. Eulàlia Duran. «Quatre Àngeles Borja coetànies i conspícues», Revista Borja 1 (2006-2007), de la web de l’Institut Internacional d’Estudis Borgians (IIEB): www.elsborja.org José Luis Pastor Zapata. «El ducat de Gandia: la construcció d’un espai senyorial». Europa renaixentista, op. cit., p. 233-270. José Sanchis y Sivera. Algunos documentos y cartas privadas que pertenecieron al segundo Duque de Gandía don Juan de Borja. València 1919, p. 29-30 i 48-50. Eulàlia Duran. Les Germanies als Països Catalans. Curial, Barcelona 1982, p. 191-192.

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[28] Sanctus Franciscus Borgia, quartus Gandiae dux et Societatis Jesu Praepositus Generalis tertius. Excudebat Augustinus Avrial; Typis Gabrielis López del Horno, Madrid 1894-1911, vol. I-V, edició a cura de Cecilio Gómez Rodeles, Monumenta Historica Societatis Jesu. Sanctus Franciscus Borgia, quartus Gandiae dux... Generalitat Valenciana; Institutum Historicum Societatis Jesu, València; Roma 2003, vol. VI, edició a cura d’Enrique García Hernán, Monumenta Historica Societatis Jesu. Enrique García Hernán. La acción diplomática de Francisco de Borja al servicio del Pontificado 1471-1572. Generalitat Valenciana, València 2000; Santiago La Parra López. «Francesc de Borja, duc abans que sant». Europa renaixentista, op. cit., p. 271-306. [29] Sucre & Borja. La canyamel dels ducs, del trapig a la taula, edició a cura de Josep A. Gisbert. Casa de Cultura «Marqués de González de Quirós» (del 21 de desembre de 2000 al 23 de febrer de 2001), Gandia 2000. [30] Santiago Laparra López. «Els Borja, ducs de Gandia». Afers, 17 (1994), p. 11-29. Joan Baptista Anyés. Obra profana. Apologies, València 1545, introducció d’Eulàlia Duran i Grau, edició del text llatí i traducció catalana de Martí Duran i Mateu. UNED, RABLLB, Barcelona 2001. [31] Jorge de Montemayor. Siete libros de La Diana. València 1559. [32] Louis Thuasne. Documents inédits sur les Borja tirés des Archives du Duc d’Osuna. Ernest Lereux, París 1885. [33] Ludwig von Pastor. Geschichte der Päpste im Zeitalter der Renaissance. Friburg de Brisgòvia 1895; Geschichte der Päpste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters. Friburg de Brisgòvia 1896; Friburg de Brisgòvia: 1901-1933; Ungedruckte Akten zur Geschichte der Päpste, vornehmlich im XV., XVI. und XVII. Jahrhundert. I (1376-1464), Friburg de Brisgòvia: Herder, 1904. Historia de los Papas desde fines de la Edad Media, Barcelona 1910, vol. II-VI., traducció de Ramón Ruiz Amado. Storia dei papi dalla fine del medioevo. I. Storia dei papi del periodo del Rinascimento (Martino V, Eugenio IV, Niccolò V, Calisto III) fino all’elezione di Pio II, II. Desclée & C. Editori Pontifici, Roma 1894. 2a ed. 1942. [34] Material for a History of pope Alexander VI, his relatives and his time, Bruges: 1924, en cinc volums. Versió castellana parcial en Los Borja de la leyenda ante la crítica histórica, Academia Borja del Centro de Cultura Valenciano. València, 1952. [35] Elías Olmos y Canalda. Reivindicación de Alejandro VI. València 1955. [36] Miquel Batllori. Alejandro VI y la Casa Real de Aragón 1492-1498. Madrid 1958. [37] Ferdinand Gregorovius. Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, escrita entre el 1855 i el 1871, publicada a Stuttgart entre 1859-1872, traduïda a l’italià, Storia della città di Roma nel Medioevo.

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[38] Wanderjahre in Italien, 1856-1877, en cinc volums. [39] Ferdinand Gregorovius. Lucrezia Borgia, Nach Urkunden und Briefes ihres Zeit, 1874; edició catalana en premsa. Maria Bellonci. Lucrecia Borgia, la sua vita e i suoi tempi. Arnaldo Mondadori, Milà 1939. Lucrecia Borja, trad. i notes de J.F. Mira. Eliseu Climent Editor, València 1992. [40] Maria Bellonci. Lucrecia Borgia, op. cit., 1939, 1960, 2000; versió catalana, 1992. [41] Geneviève Chastenet. Lucrèce Borgia. Éditions Jean-Claude Lattès, 1993 (versió castellana d’Amanda Forns). Vergara, Barcelona 2004. [42] Sarah Bradford. Lucrezia Borgia, Nova York 2004; Lucrecia Borgia, versió castellana de Marta Pino Moreno. Editorial Planeta, S.A., Barcelona 2005. [43] Sarah Bradford. Cesare Borgia: his live and times. Phoenix, Londres 2001 [1976]. L’Institut Internacional d’Estudis Borgians n’ha publicat la versió catalana: Cèsar Borja, dins la col·lecció Bibliografía Borja. València 2005, ed. de Maria Toldrà i pròleg de Júlia Benavent. [44] Die Borgia. Eine Renaissance-Familie im Zwielicht. Congrés organitzat per l’Ajuntament de Schwäbisch Hall i la Universitat de Stuttgart del 28 al 31 de maig del 1992. Actes publicades a Afers, 7 (1994), amb una presentació a càrrec de Miquel Batllori. El congrés oferí paral·lelment una exposició sobre el tema «La familia renaixentista Borja. Història i llegenda» de la qual s’ha publicat el catàleg, la representació d’obres de teatre i de filmografia borgiana i de concerts. [45] Marion Hermann-Rötgen. Die Familie Borgia. Geschichte einer Legende. Weimar: J.B.Metzler Verlag, Stuttgart 1992. N’hi ha una recensió a Afers, 17 (1994), p. 194-197, a cura de Heike van Lavick. [46] Marià Carbonell i Buades. «Roderic de Borja. Un exemple de mecenatge renaixentista». Afers, 17 (1994), p. 109-134. [47] Informació sobre aquesta institució a www.romanelrinascimento.it. [48] Roma, 1-4 de desembre del 1999 (Roma, 2001, 3 vols.). [49] València, 23-26 de febrer del 2000 (València, 2006). [50] Bari-Monte Sant’Angelo, 22-24 de maig del 2000 (Roma, 2002). [51] Bolonya, 29-31 d’octubre del 2000 (Roma, 2005). [52] Viterbo, 19-20 de març del 2001 (Roma, 2003). [53] Càller, 17-18 de maig del 2001 (Roma, 2004). [54] Roma-Ciutat del Vaticà, 14 de desembre del 2001 (Roma, 2006). [55] Schifanoia, 26-27 (2004). [56] Ferrara. Gabriele Corbo Editore, 2002. Introducció històrica de Marco Folin. Iconografia a cura d’Anna Maria Fioravanti Baraldi. [57] Informació de Maria Toldrà. «L’Institut Internacional d’Estudis Borgians». Estudis Romànics, XXIX (2007), p. 326-327. [58] Diplomatari Borja, vol. 1: Documents de l’Arxiu del

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Regne de València (1299-1429). Edicions 3i4, València 2002, direcció de Miquel Batllori. Diplomatari Borja, vol. 2: Documents de l’Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó (1416-1429). Edicions 3i4, València 2004, direcció de Carlos López Rodríguez. Diplomatari Borja, vol. 3. Documents de l’Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó (1429-1444). Edicions 3i4. IIEB, València 2005, direcció de Carlos López Rodríguez. Miguel Navarro. Alfonso de Borja, papa Calixto III en la perspectiva de sus relaciones con Alfonso el Magnánimo. Institució d’Alfons el Magnànim, València 2005. Innocenci VII, dos fills, Pius II, dues filles, Giuliano della Rovere —després Papa Juli II— tres filles. André Chastel. Le sac de Rome, 1527. Editions Gallimard, 1984, esp. cap. II «Rome-Babylone», p. 75-120. Johannes Burckard. Dietari secret. Versió catalana dirigida per Mariàngela Vilallonga. Eliseu Climent Editor, València 2004, p. 462-463. Silvio Savelli era un noble romà exiliat a la cort imperial. Es tracta de l’informe sobre la mort del papa en el qual pretenia demostrar que tot el pontificat havia estat sota la influència del diable. Era amic dels senyors feudals perseguits per Cèsar Borja. Johannes Burckard. Dietari secret, op. cit., p. 418422. Francesco Guicciardini. Storie fiorentine dal 1378 al 1509, a cura de Roberto Palmarocchi, reedició anastàtica de la de 1931. Gius; Laterza, Bari 1968, p. 263-264. Ferdinand Gregorovius. Lucrecia Borgia. Salerno editrice, Roma [1978], p. 275. Gonzaga estava enemistat amb Cèsar perquè aquest el mes de juny anterior havia expulsat d’Urbino el duc Guidobaldo i la seva muller Elisabetta Gonzaga, la seva germana. Karl Lavve. «La llegenda dels Borja: les fonts contemporànies i la seua funció». L’Europa renaixentista. op. cit., p. 63-82. Jocelyn N. Hillgarth. «La imatge dels Borja fora de la Península Ibèrica i a Europa durant els segles xvi i xvii». Europa renaixentista, op.cit., p. 337. Ibídem. Ibídem. Jerónimo Zurita. Historia del rey don Hernando el Católico: de las empresas y ligas de Italia. Saragossa 1580, cinc volums. Revisada per Magdalena Canellas Anoz i Antonio J. López Gutierres, Ángel Canellas López (ed.), Saragossa 1992, esp. volum 3 (llibre V, XLII), p. 169, sobre la mort d’Alexandre XI, i volum 4 (1994, llibre VII, LI), p. 216, sobre la mort de Cèsar Borja. Eulàlia Duran. «El procés de mitificació dels Borja per part dels escriptors valencians coetanis». II Simposi Internacional sobre els Borja (València, 1507), en preparació.

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[73] Alexandre Dumas. Les Borgia. La marquise de Ganges. Les Cenci, París 1842. Los Borgias. Historia romana del siglo xv. Ramon Sopena, Barcelona 1932, traducció d’A. Bonet Marquès. [74] Guillaume Apollinaire. La Rome des Borgia. Le Pape Alexandre VI entre sa maîtresse et ses deux fils, César et Lucrèce. La fiancée de Jesús-Christ. Orgies cardianalices. Poison et inceste. Les bas-fonds de la Rome des Borgia. Bibliothèque des Curieux, París 1913; La Roma de los Borgia. Icaria Editorial, S.S., Barcelona 1977. [75] Pedro Calderón de la Barca. El gran duque de Gandía. Comedia de don... publiée d’aprés le manuscrit de Mladá Vozice, avec une introduction, des notes et un glossaire par Václav Cerný signe txec, Praga 1963. El gran duque de Gandía. Anaya,

Eulàlia Duran

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Salamanca 1970, edició, introducció i notes de Gustav Siebenmann. Lucrecia Borgia. Drama en cinco actos. Madrid 1835, traducció d’Ángel Cepeda, versió catalana en premsa. Oskar Panizza. Das Liebenkonzil. Eine Himmelstragödie in fünf Aufzügen. Zurich 1895; Concilio de amor. Una tragedia celestial. Icaria, Barcelona 1977, traducció de Pedro Madrigal, versió catalana en premsa. Per a una informació detallada, visiteu la web www. elsborja.org, relació a cura de Pepa Cortès. Cesar Borgia (Dinamarca 1908), de Viggo Larsen, muda, en blanc i negre. Lucrèce Borgia (França 1935). Prince of foxes (EUA 1949), de Henry King. Bride of vengeance (EUA 1949), de Mitchell Leisen.

Nota biogràfica Eulàlia Duran i Grau és historiadora, actualment catedràtica emèrita de la Universitat de Barcelona i membre de l’Instiut d’Estudis Catalans i de la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Des del 2005 dirigeix l’Institut Internacional d’Estudis Borgians amb seu a València. Com a investigadora s’ha especialitzat en la història social i cultural del segle xvi als Països Catalans. Promou la publicació del Repertori de manuscrits catalans (1474-1714) (quatre volums 1998-2006). D’entre els seus llibres, podem citar la tesi Les germanies als Països Catalans (1980) i edicions de textos historiogràfics i literaris, alguns inèdits. Els seus estudis no publicats en llibre han estat recollits en un volum, Estudis sobre cultura catalana al Renaixement (València, 2004). També ha dirigit l’edició de l’Obra completa de Miquel Batllori en vint volums (19932004), ha editat la correspondència de Lluís Nicolau d’Olwer i ha traduït al català gran part de l’obra de Pierre Vilar, en especial la seva tesi Catalunya dins l’Espanya moderna (1964-1968).

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 223-238 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.16 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

El Tractat dels Pirineus 350 anys després Eva Serra i Puig*

Universitat de Barcelona

Resum Repàs dels trets generals del tractat signat entre les monarquies hispànica i de França el 1659. S’identifica el caràcter europeu del tractat tant pel que fa a les seves clàusules territorials com pel que fa als capítols de drets civils, relacions comer cials i llicenciament de tropes. Es fa atenció al front renanoalpí, però sobretot al front pirinenc francocatalà. S’observa el caràcter de bressol de Catalunya per part dels Pirineus i no de frontera i es fa el seguiment del procés de la nova delimitació. Se situa la resistència catalana (Rosselló) a la delimitació. Es remarca la continuïtat de les guerres francoespanyoles després del 1659, el caràcter indecís de la nova delimitació i l’oferta de permuta del Rosselló per part de França, interes sada sobretot en les terres de la frontera de l’est. Oferta mai no acceptada. Es remarca l’origen i el caràcter dinasticopatrimonial i militar de les fronteres europees al marge i sovint contra l’existència dels pobles.

Paraules clau: Catalunya, Rosselló, Pirineus, frontera, tractat Els trets generals del Tractat Després de la pau de Münster (30 de gener del 1648), Roma i Venècia feren gestions per tal que la guerra també s’acabés a Portugal i a les fronteres de Flandes, la Lorena, els Alps i els Pirineus; el 1650 però fracassaven les gestions a les corts de París, Madrid i Brusel·les i emergia l’aliança anglofrancesa.1 El Tractat del 1659 s’explica sobretot per la derrota espanyola de les Dunes (Nieuwpoort, Flandes) del 1658 davant de l’exèrcit anglo-francès comandat per Turena. Tot i que Münster havia deixat en pau el front holandès, el conflicte militar de la franja renanoalpina entre Borbons francesos i Habsburg hispànics continuà i, tal com escriu Núria Sales, «directa o indirectament, els Alps projecten molt més la seva ombra sobre el tractat dels Pirineus que no pas els Pirineus.»2 Les darreres clàusules del Tractat revelen que l’arbitratge internacional ja no correspon a cap poder universal per si mateix, sinó a un concert més o menys formalitzat de sobiranies o potestats de la part d’un o altre rei. De la part del rei catòlic, hi són comptats el papa i l’emperador, però al seu costat hi són esmentats també tots els arxiducs d’Àustria, tots els reis, prínceps, repúbliques i estats, que

* Adreça de contacte: Eva Serra i Puig. Departament d’Història Moderna. Facultat de Geografia i Història, Universitat de Barcelona. Montalegre 6. 08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 933333466. Fax: +34 934498510. E-mail: evaserra@ub.edu

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ja constaven a la Pau de Vervins i als quals significativament s’afegeixen les Províncies Unides i el recentment constituït (1621) ducat de Guastalla. De la part del rei cristianíssim hi consten el duc de Savoia, el duc de Mòdena, el príncep de Mònaco, també el papa, els electors i altres prínceps de l’Imperi aliats del rei de França per la pau de Münster3 (els electors de Magúncia, Colònia i comte palatí del Rin, el duc de Neuburg, els ducs de Brunsvic i de Lunebourg, el landgravi de Hesse-Cassel, el landgravi de Darmstadt, el rei de Suècia, el dux i senyoria de Venècia i els tretze cantons suïssos. El Tractat de pau és obert a tothom que hi vulgui ser, també sobiranies menors que ho demanin a un o altre rei. Ambdós monarques queden constrets a no poder «directamente ni indirectamente molestar ni trabajar por sí ni por otros» i hom hi contempla un cert compromís de dret internacional enfront de la força militar. Si un o l’altre rei «pretende alguna cosa» contra els aliats de l’altra «podrá solo seguirlo por derecho antre Juezes Competentes y no por fuerza de ninguna manera.»4 Del tractat de pau ajustat per don Luis Méndez de Haro i Guzmán i el cardenal Giulio Mazzarino, actuant com a plenipotenciaris, se’n feren edicions en diverses llengües el 1660, però no tingué redacció original llatina: «lorsque tout a esté prest, nous avons signé, chacun en particulier, sur nostre table, les deux traittez de paix, en français et en espagnol»,5 una consideració que potser contribueix a demostrar la decadència del papat en la diplomàcia europea.6 És més, els recopiladors dels textos diplomàtics van tendir a bandejar el llatí: «Les plus grands traités eux-mê-

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mes ne sont pas toujours publiés d’après le texte original. Ainsi, le traité d’Osnabrück et la Ligue du Rhin, que tout le monde sait avoir été rédigés en latin, ne sont publiés qu’en français, c’est-à-dire d’après une traduction plus ou moins fidèle, dans les recueil de Dumont qui cependant est consideré à juste titre comme faisant autorité.»7 Tot plegat demostra que ens equivocaríem si aquest pacte de «cessasión de todas hostilidades por mar y tierra, desde 8 de mayo de aquel año»8 a què remet el Tractat consideréssim que només fa referència a l’espai geogràfic pirinenc. La Pau del 1659 entre les monarquies hispànica i la de França comprèn una àmplia geografia de l’Europa occidental. Tot i que els encara ben recents tractats de Westfàlia del 1648 han fet suposar sovint un caràcter geogràficament limitat a la subsegüent pau de 1659, el cert és que aquesta també tingué trets europeus generals. No sols feia referència a un cert espai pirinenc, sinó també a zones alpines, i al corredor territorial sempre disputat, i avui, en el cas de Flandes, encara irredempt, entre França i l’Imperi. A més el Tractat del 1659, no sols fa referència a geogra fies polítiques territorials i/o jurisdiccionals, sinó també a aspectes d’activitat econòmica i de circulació comercial. Tot i així, ha fructificat una visió de l’anomenat Tractat dels Pirineus allunyada de les disposicions comercials i del caràcter general europeu d’aquella pau, com si aquesta només hagués fet referències territorials i encara només limitades al reducte nacional català pirinenc. El nom diplomàtic del tractat procedeix de l’espai geogràfic de l’Illa dels Faisans al Baix Bidasoa, on van tenir lloc les negociacions dels plenipotenciaris don Luis Méndez de Haro, per part hispànica, i del cardenal Mazzarino per part de França, on es va formalitzar la signatura del Tractat (7 de novembre del 1659)9 i on Lluís XIV i Felip IV n’escoltaren la lectura i el juraren sobre els Evangelis (6 de juny del 1660), pas previ a la celebració (Saint Jean-deLuz, 9 d’agost) del casament de Lluís XIV amb Maria Teresa d’Àustria, filla de Felip IV,10 un afer complementari del Tractat.

Idiosincràsia del Rosselló D’ençà de l’acció militar hispànica contra la fortalesa de Leucata (agost del 1637), considerada la porta del Llenguadoc, la frontera pirinenca entrà en joc fins al final de la guerra.11 Durant les converses de Münster hi hagué el risc, combatut pels consistoris catalans, d’una pau entre ambdues corones amb el territori català militarment partit o amb la segregació del Rosselló de Catalunya. Però la sort catalana, com la de Flandes i la d’Itàlia, després del 1648, continuà depenent dels fronts de batalla i de la diplomàcia.12 Segons un memorial del cap de l’estat major francès del 1641, Bernard du Plessis-Besançon: «le plus solide aventage que le roi puisse tirer des soulèvements de Catalogne soit la conquête du Roussillon».13 Per a Catalunya el Rosselló era el bressol del seu naixement com a país, i els

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catalans consideraven el Rosselló la clau de la seva defensa a més d’un enllaç amb Europa i un complement decisiu de blat, llana i cuir per a l’economia catalana. Prou que ho sabien els espanyols. El 1629 el govern de Madrid havia sospesat la possibilitat de crear una diputació a Perpinyà rival i separada de la de Barcelona, aprofitant-se dels contenciosos entre ambdues poblacions. En aquella ocasió, el duc de Feria, virrei de Catalunya, escrivia: «los vasallos que no se pueden refrenar es bien que no crezcan en número ni en substancia [...] [el Rosselló] seria una gran pérdida para ellos [...] porque por este medio se reducía la província a ser menos extendida, a ser de menos gente y cantidad de hacienda Barcelona [...] se dificultava mucho el comercio de Barcelona con aquel reyno [França]» i «se debilitava la hacienda [...] y la jurisdicción de los diputados; y por la lana que se les encarecía, por ser la mayor parte de ella de los condados, seria menos caudaloso el trato de los paños por la mar en Itàlia, que es en lo que consiste toda presunción de esta província» i «sin duda se reduciría a mejor disposición, que la que hoy tiene».14 No és estrany, doncs, que el 1656 Lluís XIV pogués tenir la sensació que el Rosselló no interessava a Madrid com a possessió i pogués escriure: «il a toujours été presuposé que les comtés de Rousillon me demeureroient, que les ministres d’Espagne n’en firen pas la moindre difficulté a Münster […] tandis que l’on feroit reflexion de me donner satisfaction sur le royaume de Navarre, que l’on me retient avec une injustice encore plus grande que celle qui regarde le Roussillon.»15

Els capítols de la delimitació territorial Tal com afirma Robert Mandrou tot desmentint Gaston Zeller, segurament, no existí una política dita de «fronteres naturals» ni cap pla metòdic per a la consecució del famós hexàgon regular francès.16 La preocupació de Richelieu, com explica Louis Batiffol en el seu pròleg al llibre de Vassal-Reig sobre la Guerra al Rosselló sota Lluís XIII (1934), era l’hegemonia Habsburg a Europa: «Richelieu a toujours professé que le souci constant du roi devait être de se dégager de cette étreinte et cela par le moyen qu’il développe, notamment dans un avis du 20 avril 1628 et une notedu début de 1629, à savoir, en soutenant partout, comme des alliés, ceux, princes ou peuples, qui seraient en guerre contre cette maison d’Austriche. Ainsi a-t-il agi à l’égard de la Hollande, des princes protestants de l’Empire, de l’Alsace. Ainsi va-t-il agir avec le Portugal révolté et les catalans».17 Per a Batiffol la proposta de Richelieu als representants catalans rebuts com a «ambassadeurs de province libre», que esdevinguin república independent i sobirana, reflecteix, almenys aparentment, els escrúpols del cardenal i la intenció de conciliar l’auxili militar que la Catalunya rebel demanava amb la voluntat de l’estadista de no fer res que no estigués jurídicament justificat. Per aquesta raó el pacte de la Peronne del 19 de setembre entre Lluís XIII i els catalans és concebut no

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com una ocupació sinó com una unió personal entre Catalunya i el rei.18 Per a Batiffol el realisme de Mazzarino, en canvi, va posar fi a la prudència jurídica de Richelieu i la política del cardenal italià «avouera ouvertement son idée de donner à la France des fronteières naturelles».19 Segons Peter Sahlins, a la França del segle xvii «Ideas about geography, history, and strategy coexisted» i «the idea of the Rhine and the Pyrenees as France’s ideal limits thus came to occupy a central place in the political culture of seventeenth-century France.»20 Tornant al Tractat, aquest consta de 124 articles, dels quals, especialment els capítols 42 i 43, fan referència als territoris catalans objecte de segregació. Els denomina Comtat del Rosselló, Vegueria del Conflent i part del Comtat de la Cerdanya21 amb llurs pertinences, dependències i annexos, països, viles, places fortes, castells, burgs, llocs, vassalls, súbdits, boscos i ribatges. El capítol 42 fonamentava la delimitació en una afirmació més ideològica que no pas històrica: «Por lo que toca a las plazas y paises, que las armas de Francia han ocupado en esta guerra de la parte de España, aviendose convenido en la negociación, que començó en Madrid el año de mil y seiscientos y cinquenta y seis, sobre cuyo fundamento se va en este tratado, que los Montes Pirineos, que comunmente han sido siempre tenidos por división de las Españas y de las Galias, sean de aquí en adelante también la división de los mismos reynos». Els comtats medievals catalans havien nascut als Pirineus i mai no havien tingut la serralada per frontera sinó com a bressol. Però, fos el record del vell regne mallorquí, fos l’empenyorament dels comtats del 1462 a Lluís XI de França per Joan II, arran de la guerra del monarca Trastàmara contra Catalunya, el cert és que aquest territori català fou concebut sempre per França «as a ‘theater of distractions’ from the main battlefields»22 i moneda de canvi.23 D’ençà del 1462, les comarques pirinenques catalanes havien patit els perills de la condició de territori frontera entre la monarquia hispànica i la de França molt abans que la resta de Catalunya; i això col·labora a explicar els litigis o la quimera de Perpinyà envers Barcelona del 1620-1630.24 De la mateixa manera que la condició de frontera explica que el dietari del notari de Perpinyà Pere Pasqual, el desembre del 1639, advertís als seus descendents que «sempre y quant hoian mormoll de guerra que se’n vayen al hora de la present vila [Perpinyà] y en part molt lluny y apartada, per rahó de las vexations tant grans [que] fan los soldats en las personas» i que el gener del 1640 repetís el consell «y axí dich y prech a qualsevol descendent meu que no habite en ninguna manera en la present vila [Perpinyà] sinó en part apartada de aquestes inquietuts.»25 Els capítols 42 i 43 del Tractat són, a més, políticament d’una gran duresa per a l’existència d’un poble europeu de característiques institucionals tan madures com les que tenia Catalunya des de, si més no, Pere els Ceremoniós (1336-1387). El tractat annexionava de manera categòrica a França «todo el Condado Vegueria de Rosellón y [...] Condado y Vegueria de Conflent […] Bien entendido,

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que si se hallaren algunos lugares del dicho Condado y Vegueria de Conflent solamente, y no de Rosellón, que esten dentro de dichos Montes Pirineos a la parte de España, quedaran a su Magestad Cathólica, como también si se hallaren algunos lugares del dicho Condado y Vegueria de Cerdania solamente, y no de Cataluña, que esten dentro de dichos Montes a la parte de Francia, quedaran a su Magestad Christianíssima. Y para convenir de dicha división, seran luego diputados Comissarios de una parte y otra, los quales juntos de buena fee declararan quales son los Montes Pirineos que, en execución de lo contenido en este artículo deben dividir en lo venidero los dos Reynos». El contingut del text revela que la diplomàcia reial tenia una visió força més feudalitzant i no integrada del territori que no pas els catalans. Ni l’historiador Andreu Bosch, tot i el seu rossellonisme, ni, ja no diguem, el govern de Catalunya (la Diputació del General) hagueren pogut subscriure una cosa així, per tal com per a tots ells els comtats eren sobretot vegueries del territori català. La severitat del text diplomàtic rau en el seu caràcter irrevocable, en el reconeixement d’un dret successori definitiu per part del rei Cristianíssim i en la legitimació atorgada als monarques hispànics a trencar el constitu cionalisme territorial i llurs juraments. «Por el tratado de paz irrevocable» el monarca hispànic renunciava al territori català al nord de les Alberes «a perpètuo y para siempre a favor y a provecho de dicho señor rey Christianíssimo». El rei catòlic hi renunciava «tanto por si, como por sus herederos, y por los que tuvieren su derecho» en favor del rei de França i «sus herederos, successores y de los que tuvieren sus derechos». El text diplomàtic vol legitimar drets de successió gairebé com a dinàstics patrimonials. Encara més, el text vol legitimar la incorporació d’aquells territoris catalans a la Corona de França «no obstante qualesquier leyes, costumbres, estatutos, constituciones y convenciones hechas en contrario, aunque ayan sido confirmadas por juramento» «y excluyendo a perpètuo todas las excepciones debaxo de qualquier derecho, título o causa o pretexto que puedan estar fundadas y nominatamente aquella que se quisiesse o pudiesse pretender en adelante que la separación [...] fuesse contra Constituciones del Principado de Cataluña, y que por esso dicha separación no ha podido ser resuelta ni acordada sin el consentimiento expresso de todos los pueblos congregados en Estados Generales» i absolia del jurament de fidelitat els fins aleshores homes, vassalls i súbdits de la monarquia hispànica sense tenir en compte la integritat territorial ni la unitat parlamentària de Catalunya.26 No és estrany aquest blindatge de l’article 43. Qui col· laborà en la redacció d’aquest text diplomàtic coneixia prou bé el sistema polític català i es volia avançar a qualsevol rèplica constitucional o irredemptisme polític poste rior. Tot el mes de juny del 1659, el govern català, coneixedor de les converses prèvies de París entre les dues corones, havia fet gestions prop del rei Catòlic per evitar la segregació: «s’ha dit —explicava Jaume Copons ardiaca d’Andorra— que lo comtat del Rosselló se separaria del

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present Principat, restant baix obediència de Fransa, lo que seria grandíssim dany y prejudici d’aquest Principat». «Dónans molt gran cuidado lo pensar que per part del rey de Fransa no vulla restarse ab la ocupació dels comtats de Rosselló y Cerdanya», escrivia la Generalitat a Felip IV, tot recordant-li el privilegi de Pere el Ceremoniós, el qual els havia unit «a sa real Corona» i concedit «privilegi d’unió perpètua». Tampoc el govern català no s’estava de recordar el valor estratègic dels comtats «muralla contra lo regne de Fransa», sense els quals restaria «desabrigat lo Principat y uberts los passos pera qualsevol invasió vulla fer lo francès».27 També el Consell d’Aragó havia mostrat el seu desacord amb qualsevol segregació del territori català, i això explica que Haro, durant la negociació, manifestés el temor d’una reprovació de l’esmentat Consell envers les seves negociacions.28 Segons Mazzarino, Luis de Haro ni era massa dinàmic («va muy despacio») ni estava massa ben preparat («Il n’est pas informé a fond des affaires êtrangeres»). Amb tot, cal tenir present que Haro es movia entre les decisions ja preses per la Cort de Madrid i les objeccions, sense poder, del Consell d’Aragó.29 Els capítols 49, 116 i 118 establien restituir al rei catòlic les diverses places i ports del territori català encara en mans de França, però posposava la restitució de Cadaqués, Roses i el fort de la Trinitat fins a la negociació definitiva de la delimitació.30

El treball dels comissaris a Ceret, Llívia i Figueres Calgueren reunions específiques de comissaris per ambdues bandes per resoldre l’afer de la delimitació en termes territorials concrets. Els comissaris per part de França foren Pèire de Marca, arquebisbe de Tolosa de Llenguadoc, i Hyacinthe Serroni, bisbe d’Orange, i per part hispànica els catalans Miquel Salvà de Vallgornera, cavaller de l’orde de Sant Jaume, conseller reial i lloctinent del Mestre Racional, i Josep Romeu de Ferrer, magistrat de la Reial Audiència de Catalunya, els quals actuaven com a representants del rei Catòlic, i en cap cas, ni en nom de Catalunya ni en nom del Consell d’Aragó. La informació sobre la geografia pirinenca no era prou precisa entre els geògrafs coetanis. Com explica l’historiador rossellonès del segle xvii Andreu Bosch, hi havia qui considerava el Montseny, Sant Llorenç, Montserrat i el Montsec «branques, rams y brasos dels Pyrineus».31 El capítol 42 que determinava els Pirineus com a divisòria obria d’altres problemes d’interpretació. Mentre la versió francesa del Tractat deia que aquests «avoient anciennement divisé les Gaules des Espagnes», la versió espanyola parlava dels «montes Pirineos que comúnmente han sido siempre tenidos por división de las Españas y de las Galias». Estaven en discussió els mots anciennement i comúnmente. Dins el mot antiguitat s’hi amagava tota l’erudició geogràfica de Pèire de Marca procedent d’Estrabó, Plini i Ptolomeu però també el seu coneixement històric comtal-

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carolingi. En el curs de la Guerra dels Segadors, l’arquebisbe erudit Pèire de Marca havia exercit el càrrec de visitador (1644-1651) a Catalunya i es va fer amb la documentació d’origen monacal aplegada per l’historiador català Jeroni Pujades, origen de l’obra Marca Hispanica32 i d’on cercaria proves destinades a les ambicions territorials de Lluís XIV. El Rosselló ja quedava fora de discussió, el que es debatia eren el Conflent i la Cerdanya. Amb el mot anciennement, Marca en defensava uns límits segons la interpretació classicoromana segons la qual un desaparegut trofeu de Pompeu o un temple de Venus eren la delimitació: «olim trophaea Pompeii in summo Pyrenaeo posita quae, ut docet Stabo, Hispaniam et Galliam disterminabant, ubi sunt fauces quae Hispanias Galliis jungunt, ut T. Livii verbis utamur» o «illos porro diserte et constanter docere promontorium montium Pyrenaeorum, in cujus vertice positum erat templum Veneris, Aphrodisium dictum graecus, esse verum limitem Galliarum et Hispaniarum»,33 i les bases històriques eren altmedievals. En canvi, rebutjava tota interpretació geogràfica que no li donés la raó, de manera que obviava el Canigó i les Corberes com a Pirineus o s’oposava a tota la història de Catalunya posterior a l’etapa dels comtats. Per als comissaris francesos Marca i Serroni era inapel·lable una concepció de la serralada més teoricoromana que no geograficoreal. En tenien prou insistint en el seu «qui fuerint olim limites Galliae Narbonensis et Hispaniae Tarraconensis in ea Pyrenaeorum montium parte».34 Pel que fa als seus arguments històrics, els comissaris francesos podien fins i tot exigir encara més. Des de reclamar la Seu d’Urgell en nom de l’antic comtat de Cerdanya fins a reclamar tot Catalunya: «on parlait de la division dels Gaules et des Espagnes —escrivia el març de 1660 Serroni a Mazarino des de Ceret—, qui sont des anciens termes, et non pas de la division de la France et de l’Espagne, qui sont les termes dont se sert présentement […] on cherche présentement des Gaules et des Espagnes et non pas de la domination ou jurisdiction que l’un ou l’autre Roy y peuvent avoir eu. Autrement nous pourrions prétendre avec grand fondement toute la Catalogne et aller planter nos tentes sur les bords de l’Ebre.»35 Contra el que a vegades ha estat dit, els comissaris del rei catòlic, els catalans Salvà i de Vallgornera i Romeu de Ferrer, amb menys erudició però més ben preparats en coneixements geogràfics reals i historicojurídics apresos sobre el terreny, esgrimiren arguments no pas inferiors sinó diferents, i per aquesta raó tota la vegueria del Conflent amb el Capcir i tot el comtat de Cerdanya havien de seguir sota el domini del monarca hispànic.36 A Ceret (23-III/29-IV) no hi hagué acord, i de fet només s’hi aprovà la segregació del Rosselló. L’afer dels límits estava ajornant el matrimoni reial.37 Això apressà una nova reunió, ara sense Marca i amb Serroni sol a Llívia, on no sols es confirmà la segregació del Conflent, sinó també s’acordà la divisió de la Cerdanya. El Rosselló i el Conflent, a excepció dels llocs que es trobessin en el vessant meridional pirinenc (no n’hi havia cap) s’atribuïen al

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rei de França i la Cerdanya, a excepció dels llocs que es trobessin al vessant septentrional pirinenc (com Planès, Sant Pere dels Forcats, La Perxa, Ruet, Llo entre d’altres),38 quedaven adjudicats al rei hispànic. L’acord (12-XI) va deixar l’enclavament de Llívia a mans hispàniques, però dividia irracionalment una vall i s’aprovaven anormalitats estridents com la d’Ix i el seu terme: «no pretendiendo por esta división separar el dicho territorio del dicho villaje de Ix en lo que toca al dominio, propiedad, frutos, pastos, ni otra qualquier cosa a él perteneciente, no debiendo entenderse esta separación sinó España y Francia y no del dominio o propiedad particular del dicho territorio, que quedará siempre unido al dicho villaje de Ix».39 Si això era així a la Cerdanya, pel que fa al coll de Panissars a l’Albera entre el Vallespir i l’Alt Empordà un monestir quedà partit pel mig amb l’església a la banda del regne de França, la qual fou enderrocada i la seva pedra aprofitada per a la construcció del castell de Bellaguarda, i el convent a la banda del rei hispànic.40 Encara el 28 d’abril del 1660, abans de les reunions de Llívia, en compliment de les disposicions sobre restitucions i compensacions de dret civil, els mateixos comissaris aprovaven les pautes a seguir en el complicat camí del retorn dels patrimonis i béns confiscats al llarg de la contesa militar.41 Tot i que, tal com remarca Núria Sales, ni les fronteres entre antics comtats pirinencs ni la continuïtat de les guerres francohispàniques permeten acceptar cap visió definitiva, i el Tractat de fet fou una «mera Treva de Set»,42 cal tenir present l’actuació de les monarquies al marge del sistema polític parlamentari català amb la intenció de blindar els pactes i, si podia ser, de fer-los perpetus, fora, això sí, de qualsevol representació institucional catalana.43 Les Constitucions de Catalunya, així, quedaven excloses d’autoritat en dret públic territorial. Hom pot observar que el tractat contempla la gran diversitat institucional dels territoris d’aquelles monar quies, de manera que ni el territori denominat Espanya ni el territori denominat França es correspon amb cap unitat política fora de la monarquia. No sols estaven per fer les fronteres, sinó també la integració dels territoris d’ambdues corones. Això explica que, en referir-se als súbdits del rei catòlic, el tractat parli de «villas, subditos, mercaderes, estantes y habitantes de los reynos, estados, provincias y paises pertenencientes al señor rey cathólico» i al seu torn dels «subditos del dicho señor rey christianíssimo de qualquier país o nación que sean». Les nocions d’espanyols o francesos pertanyen a la condició de súbdits d’unes monarquies i en cap cas d’un territori nacional.

Els fronts renanoalpins Si del front català passem al front de la frontera de l’est del rei de França, observem que el Tractat té també caràcter de reorganització territorial del sempre disputat territori europeu que va aproximadament del Mar de Nord als Alps.44

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La Corona de França obtenia territoris al comtat de l’Artois i places dels comtats de Flandes, de l’Hainaut i del ducat de Luxemburg, s’estipulaven permutes i restitucions entre el Sambre i el Mosa amb compromisos de no fortificar cap lloc que impedís i alterés les comunicacións amb França. El rei Cristianíssim feia restitucions al rei Catòlic en el Po i el comtat de Borgonya, que havien de ser fetes sense fer enderrocaments ni danys i amb dret a endurse’n les municions, l’artilleria i els proveïments de guerra, i dret dels oficials i soldats de marxar amb els seus béns sense deixar deutes ni fer robatoris. Lluís XIV, en rebre de nou la plaça d’Hesdin i la seva batllia, es comprometia a donar patents de perdó a la guarnició de la plaça, la qual en el curs de la contesa s’havia passat al rei Catòlic. El rei Catòlic, pel seu cantó, renunciava a qualsevol dret sobre l’Alsàcia i acceptava la incorporació d’aquesta a la Corona de França, d’acord amb el tractat de Münster de 24 d’octubre del 1648 en aquest punt.45 Per portar a terme les noves delimitacions o les disposicions encara pendents de tractats anteriors (Câteau-Cambrésis, 1559, i Vervins, 1598) també es disposava nomenar comissaris per als Països Baixos amb arbitratges en cas de desacord.46 Com en el cas català, també en aquest àmbit geogràfic les adquisicions comportaven els drets de sobirania i patronatge eclesiàstics corresponents, que quedaven, igualment «para siempre unidos y incorporados [...] no obstante qualquiera leyes, costumbres y estatutos y convenciones hechas en contrario».47 Es concedia al rei de França tres mesos, des de la signatura del Tractat, per negociar la pau amb Portugal sota la garantia de perdó general als portuguesos i de retorn a la situació anterior al 1640. Fos quin fos el resultat de la negociació, França es comprometia a «no dar al dicho Reyno de Portugal [...] ninguna assistencia, ni ayuda pública ni secreta, directa ni indirectamente.»48 El Tractat revela l’existència de compensacions econòmiques com els tres milions de lliures torneses a pagar als arxiducs d’Innsbruck per drets alsacians, o una quantitat no especificada, a la qual ha de renunciar el duc de Lorena. Aquest també ha d’acceptar renúncies territorials com les dels bisbats de Metz, Toul i Verdum, i com les del ducat de Bar o del comtat de Clermont, incorporats a la Corona de França. Tot plegat com a contrapartida de la restitució del ducat disminuït al duc Carles IV de Lorena. La potestat del duc de Lorena, a qui es recorda la conquesta del ducat per les armes per Lluís XIII, queda desactivada amb el compromís de desmobilització i desarmament previ a la restitució. Les salines de la Lorena queden obligades a França i el ducat forçat a drets de pas i allotjament de tropes franceses destinades a Alsàcia. Finalment una colla de disposicions regulen els procediments a seguir entre el rei Cristianíssim i el duc en els afers derivats de les provisions, les confiscacions i les sentències fetes en el curs de la guerra. Pel que fa al ducat de Lorena, el rei Catòlic queda obligat a instar l’emperador a ratificar «por auto en forma auténtica (el qual será entregado a su Magestad Christianíssima) todos los Artículos que se ha convenido en el presente Tratado». Al costat de la submissió

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del duc de Lorena,49 el Tractat incorpora el retorn a l’obediència del frondista Condé, príncep de sang de la branca dels Borbó-Vendôme i eventual aliat del rei Catòlic. Condé ha de posar en mans del rei Cristianíssim les places de Rocroi, Châtelet i Linchamps i a canvi ell recupera tots els seus títols i estats amb alguna permuta, i el seu fill, el duc d’Enghien, el càrrec de Grand Maistre de France.50 Com a contrapartida a l’acord entre Condé i el rei de França, el rei Catòlic ha de restituir el castell de Juliers de la casa de Cleves al duc de Neuburg amb obligacions de dret de pas a les tropes del rei hispànic.51 Finalment els plenipotenciaris confirmaven el Tractat de Vervins del 1598 i reafirmaven els drets que pertanyien al rei Cristianíssim com a rei de França i de Navarra.52 El vesper italià ocupa deu articles. Els ducs de Savoia, de Mòdena i de Màntua són inclosos en el Tractat.53 Tots ells geogràficament implicats i amb irredemptismes propis s’han barrejat en la guerra, especialment el de Savoia, com a aliat del rei de França. Ara es tracta de participar en les restitucions, garantir la navegació i el comerç als súbdits, arranjar els compromisos dotals mancats i obeir pactes territorials establerts. Al de Savoia li són restituïts el castell de Verceli i Cencio a les Langues i el rei Catòlic es compromet a aclarir judicialment i a fer pagar els endarreriments del dot de la difunta Caterina de Savoia, de quaranta-vuit mil ducats anuals sobre la duana de Foggia al regne de Nàpols. En relació amb aquest dot hi havia un plet entre Savoia i Mòdena. Del dot se n’exclouen, però, la quantitat dels anys de guerra de la casa de Mòdena contra l’hispànic ducat de Milà. El rei Catòlic accepta la submissió del duc de Mòdena i li promet la plaça de Corregio, lliure de guarnicions i amb la investidura de reconeixement de l’emperador, i el commina a la neutralitat entre les dues corones. Felip IV es compromet també a no donar suport a cap príncep italià que pretengui contravenir l’anomenat statu quo de Cherasco (1631) que enfrontava Savoia i Màntua entre d’altres senyories. En el tractat encara apareix un altre plet dotal, el de Margarida de Savoia, àvia del duc de Màntua, el qual ha de quedar enllestit abans de la primavera. En el Tractat, pel que fa a Itàlia, els dos monarques es comprometen a adreçar-se al papa perquè posi fi als cotenciosos del duc de Mòdena amb la Cambra Apostòlica per la possessió de les Valli di Comacchio i concedeixi al duc de Parma temps per pagar els seus deutes amb la Cambra a través de l’empenyorament o alienació d’una part dels seus estats. Es tracta de comprometre el papa a «arrancar la simiente de todas las diferencias que podrian turbar el reposo de Italia» pel desig de «prevenir todas las ocasiones de discòrdia en la Cristiandad [...] una causa tan benemérita de la Sede Apostólica». En el Tractat, ambdues corones, amaguen el seu bel· licisme atorgant-se per inspiració divina el paper de pacificadors desitjosos de «dar el reposo a sus pueblos», no sols a Itàlia dirigint-se al papa, sinó també a l’Imperi, preocupats per «el estado en que estan la Alemania y demás Paises del Norte donde la guerra se halla encendida y que también puede encenderse en el Imperio por la divi-

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siones de sus Príncipes y Estados». És a dir que, malgrat el tractat de Westfàlia, segueixen «las diferencias que pueden turbar el reposo del Imperio».54 L’actuació preventiva de les dues corones es fa extensiva als cantons suïssos, on malgrat la composició de les discòrdies religioses entre «cathólicos y protestantes [...] quedan debaxo de la ceniza algunas centellas» «que ocasionan la mala inleligencia entre la dicha nación», i s’amplia també al País dels Grissons afectats per la disputa francohispànica de la Valtelina. Les dues corones es comprometen a arribar a concerts amigables un cop els Grissons hagin acceptat el Tractat. Els afers d’Itàlia havien arribat fins a Mònaco. La guerra del regne de Nàpols i del ducat de Milà havia implicat el Principat sota la protecció de França. Ara el rei Catòlic retorna els dominis al príncep. Encara, Felip IV ha d’indemnitzar amb cent seixanta-cinc mil lliures torneses la duquessa de Chevreuse per les terres i senyories de Kerpein i Lommersein, comprades per la duquessa al rei Catòlic i adjudicades per aquest al bisbe elector de Colònia.55 El Tractat establia el calendari i la manera de fer les restitucions i permutes de les places i preveia el nomenament de ministres d’ambdós monarques diputats a les respectives corts que haurien d’actuar com a tribunal i única instància en els casos de resistència i reclamacions en les restitucions.56

Les clàusules del llicenciament de tropes Tant o més significatives del caràcter general europeu de les clàusules sobre prínceps, territoris i pobles ho són les disposicions d’alliberament sense rescat dels presoners de guerra «de qualquiera nacion y condición que sean», dels detinguts a galeres, i dels soldats francesos presos en les places hispàniques de les costes d’Àfrica. Es reclamava apressar el retorn dels presoners en terres italianes, per tal que puguessin passar les muntanyes alpines abans que «los yelos embaracen el passo». El Tractat també decidia les normes que havien de regir els pagaments de les racions i les despeses fetes pels presoners de guerra, tot indicant com a referent els procediments «del año de mil y seiscientos y quarenta y seis, que se hizo en Suesons [Soissons], governando los Paises Baxos el marqués de CastelRodrigo». Comissaris d’ambdues parts amb la comptabilitat dels Regnes de Nàpols i Sicília, de Milà, del Piemont, del «Principado de Cataluña y condados de Rossellón y Cerdaña» i de les fronteres de França amb els Països Baixos s’han de reunir en un lloc de Flandes a convenir i passar comptes per tal de determinar les despeses i quin rei és deutor de l’altre, obligant-se el rei deutor a pagar al comptat el deute pendent «por los gastos y raciones de los dichos prisioneros de guerra.» 57 Oficialitza el Tractat, com en el cas de Vervins, el seu registre en els Consells i Cambres de Comptes del rei Catòlic als Països Baixos, la Corona de Castella i la Corona d’Aragó i en els Parlaments i Cambres de Comptes de París i d’altres Parlaments del regne de França.58 Els acords

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de Tractat, segons compromís dels plenipotenciaris, seran ratificats i jurats per ambdós monarques davant de testimonis acreditats.59 En el text del Tractat campa la dissimulació diplomàtica de l’època. Com es desprèn de la còpia de poders d’ambdós reis als seus respectius plenipotenciaris, que es troba al final del Tractat, cap dels reis no volia la guerra. Però ambdós monarques han estat en guerra per «ocultos juicios divinos» o «juicios reservados a la Providencia Divina». També la mà divina ha permès segellar la pau. Ara el rei Catòlic desitja «que los vassallos de ambas Coronas comiencen a gozar el descanso que tanto necessitan y han merecido en los trabajos y calamidades de tan larga y pesada guerra y que buelvan a amarse y corresponderse como solian entre si buscando el alivio unos de otros y el mayor bien de todos». El rei Cristianíssim, que en descàrrec seu al·lega el desig d’acabar «una guerra que en nuestra sucsessión a la Corona hallamos encendida», també desitja «dar la paz a los pueblos que estan sumissos a nuestra obediencia y juntamente hacer gozar a la Christiandad el reposo que tanto necessita».

nalització del comerç habitual de llurs vassalls. Hom pot observar l’ús del concepte «espanyols» com a súbdits d’una monarquia i en cap cas com a naturals d’un país, regne o principat. Així les guerres del rei podien criminalitzar el comerç catalanollenguadocià, o la lliure circulació entre interessos de les monarquies podia perjudicar les lleis catalanes en temps de caresties donant lliure circulació bladera. Hom pot adonar-se que els capítols de lliure circulació comercial entre monarquies obvien els sistemes comercials de cadascun dels països i nacions d’aquestes monarquies. Els imperatius de llibertat comercial o les nocions de contraban des de la perspectiva de les polítiques militars i fiscals de les monarquies podien, i de fet això passà tant al sud com al nord de les Alberes, distor sionar relacions socioeconòmiques de realitats nacionals amb lògiques històriques i socioeconòmiques pròpies. El Tractat dels Pirineus deixà camp obert a la competència comercial francesa a la Catalunya hispànica i tendí a criminalitzar i a tipificar com a contraban les relacions econòmiques entre catalans d’una i altra banda de la nova frontera.

Drets civils, relacions comercials i lligams consulars

Pau curta, guerra continuada i frontera indecisa

Tot un seguit de capítols són destinants a garantir les llibertats i drets civils dels catalans d’una i d’altra banda de la nova frontera, entre els quals els drets successoris, testamentaris o de donacions entre vius. En cas de residència a l’altra banda de la delimitació es garanteix el dret recíprocament de cobrar les rendes, sempre que sigui per mitjà de procuradors no sospitosos, i també el dret de justícia recíproca en cas de plets. Els capítols contemplen la restitució dels patrimonis i les rendes confiscades i la manera de fer els retorns. Totes aquestes coses s’apliquen també a les senyories i als beneficis eclesiàstics.60 La pau conté un altre seguit de capítols de lliure circulació, de llibertat de navegació i de prohibició de represàlies i garanties de drets lingüístics i jurídics als mercaders, sempre sota l’observança de la tributació pertinent. S’estableix la reciprocitat comercial entre els súbdits d’ambdues monarquies com França ja feia —diu el Tractat— amb Anglaterra i Holanda, es recomana l’establiment de consolats i el reconeixement d’ambaixades.61 Però hi constaven lògicament reserves. Cap súbdit d’un o altre rei no podia comerciar amb països en guerra amb un o altre monarca o amb vaixells enemics. Portugal era de referència obligada.62 Hom pot comprovar com és definit clarament com a contraban el comerç amb l’enemic del rei al costat del comerç de mercaderies bèl·liques. Un seguit de capítols són encaminats a impedir i penalitzar el contraban: passaports preceptius, provisió de lletres de mar, jutges d’almirallats.63 Encara que el Tractat disposa que en cas de nova ruptura s’atorgaria mig any de dispensa per posar-se a bon recapte,64 el cert és que la precària pau i la frontera dels monarques es converteix sovint en la crimi-

En els capítols inicials del Tractat de pau hi són fetes tota mena de consideracions sobre la necessitat d’una pau durable. Aquestes consideracions dissimulen les causes autèntiques de la pau i per tant en cap no hi consten ni motius d’hisenda ni d’insuficiència militar. El llenguatge diplomàtic per explicar la suspensió d’armes decretada el 8 de maig del 1659 s’acull a una retòrica moral. Es tracta d’acabar amb «la larga y sangrienta guerra», de posar «fin a tantos infortunios» que han «afligido los pueblos, reynos, estados y paises», dels quals «han resultado males, miserias, calamidades y desolación» i permetre que els pobles «puedan reparar en todas partes los daños y miserias padecidas».65 La fi de la guerra, però, no anà acompanyada de gaire entusiasme: «la gent no n’estava molt alegra» —escrivia el dietarista coetani Miquel Parets, referint-se al poble de Barcelona, delmat per la pesta. Per als catalans el resultat de la guerra era una completa derrota. A Barcelona la informació oficial de la firma del Tractat no va arribar fins a mitjan febrer i el govern català, si més no, lamentava una informació tan tardana «del que fem no poca admiració, per considerarnos los més interessats per l’obligació de nostres càrrechs en saber com resta est Principat en lo tractat de pau».66 Un cop finalitzat el silenci diplomàtic, les capitulacions del Tractat van ser àmpliament distribuïdes: «ne estamparen moltísimes —escrivia el mateix Parets—, per enviar-ne per tota Catalunya y per a que los particulars ne comprasen, per a saber lo modo dels pactes y del modo que restaven unes provínties y altres».67 La delimitació del Tractat pirinenc podia haver quedat alterada pel seguit de guerres entre les dues corones de la

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segona meitat del segle xvii, que van continuar malgrat l’esmentada retòrica de pau dels preliminars del Tractat de 1659. El Tractat no va significar cap pau ni perpètua ni duradora. Tot al contrari. Catalunya va patir guerres constants. Tal com diu Soldevila, ja abans de la Guerra de Successió espanyola «des de 1626 en què un exèrcit s’instal·la a Catalunya fins a 1697, data de la pau de Ryswick, podem dir que Catalunya va sofrir constantment la plaga dels allotjaments i de les contribucions militars». Les ocupacions de l’exèrcit francès seran constants durant les guerres de les darreres dècades del segle xvii com les del 1676, 1678, 1684, 1688, 1690, 1691 i les de la guerra dels Nou Anys del 1692-1697, sempre sota la desconfiança reial i sense cap mena de defensa militar hispànica.68 Aquesta situació ha permès a la historiadora Núria Sales de considerar que el tractat més aviat inaugurà «una mera treva de set anys, en més de vuitanta anys de guerra quasi contínua entre els Habsburg de Madrid (o del 1705 al 1713, Habsburg de Barcelona) i els Borbons de París (o del 1700 al 1715, Borbons de París-Madrid). Una treva més aviat curta, comparada a la que seguí al tractat de Câteau-Cambrésis (1559) i sobretot, al tractat de Vervins (1598) al llarg de més de dos segles de rivalitats entorn a l’herència de la casa de Borgonya i la dels Foix-Bearn (entre d’altres).»69 Fins al Tractat de Nimega del 1679, més d’una vegada la Corona de França va oferir a la hispànica la retrocessió de les comarques catalanes dels Pirineus orientals a canvi de territoris dels Països Baixos.70 Els governants espanyols, encegats per la tradició patrimonial Habsburg, s’hi van negar repetidament, tot i el desgast que suposava mantenir aquelles llunyanes terres ja en part en mans de França i d’Holanda i destinada a perdre-les del tot amb la Pau d’Utrecht (1713). La idea de permuta no era nova. Per a França conservar les terres catalanes i l’Alsàcia germànica era renunciar a bona part de l’herència borgonyona i a uns quants milions de valons de cultura francesa. Mazzarino ja ho havia proposat a Münster (1646). En les conferències de Madrid del 1656, Mazzarino havia autoritzat el seu secretari Lionne a renunciar a tots els territoris catalans cedits a França el 1659 a canvi de tot l’Artois, Luxemburg, el Franc Comtat o la Navarra sota domini hispànic. El pla de permuta torna a despertar-se el 1668 a través de Jean Hérault de Gourville, intendent dels queviures de l’exèrcit de Catalunya, que, malgrat ser arrossegat per la caiguda del ministre Foucquet, aconseguí l’encàrrec del secretari Lionne d’obrir negociacions de pau oficioses. Les negociacions de Gourville, ben vistes per Lluís XIV, van ser fins i tot contrastades pel rei de França a Viena, prop de l’emperador, el qual ja dins l’òrbita del futur conflicte de la successió espanyola simultàniament sospesava també la permuta amb França dels Països Baixos hispànics per Alsàcia. El 22 de gener del 1671 Lluís XIV, a través del seu enviat a Viena Jacques Brethel de Grémonville, tot i que no estava disposat a lliurar ensems Baiona i Perpinyà, feia arribar al ministre txec de Leopold, el príncep Lobkowitz, les paraules següents: «el meu pensament se-

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ria, per a la dita permuta, de tornar als espanyols el Rosselló i el comtat de Cerdanya amb tot el que he adquirit ençà dels Monts pel tractat dels Pirineus, afegint-hi encara alguns trossos cap a Navarra que els acomodarien, i, a més, donar quantitats considerables de diners pagables cada any durant algun temps».71 Les negociacions oficioses i en teoria secretes eren divulgades per tot Europa i incidien en els diversos episodis de resistència del Rosselló (16701675). Encara, la tardor del 1677, Joan d’Àustria rebutjava una nova i darrera permuta. Li eren ofertes per part de França les terres catalanes dels Pirineus orientals i les places sicilianes que les noves guerres havien posat a mans franceses a canvi dels Països Baixos i el Franc Comtat. A més Alsàcia seria restituïda a l’emperador i Lorena, ocupada de nou des del 1670, al seu duc i el mateix Joan d’Àustria rebria quatre milions de lliures torneses. Tal com escriu Peter Sahlins: «But the 1660 treaty failed to define the exact territorial location of the SpanishFrench boundary. Only the Treaties of Bayonne in 18661868 formally delimited the political boundary, as France and Spain placed border stones along an imaginary line demarcating their respective national territories».72

Després del 1659: resistència, continuïtats i alternativa El procés, és clar, havia de trobar resistència. D’ençà del 1652 hi hagué transvasaments de persones per evitar represàlies. Mentre sectors significats de l’etapa francesa es refugiaven a Perpinyà, com Josep Fontanella o Francesc Martí Viladamor, d’altres es refugiaven a Barcelona, com és el cas de Gabriel de Llupià, de la família dels Llupià que tenien el patrimoni al Rosselló i sempre havien estat procuradors reials dels comtats de Rosselló i Cerdanya.73 Però no tot era fidelitat a les monarquies, hi jugava també la catalanitat. Tal com va escriure l’historiador Henry, «les roussillonois étaient catalans depuis trop de siècles pour ne pas faire cause commune avec ces peuples».74 D’ençà del 1652, la divisió de Catalunya entre un territori de dominació militar francesa i un territori de dominació militar hispànica creà una divisió entre soldats catalans (miquelets) dits miquelets de França o de la terra uns, i miquelets d’Espanya, però no menys de la terra, els altres. Es tractava més d’una divisió militar dels sobirans que no pas d’una divisió política entre els catalans. La Catalunya sota el monarca hispànic i amb les finances arruïnades, amb tot, va conservar el marc institucional si bé, d’ençà del 1653-1654, el sistema electoral (insaculació o sistema de sac i sort) del govern de Catalunya (Generalitat) i del govern de Barcelona (Consell de Cent) van quedar sota el control de la monarquia. Barcelona era considerada pels homes del rei «la que a hecho cabeza a todas las desdichas de la Monarquia». S’acusava la ciutat no sols de la revolta catalana sinó també d’haver donat una «buena ocasión a la rebelión de Portugal» i obert «el apetito a las inquietudes y tumultos de Nápoles y Paler-

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mo».75 Barcelona s’alliberava de l’amenaça de la construcció d’una ciutadella però perdia immunitat política i quedava sota una guarnició militar. La Catalunya sota dominació hispànica va mantenir, almenys nominalment, el sistema institucional i constitucional català. La continuïtat de la guerra no permetia la creació de cap nova planta de govern. La debilitat de la hisenda de la Generalitat, el soterrament polític de les institucions (Diputació i Consell de Cent), l’increment del control reial i el reforçament de la capitania general van ser mecanismes suficients per al govern del rei Catòlic. Pel que fa al Rosselló, Mazzarino, després de la caiguda de Barcelona (1652), va manar al ministre Servien que es valgués dels catalans fidels a França i refugiats al Rosselló per recompondre un govern català. El rei de França comptà amb personal significat de la revolució catalana com el jurista Josep Fontanella, però sobretot amb el lleidatà Francesc Segarra i el rossellonès Ramon Trobat. Encara en plena guerra, la Cancelleria de París s’adreçava als refugiats polítics catalans de Perpinyà, agraint-los la seva fidelitat, prometent-los recompenses i encomanantlos el govern del Rosselló. El comte d’Hocquincourt era nomenat lloctinent i el doctor Segarra governador, i a Perpinyà eren establertes la Generalitat, el Consell Reial i els altres tribunals de Catalunya (1654),76 però aquesta situació era liquidada el 1660 amb la creació del Conseil Souverain del Rosselló, que anà acompanyada de l’ordre a totes les persones d’alguna categoria social i patrimonial a prestar jurament de fidelitat al rei de França (juliol del 1660) i del control de les reunions de la gent de Perpinyà i les comarques rurals del Rossselló, de Conflent i de Cerdanya (1662).77 Tot just signada la pau dels Pirineus, doncs, el govern català del Rosselló va viure la seva liquidació. Tant en el cas de Barcelona com en el cas del Rosselló, els catalans van dirigir-se als seus respectius monarques en defensa de la seva integritat institucional en nom de l’article 55 del Tractat del 1659. L’article 55 era esgrimit per Barcelona per recuperar les insaculacions, el control de les portes de la ciutat, les baronies confiscades pel rei i la sortida de la guarnició. Pel seu cantó, Perpinyà també reclamava la continuïtat de la seva Generalitat «Lo abolir aquesta casa y consistori de la Deputació als catalans dels comtats de Rosselló y Conflent y terras adjacents que, ab lo tractat de pau v.m. ha concordada ab la corona d’Espanya réstan baix de la sua real obediència, ha de resultar en gran deservey de v.m. y desconsuelo de sos fidelíssims vassalls [...] En lo tractat de la pau concordat entre v.m. y lo rey Catòlich, cap 55, és estat v.m servit honrar los catalans, que en virtut del present tracte tous les catalans et autres habitans de la ditte province [...] sans nul excepter pourront rentrer et reentreront, et seront effectivament layssez et restablis en la possession de tous leurs biens, honeurs, dignités, privileges, droits, exemptions, constitutions et libertés […]».78 Amb tot, el mes de juny del 1660, Lluís XIV signava un decret a Saint-Jean-de-Luz que ordenava la dissolució de

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les institucions catalanes que es mantenien en els territoris adquirits pel Tractat: el Consell reial, el consistori de la Diputació, el tribunal de la governació, el tribunal del patrimoni reial i el tribunal del mestre racional eren dissolts per disposar «le mesme bon orde et la mesme forme de justice et de gouvernement que se garde dans les autres provinces de nostre royaume, reduisant autant qu’il se pourra les choses à l’usage ordinaire de celuy, et de créer pour cette fin un Conseil Souverain des comtés et vigueries de Roussillon et de Conflent et pays adjounts».79 D’aleshores ençà, el govern de la Catalunya Nord s’organitzà entorn de l’intendent general que controlava la vida política, del capità general o governador militar i d’un lloctinent general comandant en cap de l’exèrcit. Encara que aquests càrrecs estigueren sobretot en mans de francesos i en el cas del govern militar, en monopoli de la família Noailles, en la configuració d’aquesta nova estructura política hi van col·laborar, com ja he dit, alguns catalans. El jurista rossellonès Ramon Trobat i Vinyes arribà fins i tot a ser intendent general del Rosselló entre el 1686 i el 1698.80 La Corona de França, en canvi, va conservar l’estructura administrativa local. Així el càrrec de veguer de la Cerdanya, sempre en mans de la família catalana Sicart,81 va mantenir les jurisdiccions senyorials fos quina fos la procedència del senyor i va haver de conservar la jurisdicció eclesiàstica que, tanmateix, mai no havia coincidit ben bé amb els límits polítics. Com a province reputée étrangère va mantenir dues fronteres, la del Llenguadoc i la de la nova delimitació hispanofrancesa. La continuïtat en les relacions socials catalanes per raons de propietat, rendes, usdefruits, llibertat de pas i lligams familiars forçosament hagueren de garantir una delimitació permeable: «no entendiendo —deia el text signat a Llívia el 12 de novembre del 1660— que esta libertad de passaje pueda servir por los delitos que pudieran cometerse.»82 La continuïtat de les guerres, les reserves en l’actuació comercial en territori enemic del tractat del 1659 i la gabella de la sal dels Borbó havien de tenir conseqüències en la vida política catalana d’una i l’altra banda de la frontera militar en l’emergència d’episodis de resistencialisme i en la configuració d’una nova alternativa política arran de la coneguda diplomàticament com a Guerra de Successió espanyola. Peter Sahlins ha verificat els conflictes derivats de l’inextricable entrecreuement entre la frontera militar i la jurisdicció eclesiàstica, fiscal i civil en el cas de la Cerdanya i el difícil i traumàtic trajecte humà recorregut per la Vall en el procés del que anomena «territorialització de l’estat», és a dir, la conversió de la frontera militar en frontera política.83 Fou la criminalització de la deserció militar i el comerç entre l’una i l’altra banda de la nova delimitació el factor més decisiu per concloure el límit territorial polític. Els ministres del segle xviii pensaven que calia depurar el regne d’enclavaments estrangers i «close the state» tant com el territori ho permetès. «This is no longer a time of

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conquests. France must be satisfied with its greatness and extension —escriu el marquès d’Argenson, ministre d’afers exteriors de Lluís XV—. It is time to start governing, after spending so much time acquiring what to govern.»84 El canvi de sobirà per a la Catalunya Nord va ser també un canvi de les seves estructures fiscals. La imposició de la gabella de la sal fou el detonant d’un important episodi de resistència antifiscal amb connotacions nacionals. Entre els catalans, d’ençà del 1283, el comerç de la sal era franc d’impostos a pagar al rei i només se’n pagava a la institució de govern de Catalunya (Diputació del General o Generalitat), segons un 1,66 del seu valor en cas d’entrada i un 5% en cas de sortida de Catalunya.85 La sal era indispensable en la vida humana i dels ramats i aquests eren de gran importància a les contrades pirinenques. El desembre del 1661, Lluís XIV instituïa per raons militars la gabella de la sal sobre les terres catalanes sota el seu domini i en confiava el cobrament a guardes llenguadocians. Aquests començaren a interferir en la compra habitual de la sal de Cardona pels cerdans. El decret de Lluís XIV del 1661, de fet, va començar a criminalitzar el comerç de la sal catalana entre els cerdans, convertint un comerç habitual en contraban. La primavera del 1663 Sant Llorenç de Cerdans s’alçà contra els gabellots al crit d’«A carn, a carn, via fora els lladres». La repressió del Consell Sobirà del Rosselló sobre Sant Llorenç (1665) (multa de sis mil lliures i batlle, consols i 51 veïns condemnats a perpetuïtat a galeres) va col·laborar a estendre la revolta antifiscal, a polititzar-la i a convertir-la en resistència nacional.86 Entre el 1667 i el 1675 l’extensió de la revolta contra els agents de la gabella i els representants de les autoritats franceses va ser encapçalada per Josep de la Trinxeria, membre d’una família de paraires i notaris de Prats de Molló.87 La revolta coneguda amb el sobrenom de revolta dels angelets,88 va estendre’s al Vallespir i també al Conflent sota el comadament de Joan Miquel Mestre, pagès de sobrenom «L’hereu Just». Francesc Segarra, des del Consell Sobirà del Rosselló, va tenir un protagonisme actiu en la repressió. El lloctinent general Noël Bouton Chamilly, el 5 de maig del 1670, amb un exèrcit de 4.000 homes derrotava els angelets a l’Alt Conflent. La derrota fou seguida d’un dura repressió: multes, empresonaments, galeres i penes de mort. Molts angelets es refugiaren al sud de les Alberes i d’altres encara van seguir fent actuacions disperses. Aquesta resistència no es pot deslligar del tot de les guerres francoespanyoles que tornaven a estar enceses des del juny del 1667 per la reclamació del ducat de Brabant per Lluís XIV com a herència de la seva muller Maria Teresa. El 1672-1678 cuejava la Guerra d’Holanda i tot fa pensar que els angelets podien estar també pendents de les possibilitats d’una permuta dels comtats a canvi de Flandes. Malgrat la repressió del Conseil Souverain, el territori català al nord de les Alberes no quedà pas pacificat. «Le peuple de Roussillon —informava l’intendent Pont d’Alberet entorn del 1674— se nomme et s’estime catalan et regarderait com-

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me une degradation et une injure le nom de françois […] Cet esprit est respandu jusque dans les Conseil Superieur […] On n’y soufre la nation françoise maître, que pour impossibilité d’en secourir le joug».89 Manuel Descatllar, noble de Vilafranca del Conflent, sospitós des del 1670 de conspiracions hispàniques, el 1674, amb un ampli concurs de conjurats nobles i plebeus, com Francesc de Llar, Carles de Llar, Carles de Banyuls o el segon cònsol de Vilafranca Joan Soler, va pretendre l’ocupació de Vilafranca per un regiment de soldats de Puigcerdà90 que fracassà a causa d’una delació. Carles de Banyuls i Francesc de Llar fugiren. Manuel Descatllar, Carles de Llar i Joan Soler patien pena de mort després de greus tortures i confiscació de béns, acusats de crim de lesa majestat en primer cap. No foren els únics, perquè la conjura i la pena de mort tocà, entre d’altres, els perpinyanesos Antoni Rivet, cònsol de Perpinyà, Josep Tixedas i Francesc Puig, el rector de Forques Manuel Boixó, Pere Dantés militar, Josep Salgas batlle de La Bastida i T. Fageda. Empresonament i confiscació de patrimoni el patiren més d’una cinquantena de persones de tota mena (donzells, juristes, professors, clergues i dones) i d’arreu (Vilafranca, Perpinyà, Ceret, Vinçà, Fullà, Banyuls, Bassegoda, Prats de Molló) i les instruccions contra els conjurats encara duraven els anys 1675-1676. La guerra generalitzada incidia en la frontera militar pirinenca i les invasions d’una i altra banda van comportar una guerra continuada a Catalunya, baluard d’amb dues Corones i sempre sota la desconfiança dels seus monarques respectius. La Catalunya sota dominació hispànica patí repetides invasions, les més espectaculars les de l’anomenada guerra dels nou anys (1689-1697), durant la qual la flota francesa bombardejà Barcelona i Alacant (1691) i les tropes del rei Cristianíssim arribaren a ocupar la Vall d’Àneu, Puigcerdà, Bellver, Ribes de Freser i Camprodon primer, Roses, Girona i Hostalric més tard i, Barcelona, ja a les acaballes d’aquella guerra (1697).91 Les restriccions polítiques posteriors al 1652, acompanyades de les guerres continuades, aquestes ja sota l’òrbita de la successió hispànica i el repartiment de l’herència dels Habsburg de Madrid, provocà també alçaments a la Catalunya al sud de les Alberes. En el marc de la guerra continuada, entre el 1687 i el 1689, tenia lloc la revolta dels barretines. Nascuda a redós d’una crisi de subsistència i dels desproporcionats i injustos allotjaments de tropes (quasi tres mil homes i la meitat de cavalleria) que requeien sobre els plebeus i les àrees rurals, adoptà trets antisenyorials i reivindicatius a favor de les lleis catalanes (Constitucions), les quals els protegien de la fiscalitat militar, i a favor de la llibertat del sistema electoral català (insaculació). L’espurna de l’alçament tingué lloc a Centelles. També al sud de les Alberes el càstig de l’Audiència contra els pobles i contra les tímides actuacions de la Diputació a favor dels pagesos va contribuir a generalitzar l’alçament que s’estengué al Collsacabra, al Lluçanès, a la Segarra, a l’Urgell, al Vallès i al Llobregat. Davant les muralles de Barcelona

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dos anys consecutius (1688 i 1689) s’hi concentraren més de deu mil pagesos rebels al govern de la monarquia, tot exigint llibertat d’insaculació i actuacions contra les tropes. L’alçament comptà amb l’encapçalament d’Antoni Soler, que fou assassinat, de Sebastià Enric Torres, de Josep Rocafort i de Joan Rocrabruna, tots ells propietaris benestants.92 De la mateixa manera que al nord de les Alberes el complot de Vilafranca pretenia per raons catalanes i no d’hispanofília l’actuació de la guarnició de Puigcerdà sobre el Rosselló, també per raons catalanes i no de francofília els dirigents barretines entraren en converses amb el català i intendent del Rosselló Ramon Trobat amb idees similars. Enric Torres, exclòs del perdó general del 14 de març del 1690 i sota la repressió del lloctinent duc de Villahermosa, es retirà al nord de les Alberes amb més d’una quarentena de seguidors. De la mateixa manera que Josep de la Trinxeria, uns anys abans, havia hagut de fugir al sud de les Alberes i esdevenir miquelet d’Espanya, els dirigents barretines esdevingueren miquelets de França (fusellers de muntanya al servei de Lluís XIV) i actuaren com a agents de l’intendent Trobat, que alimentà un nou episodi fracassat d’aliança i annexió de Catalunya a França (1691),93 el qual, sembla, comptà amb el suport d’un re duït nombre de nobles vinculats a la Diputació. En el context de la Guerra de Successió espanyola, els catalans, tot dirigint el conjunt de la Corona catalanoaragonesa, aspiraren a la recuperació del terreny polític perdut entre el 1652 i el 1659, a posar al dia els recursos polítics catalans (institucionals i legislatius) per mitjà del seu sistema parlamentari (Corts catalanes) i a reunificar el país.94 Això ho féu possible el protagonisme polític dels Tres Comuns. Durant la segona meitat del segle xvii, malgrat les guerres i el control de la monarquia, el creixement econòmic català s’havia activat i amb ell la dinamització de la política. Un govern polític ad hoc amb representants del Consell de Cent, de la Diputació i d’un estament de notables barceloní (Els Tres Comuns)95 va començar a pendre iniciatives. L’òrbita de l’actuació catalana des de Barcelona transcendí fins i tot al nord de les Alberes, on les actuacions del Consell Sobirà permeten observar la presència de sectors partidaris de l’aliança de La Haia al Rosselló.96 Però un exèrcit francoespanyol, ara ben unit, liquidava aquella aternativa catalana. Una aproximació al Tractat dels Pirineus i les seves conseqüències a 350 anys dels fets és útil per adonar-se del caràcter plurinacional dels territoris d’aquelles monarquies i la naturalesa dinasticopatrimonial de les seves fronteres. La diplomàcia no era més que el mirall pacífic de les guerres, la qual només es posava en marxa quan mancaven els diners i no era possible mantenir ni la pressió fiscal ni el reclutament militar. Les fronteres actuals tenen origen en l’actuació militar i diplomàtica d’aquelles monarquies al marge de la identitat dels pobles. Tanmateix, la historiografia ha col·laborat decisivament a donar legitimitat democràtica a aquestes fronteres dinasticomilitars.

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Notes i referències [1]

[2]

[3] [4]

[5]

Henri Vast féu un repàs de totes les negociacions sobretot entre el 1648 i el 1658: Les Grands Traités du régne de Louis XIV, I: Traité de Münster, Ligue du Rhin. Traité des Pyrénées (1648-1659). Alphonse Picard et fils éditeurs, París 1893, p. 65-71. «Les négociations durèrent de 1643 à 1650 sans réussir», p. 79. Joan Reglà va fer també el seguiment dels diversos encontres diplomàtics entre les dues monarquies des del 1648 fins a la signatura del 7 de novembre del 1659 a l’illa dels Faisans. Aquesta relació només té present els grans dignataris: Vantorte/ Peñaranda (Brusel·les, 1648-1649), Lionne/Peñaranda (Brusel·les, 1649), Pimentel/Mazzarino (Colònia, 1651), marquès de Silleri/autoritats hispàniques (Països Baixos, 1651) i Lionne/Haro (Madrid, 1656), Mazzarino/Pimentel (Lió-París, 1658-1659), els quals contra l’opinió de Turena el 7 de maig acordaven la suspensió de les hostilitats i deixaven la darrera paraula, amb plens poders, als acords entre Mazzarino i Haro. Joan Reglà. «El Tratado de los Pirineos de 1659. Negociaciones subsiguientes acerca de la delimitación fronteriza». Hispania, XI:XLII (1951), p. 101-166, especialment p. 109116. Un repàs historiogràfic més recent a Rafael Valladares. «El Tratado de Paz de los Pirineos: una revisión historiográfica (1888-1988)», dins Espacio, Tiempo y Forma, Serie IV, Historia Moderna, 2 (1989), p. 125-138. Núria Sales. «Tractà dels Pirineus, el Tractat dels Pirineus?». Estudis d’Història Agrària, 17 (2004), p. 829-842, citació p. 832-833. Pel seu cantó, H. Vast escriu: «Le Traité des Pyrénées [...] moins important pour l’Europe que les traités de Westphalie, il a pour la France une importance plus grande [...] la France pouvait espérer de conquèrir et de garder la Belgique», Les Grands Traités, op. cit., p. 89-90. Signataris de la Lliga del Rin, Vast. Les Grands Traités..., op.cit., p. 65-78. Capítols 122 i 123 del Tractat. He consultat l’edició Tratado de Paz entre esta Corona y la de Francia ajustado por el excmo señor don Luis Méndez de Haro y Guzmán, marqués del Carpio, conde-duque de Olivares, alcayde perpetuo de los Reales Alcázares y Atarazanas de la Ciudad de Sevilla, gran Canciller perpétuo de las Indias, comendador mayor del orden de Alcantara, del Consejo de Estado del Rey nuestro señor, gentilhombre de su Cámara y su cavallerizo Mayor y por el Eminmo señor cardenal Julio Mazarini, Madrid: Imprenta de Domingo García Morrás, 1660. Sobre textos diplomàtics, cal tenir present com a mínim les edicions d’Abreu i Bertodano: Colección de los Tratados de Paz, Madrid: 1740-1752, al costat de les edicions en francès d’H. Vast. Vast. Les Grands Traités..., op.cit., I, p. 89. En la

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[6]

[7] [8] [9]

[10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15]

[16]

[17]

[18]

notícia bibliogràfica de Vast consta l’existència del tractat en francès, espanyol, llatí i alemany, p. 90. George Clark. The seventeenth century. Oxford University Press, 1972, p. 128-129 (primera edició, 1929). Robert Mandrou. La France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Presses Universitaires de France, París 1967, p. 231. Vast. Les Grands Traités..., op. cit., «Introduction», p. I. Capítol 2. La redacció efectiva fou tasca dels adjunts d’ambdós plenipotenciaris Pedro de Coloma per part hispànica i Hughes de Lionne per part francesa. Des d’Hendaia anaven redactant l’articulat de les minutes que els anaven arribant al final de cada jornada de negociació. Reglà. El Tratado..., op. cit., p. 115. Joël Cornette. Chronique du règne de Louis XIV. Sedes, Saint-Just-la-Pendue 1997, p. 71. Josep Sanabre. El tractat dels Pirineus i la mutilació de Catalunya. Barcelona 1960, p. 28. Josep Sanabre. La acción de Francia en Cataluña (1640-1659). Barcelona 1956, p. 351-365. Sanabre. El tractat..., op.cit., p. 34. Ibídem, p. 22-23 Ibídem, p. 49. Segons Lluís XIV el Rosselló li pertanyia: «vous ne pouvez pas ignorer —eren paraules del rei que rebia el secretari a Hughes de Lionne— que les comtés du Roussillon et de Cerdaigne sont de l’ancien patrimoine de ma coronne; que celle d’Espagne me les a retenues long temps sous titre ilegitime». El record de la vella marca carolingia o l’empenyorament del 1462 per Joan II al rei de França el podien fer parlar així. Gaston Zeller. «La monarchie d’Ancien Régime et les frontières nauturelles». Revue d’Histoire Moderne, 8 (1933), p. 305-333. Mandrou. La France..., op. cit., p. 230. Charles Vassal-Reig. La guerre en Roussillon sous Louis XIII (1635-1639). Préface de M. Louis Batiffol administrateur de la Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal. Éditions Occitania, París 1934, p. XII. Vassal-Reig. La guerre..., op.cit., p. XIV. Sobre l’ambigüitat de la historiografia francesa en relació amb l’adquisició del Rosselló al segle xvii, vegeu «Per què l’adquisició del Rosselló és presentada per la historiografia francesa com una conquesta militar més?». Revista de Catalunya, 90 (novembre 1994), p. 23-38. Els catalans, en aquella difícil conjuntura, van tendir a legitimar l’aliança amb França, i acceptaren el vassallatge a Lluís XIII «comme leurs predecesseurs avoient desia faict du temps de Charlemagne». Sanabre. La acción de Francia en Cataluña, op.cit., p. 132; altres referències a Carlemany a p. 102, 134 i 701. També C. Vassal-Reig. Richelieu et la Catalogne. París 1935, p. 188. En aquella conjuntura, Carlemany era vist pels catalans com un sobirà fruit de l’elecció voluntària d’un poble lliure. Sobre

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[19] [20] [21]

[22] [23]

[24]

[25] [26]

[27]

les relacions entre Catalunya i França vegeu Óscar Jané Checa. França i Catalunya al segle XVII. Identitats, contraidentitats i ideologies a l’època moderna (1640-1700). Afers, Catalunya-Barcelona 2006. Vassal-Reig. La guerre..., op. cit., p. XIV. Peter Sahlins. Boundaries. The making of France and Spain in the Pyrenees. University California Press, 1989, p. 37-38. Des de l’òptica catalana aquestes territoris eren la vegueria del Rosselló amb la sotsvegueria del Vallespir, la vegueria de Vilafranca del Conflent amb la sotsvegueria del Capsir i la vegueria de Puigcerdà. Lluís de Peguera. Practica, forma y stil de celebrar Corts Generals en Catalunya y materias incidents en aquellas. Gerony Margarit, Barcelona 1632 (edició facsímil. Ed. Base, Barcelona 1974, p. 221225, 227-234). En aquesta obra el jurisconsult català Peguera (1540-1610) fa una descripció de Catalunya i fa la relació de tots els pobles de Catalunya per vegueries i sotsvegueries. Sahlins. Boundaries..., op. cit., p. 65. Ho ha posat en evidència la historiografia catalana relativa a les guerres de la segona meitat del segle xvii: Ferran Soldevila. Història de Catalunya. Barcelona 1963, p. 1060-1095. Joaquim Albareda. Els catalans i Felip V. Barcelona 1993, p. 11-58. Josep Maria Torras. La Guerra de Successió i els setges de Barcelona (1697-1714). Barcelona 1999, p. 2742. Antonio Espino. Catalunya durante el reinado de Carlos II. Política y guerra en la frontera catalana, 1679-1697. Bellaterra 1999. Perpinyà es veia a si mateixa com a «muralla perpètua de Catalunya» i «frontera de francesos y de altres enemichs (...) y per aquells sovint infestada y molt garrejada». Eva Serra. «Perpinyà, una vila a Corts catalanes (Montsó, 1585)». Afers, 28 (1997), p. 580 i 587. Cròniques del Rosselló. Segles xvi-xvii, a cura d’Antoni Simon i Tarrés i Pep Vila, Barcelona 1998. p. 100-101 i 103. El Tractat segregava les viles de Perpinyà, Argelers, Cotlliure, Salses, Tuïr, Vilafranca del Conflent, Vinçà i el Voló de la representació parlamentària catalana i Perpinyà i la seva vegueria del dret electoral en el govern de la Generalitat. Eva Serra. «Ciutats i viles a Corts Catalanes (1563-1632): entorn de la força municipal parlamentària». El món urbà a la Corona d’Aragó del 1137 als decrets de Nova Planta. XVII Congrés d’Història de la Corona d’Aragó. Barcelona-Lleida, 7-12 de setembre de 2000. Universitat de Barcelona, 2003, vol. III, p. 873-900; i íd.: «La representació de la Catalunya Nord a les Institucions Polítiques Catalanes abans de l’annexió amb França», dins Sessió de la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica a Perpinyà (20 d’Octubre de 2004). IEC, SHA, Barcelona 2005, p. 13-19. Sanabre. El tractat..., op. cit., p. 74-77.

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[28] Ibídem, p. 60, 62. [29] Reglà. «El tratado...», op. cit., p. 114-117. Tanmateix, segons Joan Reglà, Luis de Haro s’endugué per encarrilar les negociacions documentació sobre el Conflent, la Cerdanya i el Rosselló que el virrei de Catalunya, el marquès d’Olias, va treure de l’Arxiu Reial de Barcelona i una còpia dels capítols dels Anales de la Corona de Aragón de Jerónimo Zurita relatius a aquells territoris. [30] Reglà explica que els tractats secrets del matrimoni reial van modificar els termes de la restitució d’aquestes places. Aquesta es faria quan Maria Teresa creués el Bidasoa. Aleshores entrarien dos ostatges francesos com a garantia de la restitució. Reglà, «El tratado...», op. cit., p. 120. Els articles secrets del tractat i fragments del contracte de casament de Lluís XIV amb Maria Teresa foren publicats per Vast, Les Grands..., op. cit., I, p. 168-175 i 176-187. Abreu publica el Tractat i el contracte de casament (Colección..., op. cit., t. VII, p. 114-229 i 324-343). [31] El doctor Andreu Bosch de Perpinyà dedicava el capítol 29 dels seus Títols d’Honor a parlar «De les sinch opinions differents ahont se té de pendrer lo principi y promontori dels dits monts Pyrineus en lo mar Mediterraneo terra de Rosselló y discurs a la terra de Cerdanya per fer la divisió entre Espanya y França y part de la Gal·lia Narbonesa», Summari, Índex o Epítome dels admirables y nobilíssims títols d’honor de Catalunya, Rosselló y Cerdanya y de les gràcies, privilegis, prerrogatives, preheminències, llibertats e immunitats gosan segons les pròpies y naturals lleys, Pere Lacavalleria estamper, Perpinyà, 1628; edició facsímil, Barcelona; Sueca: Curial, 1974, capítol 29, p. 117-124. La citació és de la p. 117. P. Sahlins explica també que Mazzarino tenia dificultats en el reconeixement de la topografia pirinenca i consultava mapes amb l’ajuda del català doctor en lleis Ramon Trobat per garantir la reclamació del Conflent i un tros de la Cerdanya, si bé els seus mapes solien col·locar muntanyes allà on no n’hi havien (Boundaries..., op. cit., p. 54 i 55). [32] Amb tot, la Marca Hispanica fou una obra pòstuma editada pel secretari de Pèire de Marca, Étienne Baluze, el 1688, dedicada a Jean-Baptiste Colbert, el ministre de Lluís XIV. Baluze va acabar i completar el projecte en marxa de Marca. El prefaci al lector de Baluze conté el relat de les negociacions de Ceret des de la perspectiva dels comissaris francesos. Pel que fa a la Marca Hispanica, vegeu Tomàs de Montagut. [ressenya bibliogràfica], Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español, LXX (2000), p. 626-630. Jesús Villanueva. «La Marca Hispanica de Pierre de Marca y Étienne Baluze a través de sus tres momentos de composición (1648-1650, 1660, 1688): de ‘ilustración’ humanista a colección documental». Pedralbes, 24 (2004), p. 205-231. Núria Sales,

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[33]

[34] [35]

[36]

[37] [38]

tot comentant el llibre de Blandine Barret-Kriegel, Les historiens et la monarchie (1988), ha explicat la combinació complexa d’interessos i mecenatges erudits i monàstics que en els segles xvii i xviii van conviure amb els interessos estatals i escriu que «el 1683 Colbert manifestava la necessitat d’encomanar vastes compilacions històriques ‘provincials’ a gent entesa». Cal pensar que la Marca Hispanica s’inscriu en aquest propòsit de Colbert. Núria Sales. «Dom Mabillon, dom Lobineau i el P. Villanueva: una No-història?». Afers, 10 (1990), p. 521532. Petro de Marca. Marca Hispanica sive Limes Hispanicus hoc est, Geographica et historica descriptio Cataloniae, Ruscinonis et circumjacentium populorum, auctore illustrissimo viro —— archiepiscopo Parisiensi, Parisiis, apud Franciscum Muguet regis et illustrissimi archiepiscopi Parisiensis typographum, MDCLXXXVIII. Edició facsímil, Editorial Base, Barcelona 1998: Stefani Baluzii tutelensis praefatio ad lectorem, III i VI. Stefani Baluze. «Praefatio ad lectorem», II. Ph. Torreilles. «La delimitation de la frontière en 1660». Revue d’Histoire et Archeologie, I (1900), p. 24. Marca reclamava tota la Cerdanya i la Seu d’Urgell amb la seva comarca i el vescomtat de Castellbò (Sanabre. El Tractat..., op. cit., p. 82). «Arguments comtals, veguerials/sotsveguerials, arguments trets dels autors de l’antiguitat greco-romana i arguments geogràfics van ser utilitzats per tots dos camps —escriu Núria Sales— sinó que triant-ne de diferents o interpretant-los diferentment: així P. de Marca, obligat a arraconar la seva Gran Cerdanya, invocà suposats límits originals del comtat del Rosselló per reivindicar el Conflent, mentre els comissaris espanyols demostraven que el Conflent no n’hi havia pas format part, sinó que foren els antics comtes de Cerdanya, que ho havien estat també del Conflent. Pel que fa al Canigó P. de Marca l’esborrà senzillament del mapa, en pretendre que entre Rosselló i Conflent no hi havia altres muntanyes que «une colline que l’on appelle le col de Terranère» (Sales. «Tractà dels Pirineus...», op. cit., p. 836, nota 17). Capítol 33 i tractats particulars que són complementaris del general. Reglà. El Tratado..., op. cit., p. 115 i 120. Havien de ser 33 pobles per al rei de França; el 13 d’agost de 1660 Serroni escrivia a Mazzarino: «je me’n suis fait desja accorder vinghuit, qui sont effectivement plus de cinquante, car le mot que VE fait adjouter des villages avec jurisdiction, m’on fait gagner dix, que ne sont compter que par un, et je n’ay receu que par deux, ceux qui sont en effect que quatre ou cinc» (Sanabre. El tractat..., op. cit., p. 88). La condició de vila de jurisdicció reial és el fet que permeté l’estrambòtica solució de Llívia.

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[39] Sanabre. El Tractat..., op. cit., p. 89. [40] Eduard Vivas i Llorens. «Panissars històric i monumental». Annals de l’Institut d’Estudis Empordanesos, 26 (1993), p. 35-58. [41] Deu articles formulaven els procediments a seguir per a la normalització de la vida jurídica en funció de les disposicions dels articles 55, 57, 58, 59 i 112 del Tractat. Reglà. «El Tratado...», op. cit., p. 139146; Sahlins: Boundaries..., op. cit., p. 54-59. [42] Sales. «Tractà dels Pirineus...», op. cit., p. 830, nota 9. [43] Joan Reglà, sobre aquesta qüestió, indica que Mazzarino va voler obviar possibles irredemptismes parlamentaris com n’havien fet els Estats de Borgonya el 1526. Aleshores Francesc I se n’havia aprofitat tot negant-se a cedir la Borgonya basant-se en la resistència dels Estats borgonyons a reconèixer el tractat de Madrid del 1526, el qual havia estat fet sense consultar llurs Estats. Durant la resta del segle xvii el govern català (Diputació del General o Generalitat) va seguir considerant les vegueries del Rosselló, Conflent i part de la Cerdanya territori propi a efectes d’insaculació (electorals) i els seus papers administratius mai no van abandonar el territori nord-català. Les Corts de Barcelona del 17051706 (la reunió parlamentària de l’arxiduc Carles III) els van esmentar sovint i hi hagueren reivindicacions catalanes en aquest sentit com l’opuscle anònim de 1734 Via fora els adormits esmentat per Ferran Soldevila. Història de Catalunya. Barcelona 1963, p. 1067. [44] Capítols 34-40, 61. [45] Capítol 61. Capítols de restitucions al rei catòlic: 44 (comtat de Charolais però sota sobirania del rei de França), 46 (Ypres), 47 (Valenza sobre el Po i Mortara), 48 (comtat de Borgonya). Capítols sobre les condicions de les evacuacions: marxar sense fer estralls: capítol 50, es pot marxar amb l’artilleria i altres coses de guerra: capítol 51, en marxar cal pagar als habitants: capítol 52, el perdó del Cristianíssim a la guarnició d’Hesdin: capítol 53. El retorn de tota mena de documents i títols acreditatius de la possessió: capítol 54. [46] Capítol 110. [47] Capítol 41. [48] Capítol 60. [49] Els capítols 62-78 i 121 són els relatius al duc de Lorena. [50] Capítols 45, 79-87 i 117. [51] Capítol 88. [52] Capítols 21, 22, 89, 90, 108 i 109. [53] Capítols 91-100. [54] Capítol 101. [55] Cantons suïssos, capítol 102; els Grissons, capítol 103; Mònaco, capítol 104; la duquessa de Chebrosa, capítol 105. [56] Capítols 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119 i 120. Els capítols 49, 116 i 118 fan referència, com he dit

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[57] [58]

[59] [60]

[61]

[62] [63] [64] [65]

[66] [67]

[68]

[69] [70]

més amunt a les places catalanes de Roses, el Fort de la Trinitat i Cadaqués. Sobre els presoners de guerra, capítols 106, 107 i 111. Capítol 124. Vast indica que el tractat fou resgistrat el 21 de juliol del 1660 al Parlament de París i en el curs de l’any a diversos parlaments de Província, «au contraire, la cour de Madrid semble considérer l’article 124 comme non avenu. Le traité ne fut enregistré ni en Castille, ni aux Pays-Bas»(Vast. Les Grands..., op. cit., I, p. 166). Consideracions finals del Tractat. Capítols 55-59. El Tractat intenta donar pautes per resoldre la complexa casuística de les restitucions pel que fa als crèdits, els béns en litigi, els lluïsmes, les prorrates, les bestretes, etc., tot intentant regular al màxim el retorn de les confiscacions. Tal com ja s’ha dit, la conferència de Figueres donà pautes en relació amb aquests temes per al cas específic de Catalunya. Són també capítols sobre les restitucions civils dels diversos àmbits geogràfics 28-31. Pel que fa al capítol 32 ambdós monarques es comprometen a mantenir les prelatures concedides durant la guerra. Capítols 5-9 i 25-27. Els mercaders i súbdits que circulin tenen dret d’advocat i en els seus llibres de comptes poden usar «la lengua que quisieran, en español, francés, flamenca o otras sin que por esto puedan ser molestados e inquiridos». Capítol 25. Capítol 10. Capítols 11-23. Capítol 24. Capítols 1-4. El capítol 4 reclama: «Todos los motivos de enemistad o mala inteligencia quedaran borrados y extinguidos para siempre y todo lo que se ha dicho y passado por razón de la presente guerra u en el tiempo della se pondran en perpètuo olvido.» Sanabre. El Tractat..., op.cit., p. 79 Pel que fa a les citacionss de Parets, Antoni Simon i Tarrés. «L’estatus de Barcelona després de la pau dels Pirineus, presidi o ciutadella?». Estudis, 32 (2006) p. 240 i 241. Ferran Soldevila. Història de Catalunya, op. cit., p. 1090-1095. Núria Sales. Història de Catalunya. Els segles de la decadència. Segles xvi-xviii. Barcelona 1989, p. 396. Albareda. Els catalans..., op. cit., p. 36-50. Espino. Cataluña durante..., op. cit., capítols 1-3. Tal com diu Soldevila, «les intrigues polítiques es van barrejar amb la guerra, llavors que la defensa de Catalunya fou supeditada a les conveniències del partit afrancesat, que guanyava ràpidament adeptes a la Cort» a les vigílies de la Guerra de Successió espanyola, p. 1091. Núria Sales. «Tractà dels Pirineus...», op. cit., p. 830, nota 9. Pau de la Fàbrega Pallarès. L’oferiment de retro-

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[71]

[72] [73]

[74] [75]

[76] [77] [78] [79]

[80] [81]

cessió del Rosselló a Espanya (1668-1677). Barcelona 1994. H. Vast, sobre aquesta qüestió escriu que entre el 1643 i el 1650: «Mazarin eût voulu ménager à la France l’acquisition de toutes les conquètes faites aux Pays-Bas et en Franche-Comté, en èchange de la Catalogne et du Roussillon» (Les Grands..., op. cit., p. 80). Pau de la Fàbrega. L’oferiment..., op. cit., p. 30 i 3839. Lluís XIV encara afegia a la carta la seva bona disposició a oferir assistència en tropes i vaixells i diners al rei hispànic «per a la conquesta de l’Àfrica, que és tan pròxima a la seva Corona i que li és tan necessària per al seu comerç i per a la seguretat i defensa de les seves places marítimes». Sahlins. Boundaries..., op. cit., p. XV. Sanabre. Resistència..., op. cit., p. 73. Pere Gifre. «Família i patrimoni a l’època moderna, segles xvixviii», i Miquel Pérez Latre. «Els Llupià i la política a l’edat moderna». Història dels Llupià (10881771) i dels llinatges incorporats: Icard, Roger i Vallseca. Edicions Trabucaire, Canet 2006, p. 85129 i 141-184. «pour ne partager leur anthipatie contre les français» (D.M.J. Henry. Histoire du Roussillon, París 1835, II, p. 417). Josep Maria Torras i Ribé. «El projecte de repressió dels catalans de 1652». La revolució catalana de 1640. Barcelona (1991), p. 251. Sobre la criminalitzció de Barcelona, vegeu Fernando Sánchez Marcos. «El nuevo ‘status’ de Barcelona tras su reincorporación a la monarquía hispánica en 1652». Homenaje al Dr D. Juan Reglà Campistol, València (1975), vol. I, p. 597-609. Antoni Simon. «L’estatus de Barcelona..., op. cit.; i íd. Ecos catalans i hispànics de la caiguda de Barcelona el 1652. IEC, Barcelona (2007). Sanabre. El tractat..., op. cit., p. 91; i íd. Resistència del Rosselló a incorporar-se a França, Barcelona 1970, p. 70-71. Sanabre. Resistència..., op. cit., p. 94, 96. Sanabre. El Tractat..., op. cit., p. 91. Sanabre. La acción de Francia..., op. cit., p. 596; i íd.: Resistència…, op. cit., p. 91-92. G. Clerc. Recherches sur le Conseil Souverain de Roussillon, 1660-1790: organisation et competences, 2 vols. Tesi de dret. Universitat de Tolosa de Llenguadoc 1973. D’altra banda des d’un edicte de febrer del 1700 va ser obligada a la redacció en francès de les actes dels notaris, les escriptures públiques, procediments i sentències en francès, Raymond Sala. Dieu, le roi, les hommes. Perpignan et le Roussillon (1580-1830). Perpinyà 1996, p. 218. Anette Smedley-Weill. Les intendents de Louis XIV. Fayard, 1995, p. 60. Sahlins. Boundaries..., op. cit., p. 56.

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[96]

Sanabre. El Tractat..., op. cit., p. 90. Sahlins. Boundaries..., op. cit., cap. 2, p. 61-102. Ibidem, p. 95-96. Eva Serra i Puig. «Tarifs douaniers dans la Catalogne Moderne». A: Gilbert Larguier (dir.). Douanes. Éstats et Frontières dans l’Est des Pyrénées de l’Antiqueté à nos jours. PUP-AHAD, Perpinyà 2005, p. 61-88, 81. La guerra de la sal. R. Megerand; R. Sala (dir.). Perpinyà 1985. Alice Marcet. «Une révolte anti-fiscale et nationale: les Angelets du Vallespir (1663-1672)». Actes du 102e Congrès National des Sociétés Savantes. Llemotges (1977). Alain Ayats. Les guerres de Josep de la Trinxeria (1637-1694). La guerre du sel et les autres. El Trabucaire, Perpinyà 1997. El sobrenom procedeix o bé de la seva agilitat d’aparèixer i desaparèixer pel fet de conèixer la muntanya i fer una guerra de guerrilla, o bé del patronatge de Sant Miquel dels paraires de Prats de Molló. Sanabre. Resistència..., op. cit., p. 112. Ibidem, p. 113-114. Tenia el suport de families importants de Vilafranca del Conflent com els Llar, els Soler, els Miquel, els Prats. «En voyant la principauté débarrassée de ceux qu’on ne regardait plus que comme des oppresseurs —escriu Henry— ils cherchèrent à s’en déliverer à leur tour, et réclamèrent les secours de leurs compatriotes» (Histoire..., op. cit., II, p. 417). Albert Garcia Espuche. Barcelona entre dues guerres. Economia i vida quotidiana (1652-1714). Vic 2005, p. 147-198. Albareda. Els catalans..., op. cit., p. 31-50. Jaume Dantí. Aixecaments populars als Països Catalans (1687-1693). Barcelona 1990, p. 119-158. Albareda. Els catalans..., op. cit., p. 35. Les Constitucions (lleis catalanes) aprovades en el Parlament (Corts catalanes) celebrat durant el regnat de l’arxiduc Carles III (1705-1706) sovint fan referència a les «viles nostres del Present Principat de Catalunya i Comtats de Rosselló i Cerdanya». Eduard Martí. «La Conferència dels Comuns. Una institució per a la defensa de les institucions a Catalunya (1698-1714)». A: J. Sobrequés (coord.). Actes del 53 Congrés de la Comissió Internacional per a l’Estudi de la Història de les Institucions Representatives i Parlamentàries, vol. I. Parlament de Catalunya; Museu d’Història de Catalunya, Barcelona (2005), p. 447-466. També Martí. La Conferència dels Tres Comuns, Treball d’iniciació a la recerca, IUJVV-Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, setembre del 2005. Mònica Ferrer. «El suport a l’arxiduc en els comtats del Rosselló i la Cerdanya durant els primers anys de la guerra». L’Avenç, 206 (setembre 1996), p. 34-39.

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Eva Serra

Nota biogràfica Eva Serra i Puig. Barcelona, 1942. Doctora per la Universitat de Barcelona (1978). Ha exercit la docència a diverses universitats catalanes i ara ho fa a la de Barcelona. Des del 2002 és membre de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans. S’ha especialitzat en història agrària i institucional dels segles xvi i xvii catalans. Entre els seus treballs destaquen Pagesos i senyors a la Catalunya del segle xvii (1988) i la coordinació de l’edició de les Corts Catalanes dels segles moderns.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 239-250 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.17 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

La indústria de construcció de màquines a Catalunya i els Països Catalans Santiago Riera i Tuèbols* Universitat de Barcelona

Resum Després d’una introducció en què s’expliciten els trets generals de la industrialització a Catalunya i al País Valencià, l’autor se centra en la fabricació de maquinària pesant a Catalunya. Això li permet de presentar al lector les grans fàbriques que donaren prestigi al Principat: Nuevo Vulcano, Alexander y Hnos, La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima, entre d’altres. En concret, l’estudi de la fabricació de locomotores per part de La Maquinista (l’empresa que en va fabricar més a Espanya) li permet situar, en un modest lloc, la industrialització catalana en el context europeu. Els entrebancs que el procés modernitzador va sofrir a casa nostra provenen, segons l’autor, en gran part, d’una producció excessivament dispersa que responia a una demanda deficient i relativament escassa. D’aquesta manera es comprèn que els industrials catalans demanessin contínuament el proteccionisme. Amb tot, conclou que durant el segle xix i començament del xx solament es pot parlar d’industrialització, en tot l’Estat espanyol, a Catalunya i al País Basc.

Paraules clau: Industrialització, locomotora, pont, proteccionisme, màquina de vapor, turbina Notes sobre la industrialització catalana La industrialització a Catalunya es caracteritza per la precocitat i la persistència amb què es va desenvolupar. Pierre Vilar ja ens ho va explicar en una excel·lent obra, on examinava el perquè i el com d’aquest procés.1 Des d’aleshores, els estudis i recerques s’han multiplicat i avui podem presentar-ne al lector un panorama bastant complet. En primer lloc, cal puntualitzar que la primera arrencada s’esdevingué durant el segle xviii, especialment en la segona meitat, quan les condicions socioeconòmiques del Principat eren òptimes.2 Tanmateix, aquesta primerenca onada —centrada en el sector tèxtil cotoner— fou esmorteïda per les guerres d’Anglaterra i la Guerra del Francès primer, i per l’establiment de l’absolutisme en la persona de Ferran VII després. La represa, però, s’esdevingué al final de la dècada dels anys vint del segle xix; alguns prenen la data de 1832 arran de la instal·lació de la primera màquina de vapor a Catalunya per tal de moure les màquines tèxtils de la firma Bonaplata, Rull, Vilaregut i Cia a Barcelona.3

* Adreça de contacte: Santiago Riera i Tuèbols. Institut d’Estudis Catalans (IEC), Secció Històrico-arqueològica. Carme 47. 08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 932701628. Fax: + 34 932701180. E-mail: sha@iec.cat

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Durant les dècades dels anys trenta i quaranta el sector cotoner va créixer acceleradament. La mecanització de la filatura s’esdevingué entre el 1835 i el 1860, i la del tissatge, més lenta, la seguí tal com va ocórrer en tots els països. Això va esperonar la construcció de grans fàbriques en el sòl urbà que, pel fet de recórrer a l’energia del carbó, reberen el nom de «vapors»; en foren paradigmes La España Industrial, creada pels germans Montadas (1847), coneguda com el «Vapor Nou», i l’anomenada «Vapor Vell», a Sants, fundada per Güell i Ferrer el 1840.4 D’altra banda, el 1848 s’inaugurà la línia BarcelonaMataró, la primera línia ferroviària a Espanya, que iniciava el bastiment de la xarxa estatal. No caldria dir que ambdues circumstàncies —a més de la de construir un estol, mercant i de guerra, marítim— impulsaren la siderúrgia i la creació de les empreses destinades a fabricar maquinària pesant en general i màquines de vapor en particular.5 Si adrecem la mirada al País Valencià, la creença dels anys seixanta de passat segle que la regió valenciana havia quedat al marge de la industrialització s’ha modificat gradualment a través dels estudis i les recerques efectuats fins a arribar a la conclusió que el desenvolupament industrial del País Valencià ha estat notable. Així, Jordi Nadal,6 basant-se en els nivells regionals d’industrialització, assegura que el 1900 el País Valencià era la segona regió més industrialitzada d’Espanya (exceptuant el País Basc i Navarra,

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amb un règim fiscal propi), després de Catalunya, arrabassant el lloc a Andalusia, que l’havia ocupat durant el dinou: 1856 Regió

Fabricació en %

Població en %

Nivell ind.

Catalunya

25,6

11,22

2,28

Andalusia

24,05

19,89

1,21

Castella la Nova

9,81

10,02

0,98

1900 Fabricació en %

Població en %

Nivell ind.

Catalunya

Regió

38,58

11,11

3,47

País Valencià

8,31

8,25

1,01

Andalusia

19,08

20,13

0,95

Estadística administrativa de la contribución industrial y de comercio, anys 1856 (1857) i 1900 (1901); censos de població del 1857 i el 1900. Els tants per cent de fabricació i població regionals han estat calculats respecte al total de l’Estat espanyol, i el nivell d’industrialització correspon a dividir els dos tants per cent anteriors. Esmentat a J. Nadal; A. Carreras: Pautas regionales de la industrialización española, siglos xix y xx, Barcelona: Ariel, 1990, p. 298.

D’altra banda, tant les màquines de vapor com les turbines hidràuliques instal·lades al País Valencià constitueixen una mostra de la industrialització existent. Des del 1846 fins al 1883 el País Valencià instal·là 157 màquines de vapor procedents de la firma Alexander Hnos; a la ciutat de València i voltants, el 1879 n’hi havia 78 en funcionament i en els tres anys següents es concediren 39 permisos més. Quant a les turbines, consta que el 1910, cent turbines (amb un total de 7.600 HP), de les més de mil construïdes per la firma Planas, Flaquer y Cía, tingueren per destí el País Valencià.7 Pel que fa a les Illes Balears, la seva insularitat i característiques intrínseques les deixen foren de la nostra atenció. Quatre mots per parlar del desenvolupament siderúrgic català abans d’entrar de ple en la indústria de construcció de maquinària. Un dels inconvenients amb què va ensopegar el procés industrialitzador català fou la manca de carbó i de mineral de ferro. Tot i així, comprenent la necessitat ineludible d’emprendre la fabricació de maquinària pesant, si hom volia tirar endavant en el camí iniciat, es va emprendre l’aventura de bastir alts forns autòctons.8 Sis foren els alts forns emplaçats al Principat. El primer, instal·lat a Camprodon per la societat El Veterano Cabeza de Hierro l’any 1844, emprava carbó vegetal, però amb l’expectativa del carbó de Sant Joan de les Abadesses es pensava transformar-lo en un alt forn alimentat amb coc; efectivament, va ser adaptat per al consum de carbó mineral al cap de catorze anys però s’ha de dir que les dificultats sovintejaren i que el rendiment fou minso. Entre el 1851 i el 1856 consta que a la Herrería Catalana, a la Bor-

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deta (Sants), s’obtenia ferro colat. També tenim notícia que els germans Alexander, de qui parlarem més endavant, instal·laren el tercer alt forn en el Clot de la Mel, al terme de Sant Martí de Provençals. A la dècada dels cinquanta aparegueren tres forns més: dos a Anglès i un a la Garriga. En total foren sis. Ara bé, la llei aranzelària de Salaverría el 1862 rebaixava el preu del ferro importat i, doncs, representava la fi del que hem anomenat aventura catalana dels alts forns: l’any 1866 no n’hi havia cap en funcionament. Definitivament, la metal·lúrgia s’havia instal·lat al nord d’Espanya.9 L’únic complex siderúrgic important als Països Catalans —més tardà— va ser el de Sagunt. Quan l’industrial basc Ramon de la Sota i el seu soci Eduardo Aznar, tot buscant jaciments de mineral de ferro per a la siderúrgia basca, arrendaren les mines d’Ojos Negros (Terol), es veieren obligats a construir una línia fèrria de 205 km de longitud per portar el mineral al port de Sagunt. L’explotació de la mina començà el 1906 i als molls del nou port, situat a uns quants quilòmetres de l’antic, el Grau, s’hi ubicà una planta d’enriquiment, concretament un taller de fer briquetes i un forn, en realitat, els orígens de la futura siderúrgia. Fou l’any 1917 que es constituí la Compañía Siderúrgica del Mediterráneo i el 1922 es posava en marxa el primer alt forn. Al cap de set anys s’atenyia un cim en la producció: 139.655 tones de ferro; en aquest moment la plantilla era de 4.000 obrers, el doble de la del 1923. A partir del 1929, primer la crisi i després la guerra civil afectaren progressivament la producció fins que l’alt forn s’aturà. A la postguerra, el complex passà a Altos Hornos de Vizcaya que endegà de nou la planta. Fou una represa lenta, condicionada per la conjuntura del moment, perquè fins al 1954 no es va igualar la producció de 1929. En la segona meitat dels anys seixanta, coincidint amb l’onada industrialitzadora que s’esdevingué a Espanya, la planta es transformà en un veritable complex siderúrgic integral (Altos Hornos del Mediterráneo). Finalment, la reestructuració del sector a finals de la dècada dels setanta va representar el tancament dels forns.

La fabricació de maquinària a Catalunya A continuació ens centrarem en algunes fàbriques o tallers de construcció de maquinària pesant a Catalunya i el País Valencià. Comencem pel Principat. Nuevo Vulcano De la primera empresa que parlarem és de Nuevo Vulcano, de la qual no podem fixar amb exactitud la fundació; sí que sabem, però, que entre el 1833 i el 1835 va emprendre volada de la mà de la Compañía Catalana de Vapores.10 Aquesta darrera companyia va crear-se el 1833, i a la seva filial, una caldereria ubicada a la Barceloneta, Nuevo Vulcano, s’hi construí la maquinària del vapor Delfín, les primeres proves del qual es feren el 1836. El Delfín, junt

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amb el Balear, foren els primes vaixells de l’empresa als quals cal afegir no gaire més tard el Mercurio, fabricat a Liverpool com el Balear. A mesura que l’empresa, dedicada a la navegació marítima, esdevenia més important, va prendre forma la idea de crear una nova societat, Navegación e Industria, amb la finalitat de «facilitar la navegación y el transporte de géneros en buques de vapor, así como la explotación y aprovechamiento de la minas de carbón de piedra que hasta ahora tiene adquiridas y las que en adelante le convenga adquirir»,11 tot reservant-se el dret d’emprendre altres activitats comercials.12 Navegación e Industria es va constituir el 23 de març del 1841. No cal dir que els tallers de Nuevo Vulcano, que s’havien posat al dia en la construcció de maquinària i calderes marítimes, formaven part de la nova societat. D’altra banda, hom intentava treure el màxim profit de les instal·lacions de Nuevo Vulcano i es considerà la possibilitat d’efectuar les reparacions de màquines d’altres vaixells, estrangers o nacionals. En iniciarse la dècada dels cinquanta del segle xix, el taller tenia un director tècnic anglès, quatre capatassos, dotze oficials i dotze aprenents. I anava viento en popa. A mitjan dels anys cinquanta va decréixer el pes del transport marítim dins de la companyia i, en canvi, va augmentar el del taller, que construí nombroses màquines de vapor i calderes (s’han comptabilitzat cinquanta calderes en els cinc anys que transcorren del 1856 al 1861), amb l’afegitó que un dels seus clients va ser el Ministeri de Marina de Guerra. Fou el 1866 que la companyia reviscolà en adjudicarse-li, per part de l’Administració, el servei de correus a les Canàries. També Nuevo Vulcano s’aprofità de la conjuntura favorable que tot just s’iniciava i accelerà la construcció de màquines de vapor fixes per a (petites) indústries i per a l’agricultura, així com bombes d’aigua. Ara era cap dels tallers Joseph White, iniciat en el ram en un petit taller propi del carrer de l’Om l’any 1849, que va projectar la màquina de vapor del Remolcador, un dels primers vaixells construïts íntegrament a Catalunya, concretament a les drassanes barcelonines de Pere Sisteré l’any 1849.13 No cal dir, perquè el lector ja ho haurà copsat, que la ventura o desventura dels tallers mecànics restava íntimament lligada als vaivens de la companyia marítima, cosa que no succeirà amb Alexander Hnos i la Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima, com podrem veure. El 1885, en un context politicoeconòmic que es dirigeix decididament cap al proteccionisme, Nuevo Vulcano rep l’encàrrec de fabricar les màquines i calderes d’algunes llanxes canoneres i del vaixell de guerra Elcano. L’any 1916 es constituí a Barcelona la Companyia Transmediterrània, una concentració d’empreses: Navegación e Indústria; Linea de Vapores Tintoré; Compañía Valenciana de Correos de África; Ferret y Peset Hermanos; Compañía Anónima de Vapores Vinuesa, i la Compañía Marítima de Barcelona. Navegación e Industria va dur a la nova companyia els tallers Nuevo Vulcano.

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Finalment, sota l’empara de Krupp es constituí, l’any 1925, la Unió de Llevant que abastava els tallers Nuevo Vulcano de Barcelona, les Atarazanas y Talleres Gómez de València i les Atarazanas de Tarragona. Alexander Hermanos Els germans Alexander, David i Thomas, escocesos, s’establiren a la Barceloneta, amb la raó Alexander y Hnos, amb la intenció de construir màquines de vapor en competència amb Nuevo Vulcano. Van intentar captar socis per tal d’augmentar el capital de l’empresa però calgué esperar fins al 1857 perquè David, el germà gran, fundés Font, Alexander y Cía amb Eusebi Font. Aquesta nova raó social va instal·lar els tallers al barri del Clot i va construir un dels alts forns que han merescut la nostra atenció més amunt, forn que va ser tancat cinc anys més tard.14 Amb aquest fracàs s’esvania l’esperança dels Alexander de proveir directament de primera matèria els tallers de la Barceloneta, escapolint-se així de les dificultats que provocava el proveïment de ferro forà, la qual cosa, cas d’haver estat un èxit, hagués constituït un avantatge notable sobre els seus competidors directes, la Maquinista i Nuevo Vulcano. Val a dir que abans, concretament l’any 1852, els germans Alexander havien mantingut converses amb Valentí Esparó, amb la idea, no caldria repetir-ho, de fabricar màquines de vapor i, el que és més innovador, també locomotores. Esparó, però, preferí establir-se pel seu compte i, finalment, amb d’altres, constituí la Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima. Tornant a Font, Alexander y Cía, el mateix any de la fundació, el 1857, hom construïa el vapor Tarragonés de 32 tones, però, quan l’optimisme s’havia apoderat dels directius de la firma, un incendi va destruir els tallers de la Barceloneta. Això va succeir concretament el 20 de març del 1858. L’incendi fou espectacular i destrossà literalment l’edifici: sols se’n salvà la màquina de vapor que proporcionava l’energia necessària al complex industrial ja que estava ubicada en un annex aïllat. Si considerem que just al costat hi havia un magatzem d’aiguardents on abundaven les matèries espirituoses, encara caldria considerar que el desastre no va ser tan gran com hagués pogut ser, ja que s’hagués pogut cremar tot el barri. Aleshores el germans Alenxander decidiren canviar d’aires i erigir un nou edifici al Poblenou, entre la via fèrria de Mataró i el Bogatell. La proximitat del mar facilitaria avarar els vaixells que pensaven construir i l’extensió del terreny aïllava els tallers d’altres centres, tot protegint la factoria de possibles perills externs (i alhora protegint l’entorn del perill que la fàbrica pogués generar). Ara bé, el terreny era situat en zona militar (segona línia de defensa del bastió construït després de la Guerra de Successió, la Ciutadella) i calia obtenir un permís reial. La contesta a la petició cursada és taxativa:15 «El establecimiento puede colocarse en cualquier otro punto que no afecte las defensas de Barcelona puesto que sus productos no se dirigen al uso exclusivo de esta ciudad, sino en general al uso de la marina donde quie-

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ra que se requieran. Por lo que soy de la opinión de que no es de atender a lo que solicitan.» Desestimada la sol·licitud, els germans Alexander decidiren continuar on eren —heus ací el que pot passar en una ciutat ocupada— i posaren mans a l’obra de manera decidida: la recuperació fou molt ràpida i sols dos anys després es construïa el vaixell Catalán, de 55 tones. Es tractava del vuitè vaixell construït a les drassanes catalanes:16 Nom

Tones d’arqueig

Any Drassana

Constructor

Primer Catalán

116

1846 Blanes

Josep Vieta

Barcelonés

1848 Blanes

Josep Vieta

Remolcador

1849 Barcelona

Pere Sisteré

Victoria

110

1855 Barcelona

Pere Sisteré

Tarragonés

1857 Barcelona

Alexander

Montjuich

1857 Barcelona

Maquinista

Indio

1858 Barcelona

Maquinista

Catalán

1860 Barcelona

Alexander

L’empresa va exhibir els productes que fabricava a l’Exposició de Barcelona del 1860: màquines de vapor, molins fariners i bombes d’aigua per al regadiu. La firma va arribar al punt àlgid de la seva vida cap al 1884 quan tenia una nòmina de 400 treballadors; després, tot i incloure la fabricació de turbines hidràuliques, l’empresa va entrar en un procés de decadència. Cal precisar, tanmateix, que pel que fa al principal producte, les màquines de vapor, el 1882 n’havia fabricades 1.006 i sis anys més tard, l’any de l’Exposició Universal, ja eren 1.350, amb una potència total de 35.000 HP. Deu anys després, fregant ja el segle xx, es parlava ja de 1.500. Finalment, l’empresa es va liquidar el 1923.17 La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima Fundació de l’empresa Si ens entretenim una mica més del que correspondria en un escrit de la naturalesa del present tot relatant la fundació de l’empresa més important d’Espanya en el ram metal·lúrgic, és perquè ens permetrà de parlar d’altres empreses que en el seu moment desenvoluparen un paper important en l’economia catalana. Entre el 1839 i el 1841 Valentí Esparó va decidir am pliar els tallers del carrer Tallers que duien el seu nom, de tal manera que conjuntament amb Nuevo Vulcano i La Fundición de Hierro y Taller de Construcción de Maquinaria, coneguda com La Barcelonesa, van ser els tallers de construcció i reparació de màquines més importants de la ciutat. Val a dir, pel que fa a La Barcelonesa que els seus antecedents es remunten a l’any 1838, quan Manuel Lerena va comprar el taller de Perrenod i s’uní amb Nicolau Tous i Soler, Joan Güell i Ferrer, Jaume Ricart i Manuel Serra per ampliar-lo i traslladar-lo a l’exconvent dels caputxins: La Barcelonesa era, a partir d’aleshores, una rea-

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litat. Tres anys més tard, La Barcelonesa s’associava amb Celedoni Ascacíbar i constituïen la raó Tous, Ascacíbar y Cía, que instal·lava els tallers a l’exconvent dels agustins, al carrer de Sant Pau. La nova societat, que prenia el nom de Fundición de Hierro y Taller de Construcción de Maquinaria —que, tanmateix, seguiria sent coneguda per La Barcelonesa— es proposà emprendre seriosament la construcció de maquinària pesant. De l’associació de V. Esparó i Tous & Ascacíbar y Cía —és a dir, dels tallers de V. Esparó i de la Fundición de Hierro (coneguda encara com La Barcelonesa)— va sorgir, el 1855, la Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima. El capital era de vint milions de rals distribuïts en 5.000 accions de 4.000 rals cadascuna i els principals accionistes: J. Colomer (1.056 accions), V. Esparó (822), R. Bonaplata (469), N. Tous i Mirapeix (438), J.M. Serra (453), J. Güell i Ferrer (267), J.A. de Mendiguren (200), C. Ascacíbar (190), N. Tous i Soler (170). El propòsit de l’empresa restava ben clar a l’article segon dels estatuts: «El objeto de la sociedad será la fundición de metales, construcción de buques, calderas, máquinas de vapor terrestres y marítimas, locomotoras para caminos de hierro, motores hidráulicos, transmisiones de movimiento, máquinas para hilados, tegidos y estampados y todas las demás clases de máquinas que se crean convenientes, utilizando al efecto las fábricas que actualmente poseen pudiendo establecer otras…».18 D’aquesta manera es responia al repte que significava per a Catalunya i Espanya la industrialització del país. Ara bé, la construcció de la xarxa ferroviària va palesar que en aquesta relació de propòsits hi faltaven els ponts i, doncs, l’any 1870 l’empresa efectuà un canvi en el redactat del estatuts i hi explicità altres sectors no considerats inicialment, en concret els edificis metàl·lics i els ponts, que en els anys a venir omplirien una gran part de l’activitat de la Maquinista. Podrem veure-ho ben aviat. Abans d’examinar la producció de la Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima volem deixar constància que conjuntament amb Nuevo Vulcano, Alexander Hnos i Portilla & White de Sevilla serien les empreses constructores de maquinària pesant més importants de la Península. La Maquinista davant. La construcció de maquinària marítima Inicialment la Maquinista va emprendre la construcció de vaixells, tal com constava als estatuts. Es va tractar del Montjuich i de l’Indio. El primer era un remolcador, amb buc de ferro, de 76 peus d’eslora (23,16 m), 14 de mànega (4,26 m) i 8 de puntal (2,43 m), de 30 tones netes, equipat amb una màquina de vapor de 40 HP construïda íntegrament als tallers propis. Els amos, Vicent i Jacint Torner, que n’havien pagat 14.000 pesos forts, no en gaudiren gaire temps, però, ja que cinc anys després explotaren les calderes i el Montjuich s’enfonsà.

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Cat. Hist. Rev. 1, 2008 243

El segon, l’Indio, era més gran (43,28 m d’eslora; 5,63 m de mànega i 2,89 m de puntal) i, lògicament, amb més tonatge: 112 tones de cabuda total i 52 de càrrega. Duia una màquina de vapor de 70 HP i va costar 36.000 pesos forts al comprador, la firma Gaspar, Roig i Cía. Superada l’experiència, els directius de la Maquinista, que preveien moltes dificultats en aquest tipus de construcció, decidiren dedicar-se exclusivament a la construcció de màquines de vapor i calderes marítimes (i a tots els complements inherents), i àdhuc a les reparacions, i cedir la construcció de vaixells a les drassanes del nord de l’Estat espanyol, situades a prop d’una important indústria siderúrgica. L’any 1862 l’empresa traslladava els tallers a la Barceloneta. Durant aquests primers anys, tot i que la Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima va rebre diversos encàrrecs del Ministeri de Marina, l’empresa va viure en un am bient lliurecanvista que s’estenia progressivament —que es va concretar en els aranzels del 1869—, i, doncs, va contemplar com disminuïen aquests tipus d’encàrrecs; de fet, va haver de suportar la crisi acceptant qualsevulla comanda (i això tingué efectes negatius, com examinarem). Naturalment, no cal afegir que els homes de la Maquinista defensaren sempre, a ultrança, el proteccionisme. Aquest arribà, a la fi, tímidament, amb la restauració monàrquica l’any 1874. Quan a finals de segle el proteccionisme s’imposà definitivament, la fabricació de motors marins a la Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima va experimentar un auge més que notable. En concret, tant la llei de construcció de l’estol de guerra del gener del 1887 com els aranzels del 1906 afavoriren la indústria nacional i doncs, també, la Maquinista. La llei del 1887 destinava una partida de 189.900.000 pessetes19 per a la construcció de nous vaixells de guerra; a més, preveia que es destinessin 22.600.000 pessetes a l’acabament de treballs en curs i que 112.500.000 pessetes fossin dedicades a millorar els arsenals. En total, 225 milions de pessetes. A tall d’exemple il·lustratiu, vegem la construcció de màquines de vapor marítimes construïdes entre el 1887 i el 1892: Vaixell

Any

Pel que fa a la Llei del 1907, que va seguir immediatament als aranzels de l’any anterior, pressupostava una quantitat semblant a la de l’any 1887 per repartir en els mateixos tres conceptes. Entre les dues dates, però, l’any negre, 1898, amb la pèrdua de les colònies i un paper gens brillant de l’estol de guerra espanyol, una derrota que demostrava que quelcom s’havia fet malament puix ara, el 1907, calia recomençar partint del mateix punt que havia representat l’any 1887. Per tal de considerar la magnitud dels treballs que es realitzaren als tallers de La Maquinista, examinarem amb cert detall la construcció de les màquines i calderes del creuer Reina Regente. El buc es construïa a les drassanes de El Ferrol i el Ministeri especificava les característiques de les màquines i les condicions de lliurament a la R.O. del desembre del 1906. Per cert que la Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima va respondre amb una contraoferta que muntava a 3.260.000 pessetes; així mateix, l’empresa es permetia dubtar de les calderes Belleville, una marca tot sigui dit de prestigi, sol·licitades pel Ministeri a la R.O., adduint que les calderes d’aquesta empresa no gaudien d’una experiència suficient, i oferia substituir-les per unes altres cilíndriques i tubulars amb fogar interior i retorn de flama (en la fabricació de les quals La Maquinista hi tenia la mà trencada). La substitució representava un estalvi de 310.000 pessetes. El Ministeri, però, no va cedir.20 Quant a les màquines pròpiament dites, eren dues, de triple expansió, verticals i invertides, que funcionaven a 1400 rpm amb una pressió de 13 kg/cm2; cadascuna actuava sobre un eix amb la seva pròpia hèlice. Desenvolupaven una potència de 9.000 HP amb tir normal i 11.000 HP amb tir forçat.21 El cost l’especifiquem tot seguit: Màquines

Material Mà d’obra Embalatge i trasllat Total

Calderes Beleville

1.004.957,14 pessetes

Cost total

2.446.657,72 pessetes23

Màquines (horitzontal)

948.318,95 pessetes 439.339,08 pessetes 54.042,55 pessetes 1.441.700,58 pessetes

Potència (HP)

Pessetes

Tir natural

Tir forçat

7.800

11.500

2.690.000

Alfonso XIII

1888

triple expansió

Lepanto

1888

7.800

11.500

2.690.000

Ensenada

1888

1.600

2.200

460.000

Yáñez Pinzón

1891

(vertical)

650

2.600

603.000

(horitzontal)

10.500

15.000

3.675.000

10.500

15.000

3.525.000

P. Asturias

1891

Cataluña

1891

Galicia

1892

“

(vertical)

650

2.600

500.000

Cisneros

1892

(horitzontal)

10.500

15.000

3.275.000

Carlos V

1892

15.000

18.000

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244 Cat. Hist. Rev. 1, 2008

Si considerem que el contracte havia estat signat per un import de 3.260.000 pessetes, el benefici net va ser, en aquest cas, de 813.342,28 pessetes, que representa un 33 per cent sobre el preu de cost. L’operació havia estat rendible. Tanmateix, no sempre era així. Respecte a la fabricació de màquines de vapor terrestres, fixes, sabem que La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima va construir-ne 569 amb una potència total de 32.745 HP, de les quals 425 romangueren a Catalunya. L’última sortí dels tallers de l’empresa l’any 1935. Una distribució de les màquines construïdes, agrupades en quinquennis, ens mostra que la màxima producció se centrà entre els anys 1871 i 1900, sent el quinquenni 1871-1875 el que presenta un màxim d’unitats (70, amb una potència de 3.167 HP); en canvi, en augmentar la demanda de màquines de potència més gran, el màxim de potència es presenta en el quinquenni 1896-1900, amb 4.296 HP (que corresponen a 45 unitats).23 Els ponts de la Maquinista Hem palesat que de bell antuvi La Maquinista no havia considerat la construcció d’estructures metàl·liques. Emperò, les possibilitats que oferia la construcció de la via fèrria espanyola, que requeria nombrosos ponts per salvar els accidents topogràfics que es presentaven sovint en un terreny accidentat, feren repensar-s’hi als homes que dirigien l’empresa. Així fou com el 1870 s’introduí un canvi d’estatuts per poder entrar en altres sectors inicialment no considerats, concretament en les estructures metàl· liques i en la construcció de ponts. Quant a les primeres, és inevitable esmentar la construcció del mercat del Born a Barcelona. Però no fou una obra única: la construcció de mercats va sovintejar amb els de Sant Antoni, Hostafrancs, la Barceloneta, la Concepció i el de la Llibertat (a Gràcia). Punt i a part mereix l’estació de França, construïda arran de l’Exposició del 1929, una de les més originals i singulars ja no tan sols de l’Estat espanyol sinó d’Europa. Pel que fa als ponts, la construcció dels primers en els anys 1968 i 1969, designats com a Vall de Gurp i Jalón, serviren d’experiència per decidir els directius a efectuar el canvi dels Estatuts el 1870. L’explicitació de les noves activitats va significar que al llarg del 1871 se’n construïssin vint-i-nou. En total, en els anys que varen transcórrer fins a la guerra civil, la Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima va construir 739 ponts.24 Entre els més espectaculars, el d’Alfons XIII (1920) i de San Telmo (1927), basculants, sobre el Guadalquivir, així com el de San Juan de Aznalfarache, a l’horta de Triana. El de San Telmo és el més interessant, amb el tram central basculant (dues parts de 25 metres cadascuna) que permet el pas dels vaixells. L’amplada, de 15 metres, facilitava el pas del trànsit rodat, una línia de tramvies i dues voravies per a vianants. L’operació d’aixecament del pont es verificava en noranta segons i la de tancament en cent cinc. El més llarg de tots els ponts construïts per la Maquinista és el de la carretera sobre l’Ebre, a Logronyo, d’onze

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Santiago Riera

trams, amb una longitud total de 327,5 metres, i el de més pes el d’Alcalá de Guadaira, sobre el Guadalquivir (1.760 tones). La construcció de locomotores La industrialització del país va ser la font principal que va abastir els tallers de la Maquinista al llarg de la seva història. I un dels capítols concrets de la industrialització, la construcció de la via fèrria espanyola, constituí —ultra els ponts als quals hem dedicat atenció particular— una important font de l’activitat industrial de la nostra empresa. Dit això cal insistir en una matisació: tot i que Catalunya fos, durant molt de temps, el principal focus en el procés industrialitzador de l’Estat, això no vol dir que l’esmentat procés es desenvolupés sense entrebancs. Les dificultats existiren: l’escassetat de comandes —àdhuc en els moments àlgids de desenvolupament econòmic caldria parlar de relativa escassetat— que anava del bracet, per acabar-ho de complicar, amb la diversitat (de comandes), en foren algunes a les que hagueren d’enfrontar-se el homes de la Maquinista. D’altra banda, la supeditació al fet que la xarxa ferroviària es construís majoritàriament amb capital estranger —la qual cosa implicava que el material també ho fos—, la carestia de les primeres matèries i la supeditació tecnològica, eren factors que influïen decisivament en la marxa de l’emblemàtica empresa barcelonina.25 Com a resposta, la direcció de la Maquinista demanà de manera continuada, com ja n’hem deixat constància, una política proteccionista, que, finalment, va implantarse cap a les darreries de segle, i alhora reclamava una i altra vegada que quan l’Estat fes comandes específiques inclogués el màxim nombre possible d’unitats en lloc de repartir-ne la construcció entre diverses empreses estatals amb la finalitat de repartir el pressupost més o menys equitativament. Fàcilment es pot comprendre que aquesta política governamental perjudicava l’especialització, l’únic camí a seguir si es volia equiparar el desenvolupament econòmic i industrial autòcton al dels països pioners: Anglaterra, Alemanya i França, especialment. La xarxa ferroviària espanyola va començar a construir-se amb la línia Barcelona-Mataró l’any 1848 i de fet va quedar completada en línies generals el 1898. Les primeres locomotores no sortiren dels tallers de La Maquinista fins al 1883, responent a una comanda de dues unitats efectuada per la Compañía de Tranvías y Ferrocarriles Económicos que explotava la línia Barcelona-Sant Andreu, de vuit tones de pes, equipades amb caldera tubular horitzontal, i un preu de cost de 46.998,65 pessetes. Més important va ser la comanda de dues locomotores de 42 tones adscrites al Ferrocarril de Langreo a Gijón, destinades a arrossegar trens dedicats al transport de carbó. Òbviament, el preu variava respectes a les dues anteriors: 193.511,69 pessetes, amb caldera inclosa. Aquestes locomotores començaven a ser importants i l’èxit aconseguit va obrir les portes a una construcció (la de locomotores) que amb el temps esdevindria cabdal per a l’empresa. La sèrie és llarga: 26 el model 1.400, de 77 tones de pes,

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La indústria de construcció de màquines a Catalunya i els Països Catalans

que emprava vapor reescalfat, una filla del model conegut com 1.300 que fabricava la prestigiosa firma Hannomag des de 1914, present a la xarxa espanyola; els models 1.600, 1.700 (locomotores mítiques que donaren resultats sorprenentment bons) i la 1.800. El fet que s’havia encertat el producte féu que l’any 1920 s’inauguressin els nous tallers de l’empresa situats a Sant Andreu, dedicats a la fabricació de locomotores, on les unitats en construcció es col· locaven una al costat de l’altra i una curosa planificació distribuïa els grups d’especialistes per tal de reduir els temps de fabricació i aprofitar al màxim la qualitat dels obrers qualificats. De moment s’inauguraven quatre (9.500 m2) de les sis naus projectades. Punt i a part per una locomotora mítica: ens referim a la batejada amb el nom de Santa Fe, un nom molt representatiu dels nous temps que s’encetaven, acabada la guerra civil. Es tractava d’una 2-10-2.27 Va ser pensada per remolcar trens de mercaderies en terrenys amb rampes pronunciades i revolts tancats. Concretament, les especificacions deien que havia de poder remolcar 350 tones a la velocitat de 40 Km/h en una rampa del 20 per mil amb revolts de 300 metres de radi.28 Per tal d’aconseguir les finalitats previstes, la Santa Fe tenia un gran pes adherent (105 tones), tres cilindres d’expansió amb els seus corresponents aparells Walschaerts de distribució, dos exteriors horitzontals i un d’interior inclinat, una caldera de 2 m de diàmetre i una longitud de quasi 11; l’engraellat era dissenyat de tal manera que calia emprar carbó de 7000 kcal/kg, cosa que en la postguerra no sempre era possible i, doncs, va generar problemes. Se’n construïren 22 unitats i va ser en el seu moment la locomotora més potent d’Europa si exceptuem una 2-104 soviètica. Una altra màquina que en el seu moment va causar sensació fou la Confederació (4-8-4), la construcció de la qual va coincidir amb el centenari de La Maquinista. Aquesta màquina presentava una innovació important: cremava fuel en lloc de carbó però el procés era el d’una locomotora de vapor: la calor generada servia per obtenir el vapor que s’expansionava en els cilindres. Amb una potència indicada de 2.700 CV29 i una màxima obtinguda de 4.226, va establir el record de velocitat a Espanya amb locomotores de vapor: 135 km/h. Per tal de deixar constància del que costava una locomotora, reproduïm, sintetitzat, el preu d’una del model 2.700 dels anys quaranta:30 Locomotora

1.161.451 ptes

Mà d’obra

1.737.785 ptes

Tender

497.272 ptes

Total

3.396.508 ptes

L’última locomotora de vapor construïda per La Maquinista es va lliurar a la RENFE el 18 d’abril de 1961. Era la número 721 i anava destinada a l’empresa nacional Calvo Sotelo per al ferrocarril d’Andorra a Escatrón. Es

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Cat. Hist. Rev. 1, 2008 245

tractava d’una 4-8-4 que va ser batejada amb el nom de «Samper de Calenda» i va prestar servei fins als anys vuitanta. Resumint, La Maquinista encapçalà el rànquing estatal de locomotores de vapor fabricades a Espanya:31 La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima

721

Babcock & Wilcox

523

Euskalduna

341

Devis-MACOSA

143

Sociedad Española de Construcción Naval

Total

1.754

Si bé en aquesta llista resta reflectida la importància de l’empresa barcelonina, no podem deixar de remarcar amb humilitat la magnitud de la industrialització espanyola si la comparem amb la d’altres països pioners, Alemanya per exemple. Així, l’empresa Borsig, alemanya, construïa la seva locomotora número 1.000 l’any 1858 i la número 11.000 el 1911; l’empresa Henschel & Sohn, també alemanya, arribava a la xifra de 11.000 locomotores fabricades als seus tallers l’any 1911 i duplicava la capacitat de fabricació en onze anys. No hi ha doncs comparació possible. A cadascú el que li pertoca. Material para Ferrocarriles y Construcciones S.A. Es constituí a Barcelona el 23 de desembre de 1881. Va absorbir la Ferrería de la Mare de Déu del Remei i n’eren els principals accionistes els membres de la família Girona que detentaven el 37,5 % de les accions. Tot i que en els Estatuts s’explicitava l’establiment d’alts forns, mai no se’n va instal·lar ni un. De fet va dedicar-se a la construcció de material ferroviari gairebé de manera exclusiva. I d’entre aquest divers material els vagons de tren foren el producte en què l’empresa es va especialitzar. És una de les poques empreses catalanes que no es va perdre en el miratge de la diversitat de comandes i, doncs, va entendre que calia forçosament dedicar-se a uns quants productes, pocs, per tal d’arribar a ser competitiva en el mercat. No deixa de ser significatiu en aquest aspecte que Material para Ferrocarriles y Construcciones S.A. competí amb empreses tan importants com ara Neufville de Liverpool o Machinenbau de Nuremberg, entre d’altres, en un concurs convocat per la Dirección General de Comunicación per a la construcció de setanta cotxes, de dos o tres eixos, que havien de servir d’oficines ambulants de correus.32 Era l’any 1892. Cal dir que guanyar el concurs va ser important per a l’empresa, tot i el fet que, conseqüència de l’ajustat del pressupost, el marge de benefici, si n’hi hagué, va ser minso, però a partir d’aquest moment l’empresa va gaudir d’un prestigi nacional i internacional que li valgué notables beneficis a llarg termini. Els resultats de l’especialització es manifesten amb les dades del 1905: a part els setanta cotxes per a la Dirección

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General, l’empresa havia construït 604 vagons de tren i 200 tramvies, tot abandonant, a partir de 1892 —data clau per a l’empresa—, la construcció dels pocs ponts que s’havia decidit a emprendre. En el segle xx, Materiales es modernitza i estrena dos forns Siemens, el 1907 i el 1928. L’any de l’Exposició (1929) s’ha superat la xifra de 1.800 vagons. Passada la guerra civil, concretament el 1947, es va fu sionar amb Devis S.A. de València tot prenent el nom de MACOSA (Material y Construcciones SA) una de les principals fàbriques en territori català en la recta final de la industrialització, és a dir, durant els anys cinquanta i seixanta del segle passat. Planas, Flaquer y Cía L’any 1857 Joan Planas i Castañer —que s’havia establert el 1824 a Girona— constituí la firma Planas, Junoy, Barné y Cía amb un capital de 260.000 rals, un taller metal·lúrgic que es dedicaria a la fabricació de turbines. Joan Planas estava convençut que l’energia hidràulica estava subaprofitada a Catalunya i, doncs, calia treure’n més profit. Com que les rodes hidràuliques tenien rendiments baixos, calia fixar-se en les turbines que començaven a estendre’s per Europa. Aquest convenciment el va impulsar a comprar l’exclusiva de la turbina Fontaine, una turbina axial molt apta per a salts petits, i amb l’exclusiva a la mà va començar a fabricar tantes turbines com va poder. 33 Val a dir que les turbines representaven el perfeccionament de les rodes hidràuliques i no tan sols podien girar més de pressa sinó que n’augmentaven el rendiment fins a quasi un 90%. Es tracta d’un perfeccionament tècnic estrictament pràctic al començament, que va rebre l’ajut de la ciència de manera progressiva.34 Tornant a la nostra empresa, ara Planas, Junoy y Cía, cal dir que a l’Exposició de 1871, on va presentar el model tradicional, informava que ja n’havia construït cent cinquanta. Quan morí Joan Planas i Castañer, el succeí el seu fill Joan Planas i Escubós, enginyer industrial. Aquest s’associà amb un altre enginyer, Alfons Flaquer, i fundaren Planas, Flaquer y Cía (1884). Amb llurs moderns coneixements tècnics, adquirits a l’Escola d’Enginyers de Barcelona, milloraren la turbina que sortia dels seus tallers de tal manera que podia competir amb les importades. Els dos socis, però, decidiren ampliar la llista de màquines construïdes fins aleshores (turbines, màquines de paper continu, molins per moldre, etc.) i, alhora, orientaren els esforços en la fabricació de material elèctric, camp en el qual obtingueren èxits dignes de ser relatats si no fos perquè aquest article resta limitat a la maquinària pesant exclusivament. Val a dir que entre 1858 i 1910, l’empresa (que havia contemplat tres noms diferents) havia construït 1.212 turbines amb una potència total de 86.173 CV (que representa una potència mitjana de 71 CV/turbina).35 D’aquest total gairebé la meitat s’escamparen per l’Estat espanyol; els sectors consumidors de les turbines foren el tèxtil, el paperer, el fariner i el de l’electricitat.

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Santiago Riera

El ram de les construccions mecàniques al País Valencià Hem parlat de la industrialització al País Valencià tot just en començar l’article. Ara volem insistir en alguns punts. D’antuvi, recordar que és la regió més pobre de la península en recursos minerals del subsòl; a continuació, deixar palès que fou la demanda provinent del sector agrícola la que va esperonar la construcció mecànica i de maquinària. L’any 1856 hi havia 11 contribuents corresponents als ram de les construccions mecàniques al País Valencià (front a 84 de Catalunya) i el 1900 ja n’hi ha 58 (front a 725). Cal precisar, però, que es tractava no tan sols d’empreses dedicades a la construcció de maquinària pesant sinó també a la d’aparells industrials i maquinària lleugera, i disposaven de 70 CV en lloc dels 266 instal·lats a Catalunya. Els tallers mecànics d’Alcoi de Tomàs Aznar y Hnos, el dels britànics G. Bartle i E. Morris així com el dels belgues A. i J. Donnay y Cía (la Maquinista Belga), juntament amb el dels germans Alexander, des de 1846 a 1849, data en què es traslladaren a Barcelona, són una prova fefaent si no de la quantitat, sí de la presencia del tipus d’indústria que ara ens interessa al País Valencià. Una empresa important va ser la Fundición Primitiva Valenciana, creada per Isidre Bofill el 1843, que va acabar essent propietat de Valerio Cases i Domingo, un selfmade format a Barcelona que va fer una carrera meteòrica d’aprenent a amo. Duia la mecànica dintre seu i des de ben jove va somniar de construir màquines de vapor com les que feien a Alexander y Hnos. Que va complir les seves esperances ho prova que l’any 1876 va rebre dues medalles de plata a l’Exposició Universal de Filadèlfia: una per una sínia de ferro i una altra per una màquina de vapor.36 L’any següent es construïen en els tallers de Fundición Primitiva Valenciana dues màquines de vapor tipus Corliss i un petit locomòbil (4 CV), probablement el primer a Espanya. A la seva mort, la nova raó Viuda e Hijos de Cases S. A. va prendre volada. El seu fill Ramon, enginyer industrial, prengué la iniciativa i ultra seguir fabricant màquines de vapor petites, va emprende amb entusiasme la tasca de construir-ne de gran potència. Així, l’any 1884 sortia dels seus tallers una Corliss de 100 CV destinada a accionar la fàbrica de farines de Alzucen, Ciudad Real, amb capacitat per moldre 20.000 kg de blat diaris pel nou sistema austrohongarès.37 Però, el que és més important: el mateix any l’empresa començava a construir íntegrament la primera locomotora de la península destinada a la línia de Barcelona a Sant Joan d’Horta. Les proves s’efectuaren el 13 d’abril i va conduir la locomotora Ramon Cases.38 Una altra empresa valenciana important és la que va crear el 1897 Miquel Devis Pérez que orientà els seus esforços a subministrar material ferroviari per a la xarxa estatal. El 1929, any en què es va transformar en societat anònima, ocupava una superfície de 50.000 m2, ocupava 2.000 persones i era a punt d’estrenar una altra fàbrica a Alcazar de San Juan. L’any 1932 comptabilitzem la construcció de cinc locomotores 2-4-0 i tres anys després dues

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Cat. Hist. Rev. 1, 2008 247

més de les mateixes característiques. El 1947 es fusionà amb Material para Ferrocarriles y Construcciones de Barcelona, que aportava la seva fàbrica especialitzada, com ja hem consignat, en cotxes i vagons i, amb els forns Siemens instal·lats, en la producció d’acer, per tal de constituir la nova Material y Construcciones S.A. (MACOSA), mentre que Construcciones Devis S.A. hi aportava les instal·lacions de València (construcció i reparació de cotxes i vagons així com de locomotores) i les d’Alcazar de San Juan (destinada sols a vagons). MACOSA es convertia en una de les empreses més potents del sector.39 Per acabar una referència a Felip Genevois i a Joan Marco Dolz, constructors de calderes, emplaçats al camí Vell de El Grao i al carrer Duc.

Pel que fa al País Valencià, com ja hem dit al text, va fer un esforç gegantí per passar a ser, a començament del segle xx, la segona regió industrialitzada d’un Estat espanyol (insistim: sense comptar ni el País Basc ni Navarra), el desenvolupament econòmic i industrial del qual era lent i irregular.

Resum

[2]

La industrialització a Catalunya, mancada de carbó i mineral de ferro, i, doncs, dependent de la siderúrgia del nord d’Espanya, pecà de contradiccions ben manifestes, en el benentès, però, que tan sols a Catalunya i al País Basc pot parlar-se de procés industrialitzador. Una de les contradiccions la constituïa el fet que el principal client de la seva indústria tèxtil era l’Estat espanyol, agrícola i endarrerit. Es tractava d’un procés industrialitzador coix, en el qual la demanda difícilment saturava l’oferta, una situació, com pot comprendre’s, que s’accentuava en el sector de fabricació de maquinària pesant. Endemés, al fet que el preu de les primeres matèries fos més car que a altres països —amb pocs recursos al subsòl i deficients transports (xarxes ferroviàries, carreteres, etc.)— cal sumar-hi el que les grans fàbriques (La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima, Nuevo Vulcano...) havien d’adaptar-se a una demanda excessivament variada i relativament escassa.40 No cal dir que aquesta demanda irregular obligava a centrar la producció en sèries curtes i, doncs, a haver d’adaptar els tallers cada cop que el producte demanat canviava (totalment o parcial). Això provocava, òbviament, un augment del cost que calia sumar a la carestia de les primeres matèries. Breu: si el preu de la maquinària (telers, màquines de filar, locomotores) era més alt que a l’estranger, el producte (el fil o el transport) també ho era, i el consumidor, amb poder adquisitiu minso, no complia, o no podia complir, la seva missió, que no ha estat sempre una altra que la de comprar. Deixant a part conjuntures excepcionals, com ara la I Guerra Mundial, que representaren excepcions al panorama general descrit, només el proteccionisme podia tirar endavant la industrialització catalana, amb tots els defectes i problemes inherents a aquesta política econòmica. Resumint: en unes condicions com les que exposem, va caldre estendre les possibilitats de producció, i doncs, perdre qualitat en ares d’una diversificació destinada a la recerca de clients. Exactament el contrari del que va esdevenir-se a Anglaterra.

157-290 CATALA.indd 247

Notes i referències [1]

[3]

[4]

[5]

[6]

P. Vilar. Catalunya dins l’Espanya moderna, 4 vols., Edicions 62, Barcelona 1966; també, del mateix autor: «La Catalunya industrial: reflexions sobre una arrencada i sobre un destí», Recerques, 3 (1974), p. 7-22. Vicens Vives va tractar el tema a J. Vicens Vives, M. Llorenç: Industrials i polítics del segle XIX. Vicens Vives, Barcelona 1958. Un article excel·lent sobre el tema J. Maluquer de Motes. «La revolució industrial a Catalunya». L’Avenç, 73 (1984), p.18-34. Cal recordar, amb tot, que entre el 1804 i el 1806, Francesc Santponç havia projectat i construït tres màquines de vapor —una de Newcomen i dues de Watt—, a iniciativa del fabricant d’indianes Jacint Ramon, l’última de les quals, de 6 HP de potència, va ser emprada per pouar l’aigua necessària per moure les rodes hidràuliques que accionaven la fàbrica: J. Agustí. Ciència i tècnica a Catalunya en el segle xviii o la introducció de la màquina de vapor. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1983. No s’han d’oblidar, tanmateix, les colònies industrials catalanes, sorgides a les vores dels rius Ter i Llobregat, que aprofitaven l’energia hidràulica. En aquest aspecte no podem deixar d’esmentar les monografies d’Ignasi Terradas i de Gràcia Dorel: I. Terradas Saborit. Les colònies industrials. Un estudi del cas de l’Ametlla de Merola. Editorial Laia, Barcelona 1979 (posteriorment se’n va fer una revisió ampliada: I. Terradas Saborit. La qüestió de les colònies industrials. L’exemple de l’Ametlla de Merola. Centre d’Estudis del Bages, Manresa 1994). G. Dorel-Ferré. Les colònies industrials a Catalunya. El cas de la colònia Sedó. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1992. Hi ha qui matisa la industrialització a Catalunya, remarcant que si bé és indiscutible l’arrencada definitiva entre el 1830 i el 1860, la contribució al creixement del producte interior brut espanyol fou minsa: J.R. Rosés. «Industrialización regional sin crecimiento nacional: la industrialización catalana y el crecimiento de la economía española (18301860)». Revista de Historia Industrial, 25 (2002), p. 49-79. J. Nadal. «El desarrollo de la economía valenciana en la segunda mitad del siglo xix: ¿una vía exclusivamente agraria?». A: J. Nadal, A. Carreras (coords.): Pautas regionales de la industrialización es-

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[7] [8]

[9]

[10]

[11]

[12]

[13]

pañola (siglos xix y xx). Ariel, Barcelona 1990, p. 296-314. J. Nadal, A. Carreras. Pautas regionales de la industrialización española (siglos xix y xx), op. cit., p. 298-299. Catalunya tenia fama de fabricar ferro de gran qualitat (fins i tot d’obtenir acer conegut aleshores com a ferro bo) per mitjà d’un procediment autòcton, que es transmetia a través de les generacions per les vies de l’aprenentatge generacional. Ens referim a la farga. Per comprendre’n el funcionament, vegeu P. Molera i Solà. La farga, col·lecció «Conèixer Catalunya», 29, Dopesa, Barcelona 1980, (tres anys després va veure la llum del dia una edició revisada i ampliada; P. Molera i Solà, C. Barrueco i Jaoul: Llibre de la farga, col·lecció «Nissaga», 1, Rafael Dalmau editor, Barcelona 1983. Una obra que constitueix un estudi econòmic complet de tres fàbriques del Pallars Sobirà és C. Mas: Història de la farga catalana. Pagès editors, Lleida 2000. J. Nadal. Moler, tejer y fundir. Ariel, Barcelona 1992, p. 144-146. Aquesta obra recull, a la primera part, els textos del catàleg de l’exposició Catalunya la fàbrica d’Espanya, 1833-1936, que es va exhibir al Mercat del Born el 1985. Carrera i Pujal assegura que des del 1826 existien uns tallers amb aquest nom però no ha estat possible corroborar-ho: J. Carrera i Pujal. La economía de Catalunya en el siglo xix, vol. IV, Bosch, Barcelona 1961, p. 26. Navegación e Industria. Pactos y condiciones de la contrata de dicha Sociedad Anónima establecida en Barcelona por acciones de 5.000 rs una. Reglamento de la misma; aprobados unos y otros por el tribunal de comercio de dicha plaza, Barcelona: Imprenta de A. Brusi, 1842, III, p. 4 (Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat de Barcelona). La distribució inicial del capital (864 accions de 5.000 rals cadascuna, és a dir, 4.320.000 rals en total) de Navegación e Indústria era la següent: J. Reynals, 181 accions; J. Vilardaga, 107 accions; J. Castañer, F. Broca, I. Villavecchia i Girona Hnos Clavé y Cia, 144 accions cadascun. El 1843 la companyia va integrar nous accionistes: J.M. Serra, J. Safont, J. Plandolit i R. Vieta, a més d’accionistes d’altres places marítimes i de Madrid, de manera que el capital va pujar a la quantitat de 7.500.000 rals. Vegeu S. Riera i Tuèbols. Dels velers als vapors. Associació d’Enginyers de Catalunya, Barcelona 1993, p. 176181. La màquina de vapor pròpiament dita projectada per White fou construïda als tallers de Valentí Esparó mentre que les calderes ho eren a Nuevo Vulcano i el buc, tal com ho especifiquem al text, a les drassanes de Pere Sisteré. Vegeu Riera i Tuèbols. Dels velers als vapors, op. cit., p. 183-184, així com la nota 61 de la pàgina 184.

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Santiago Riera

[14] Carreras Pujal ens explica que la posada en marxa del forn va constituir un gran esdeveniment ciutadà. La notícia, extreta del Diario de Barcelona, comenta la «situación ventajosísima (al Clot), porque un día la pondrà en rápida y directa comunicación con los criaderos de hulla de san Juan de las Abadesas» (J. Carreras Pujal. La economía de Cataluña en el x xix, II. Bosch Casa Editorial, Barcelona 1961, p. 389. [15] J. Nadal, X. Tafunell. Sant Martí de Provençals, pulmó industrial de Barcelona (1847-1992). Columna edicions, Barcelona 1992, p. 30-34, on pot llegirse la contesta íntegra a la demanda. [16] J. Ricart Giral. «El siglo de oro de la marina velera de construcción catalana», Memorias de la Real Academia de Ciencias y Artes de Barcelona. López Robert y Cia, Barcelona 1924, p. 25. En realitat, un resultat ben minso, significatiu de la pobresa del subsòl català, que explica que la siderúrgia i, doncs, les drassanes, es traslladessin al nord d’Espanya. [17] Vegeu Riera i Tuèbols. op. cit., p. 185-188. [18] Contrata social, Estatutos y Reglamentos de la Compañía Anónima «La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima», Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya (ANC), Inv. 77, UI 11, Art. 2º. [19] Palesem les quantitats pressupostades en pessetes tal com consta, òbviament, als documents de l’època. [20] Consta a Escritura de contrata de construcción de las máquinas para el crucero «Reina Regente» otorgada por La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima de Barcelona… Madrid: Imprenta del Ministerio de Marina, 1898, p. 2, Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya, Inventari núm. 77, referència 2.06.22/48-2/2. [21] Especificaciones de máquinas de 9.100 caballos indicados tiro natural y 11.000 caballos indicados tiro forzado para el nuevo crucero «Reina Regente», s/d, p. 2, Inventari núm. 77, referència 2.06.22/43-1/2. [22] Libro de Recopilaciones de Trabajos de Marina (1897-1902), p. 271-353, Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya. [23] Dades extretes de J. Nadal. «La metal·lúrgia». A: J. Nadal, J. Maluquer de Motes, C. Sudrià, F. Cabana. Història econòmica de la Catalunya contemporània, vol. 3 Indústria, transports i finances. Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 1991. [24] La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima (1856-1944), Barcelona: La Maquinista, s/d. També A. Pérez i Nuñez. Ponts per a una nova època. Els ponts de ferro de la Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima, 1868-1900, Barcelona: treball inèdit de segon curs de doctorat del curs 2000-2001. [25] Vegeu: P. Pasqual Domenech. Los caminos de la era industrial. La construcción y financiación de la Red Ferroviària Catalana (1843-1898). Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona 1999. [26] Pel que fa a la llista pormenoritzada de locomotores, vegeu: S. Riera i Tuèbols. Quan el vapor movia els

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La indústria de construcció de màquines a Catalunya i els Països Catalans

[27] [28]

[29]

[30]

[31] [32]

[33]

[34]

[35] [36]

[37] [38]

trens. Enginyers Industrials de Catalunya/Marcombo, Barcelona 1998, en especial el capítol IV. La qual cosa vol dir: un eix davanter lliure (amb dus rodes, naturalment), 5 eixos motors (directament o acoblats) i un eix posterior també lliure. Vegeu Caminos de hierro del Norte de España. Locomotoras 2-10-2. Memoria descriptiva i cálculos justificativos, Inventari núm. 77, Expedient 2.329, Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya. Inicialment, la unitat de potència va ser el HP (horse power). Més endavant a Europa fou substituïda pel CV (cavall de vapor). Tanmateix, són molt semblants: 1 HP = 1,0146 CV. Locomotoras 4-8-2 para los Ferrocarriles del estado de Chile. Estudio de precio partiendo del de las locomotoras 1.701-25 de MZA, Inventari núm. 77, Expedient núm. 2.587, A.N.C. S. Riera Tuebols, op. cit. (1998), p. 247-249. Vegeu F. Cabana. Fàbriques i empresaris. Els protagonistas de la revolució industrial a Catalunya, vol. I. Enciclopedia Catalana, Barcelona 1992, p. 88 a 97. L’obra, de gran utilitat, consta de quatre volums dedicats als sectors metal·lúrgic i químic, el primer; al cotoner, el segon; a la llana, seda, gènere de punt, lli, jute i acabats, el tercer; a les arts gràfiques, paper, ciment, materials per a la construcció, alimentació, suro i pell, el quart. Vegeu J. Nadal. «Los Planas, constructores de turbinas y material eléctrico (1858-1949)». Revista de Historia Industrial, núm. 1, (1992), p. 63 a 93, on l’autor remarca i precisa la importancia de les turbines Planas en la industrialització española. També F. Cabana (1992), op. cit., vol. 1; J. Nadal, J. Maluquer de Motes, C. Sudrià, F. Cabana (1991), op. cit., p. 178-183. Per a saber més de turbines es pot consultar qualsevulla obra, de les moltes que existeixen, que tracti sobre la història de la tècnica. Ens limitem a consignar-ne una: B. Gille. Histoire des Techniques. Gallimard, París 1968. Dada treta de: J. Nadal, J. Maluquer de Motes, C. Sudrià, F.Cabana (1991), op. cit, p. 181. J. Nadal. «El desarrollo de la economía valenciana en la segunda mitad del siglo xix: ¿una vía exclusivamente agraria?». A: J. Nadal, A. Carreras (1990), op. cit., en especial p. 302-305. Un sistema modern que substituïa les moles per rodets cilíndrics. Aquesta fou la primera locomotora construïda íntegrament a l’Estat espanyol. Uns mesos després la MTM construïa la seva primera locomotora (segona a l’Estat) per a la línia de tren-tramvia Barcelona-Sant Andreu del Palomar. Cal assenyalar que alguns autors han considerat primerenques dues locomotores construides en els tallers dels FFCC de Barcelona a Mataró sota la supervisió del tècnic bri-

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tànic White, però es va tractar més d’un muntatge que d’una construcció. O. M. Alonso, J. M. Vigueras, La ingenieria industrial española en el siglo xx, Madrid, 1944, p 128-129. (l’autor adjunta les característiques tècniques de la locomotora) [39] F. Cayon, M. Muñoz Rubio. «¡Que fabriquen ellos! La fabricación de locomotoras de vapor en España: ¿una ocasión perdida para la industria?». Working Papers in Economic History with number 2005/02, <http://ideas.repec.org/p/uam/wpapeh/200502. html>. També: M. Muñoz. RENFE (1941-1991). Medio siglo de ferrocarril público. Fundación de los Ferrocarriles Españoles/Ediciones Luna, Madrid 1995. Pel que fa a Devis, vegeu M. del Álamo Andrés. «Constructores ferroviarios valencianos. Construcciones Devis S.A. (1929-1947) y Material y Construcciones S.A. (1947-1989)» a F. J. Vidal Olivares, M. Muñoz Rubio, J. Sanz Fernandez. Siglo y medio del ferrocarril en España, 1848-1998, economía, industria y sociedad. Instituto Alicantino JuanGil Albert, Alacant, 1999, p. 809 a 828. [40] Les empreses que hem tractat al text no foren, òbvia ment, les úniques que patiren les dificultats explicitades. Un exemple del que diem el constitueix l’Arsenal Civil de Barcelona. Alejandro Wohlguemuth, enginyer civil belga, es va instal·lar a la ciutat condal cap al 1870 on va establir-hi un taller de maquinària. Amb la llei de la construcció de l’Armada Espanyola de 1886 va creure que havia arribat el seu moment quan rebé l’encàrrec de tres jocs de calderes. Amb aquesta comanda va bastir el primer dels edificis del que seria l’Arsenal Civil de Barcelona a les platges de Can Tunis. Tanmateix, posteriorment tan sols li va arribar l’encàrrec de la construcció d’una petita màquina de vapor destinada al Condor. Llavors es va veure obligat a agafar altres comandes per tal de tirar endavant, entre les quals, la columna del monument a Colom i el grup escultòric que corona la cascada del parc de la Ciutadella. Poc més tard, però, la Cía Trasatlántica li va encarregar les màquines del Joaquín de Piélago i, amb motiu dels contactes que sorgiren, li comprà els tallers i fundà l’Arsenal Civil de Barcelona (11 de novembre de 1891) amb un capital de 1.250.000 pessetes. Més concretament, n’eren els socis fundadors la Cía Trasatlántica i Claudio López Bru, segon marquès de Comillas (que endemés era president de la Cía). Però com que les dificultats inherents a la manca de comandes i a l’obligada diversificació de la producció es presentaren ben aviat, Arsenal Civil durà poc temps i el 23 de març de 1905 els accionistes decidiren suspendre les activitats i procedir-ne a la liquidació. M. Rodrigo. «La indústria de Construcciones mecánicas en Cataluña: el Arsenal Civil de Barcelona». Revista de Historia Industrial, núm. 16, 1999, p. 163-176.

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Santiago Riera

Nota biogràfica El doctor Santiago Riera i Tuèbols, enginyer i historiador, és professor emèrit d’història de la ciència i la tècnica de la Universitat de Barcelona, i membre de la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans. Ha format part de diversos projectes europeus —entre els quals cal esmentar «Education, Tecnology and Performance in Europe, 18501939», i ha estat investigador principal de la Xarxa Temàtica «L’home i el ferro a Catalunya» i del grup reconegut «L’home i el ferro a Europa». Així mateix ha estat director d’un projecte sobre la professió d’enginyer a Catalunya i un altre sobre La Maquinista Terrestre y Marítima, ambdós finançats pel Col·legi d’Enginyers Industrials de Catalunya. Comissari de diverses exposicions, entre les quals la que commemorà la del 1888 al Parc de la Ciutadella, és autor de més de vint llibres sobre el tema de la seva especialitat.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 251-267 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.18 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Les arts plàstiques del modernisme en terres de parla catalana Francesc Fontbona i de Vallescar* Biblioteca de Catalunya

Resum Els estudis sobre el Modernisme català començaren poc abans de la Guerra Civil espanyola, però no es generalitzaren fins als volts del 1950, amb els llibres Modernismo y modernistas de J.-F. Ràfols i El arte modernista catalán d’A. Cirici Pellicer. Gaudí comptà des del principi amb biografies notables, però la majoria de grans noms de l’art modernista no trobaren estudis aprofundits fins molt més tard. El 1969, una gran exposició oficial fou dedicada al Modernisme, i als anys setanta el tema modernista esclatà entre els investigadors, tant en el camp de l’art com en el literari, etc. A partir dels anys vuitanta, el Modernisme català fou objecte de grans exposicions a Anglaterra, el Japó o Suècia, afavorit per la presència de noms com el mateix Gaudí o el jove Picasso, que sortí d’aquell nucli. Diversos pintors modernistes han vist publicades ja monografies amb catàlegs raonats de la seva obra, com Anglada-Camarasa (1981), Santiago Rusiñol (1995) o Ramon Casas (1999), i noves grans exposicions de conjunt foren dedicades al Modernisme català (1990) i al valencià (1997). Entre el 2002 i el 2004 el coneixement sobre el Modernisme català i el seu context es condensà en cinc volums, en els quals participaren una vuitantena d’especialistes.

Paraules clau: estil modern, modernisme, art nouveau, art català El modernisme és un dels temes artístics catalans més estudiats i més debatuts en l’últim mig segle llarg. Sens dubte això es deu al fet que va ser precisament amb el modernisme que l’art català va recuperar una rellevància que no tenia pràcticament des del segle xv. Per això aquest fenomen ha interessat especialment a dins i a fora dels territoris de parla catalana, ja que també lluny del seu lloc de producció —als Estats Units, França, Japó, Itàlia, etc.— han sorgit acadèmics interessats en aquest moviment. Quan des de l’àmbit català ens referim al modernisme davant d’un auditori internacional, el primer que hem de fer és puntualitzar que es tracta d’un concepte intraduïble, que no s’ha de confondre pas amb el que en el món anglosaxó se’n diu Modernism, però que tampoc no es correspon, com sovint es diu simplificant, al que fora de Catalunya s’anomena Modern Style o Art Nouveau. Modernisme és l’actitud que prenen una sèrie d’escriptors, artistes, músics catalans en els dos últims decennis del segle xix —i alguns la perllonguen durant el primer del segle xx—, conscients que al país li calia una modernització cultural. I els artistes plàstics, que són objecte dels estudis que avui hem de glossar, interpretaren aquesta modernit-

* Adreça de contacte: Francesc Fontbona i de Vallescar. Biblioteca de Catalunya. Hospital, 56. 08001 Barcelona, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 932702300. Fax: +34 932702304. E-mail: ffontbon@bnc.cat

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zació de maneres diverses, és a dir, a través no d’un sol estil, sinó de tants com poguessin donar la idea de modernitat que perseguien. Modernisme és el nom que una generació d’intellectuals i artistes va donar a la voluntat que tenien de posar-se al dia, de crear no simplement obres literàries o artístiques ben fetes, sinó que també fossin exponents clars de la inquietud de modernitat que sentien els seus autors, prenent per models els principals corrents nous europeus, com l’impressionisme, el simbolisme, el postimpressionisme, l’Art Nouveau i totes les seves variants, adaptats a la personalitat de cada un dels artistes d’aquí que seguien aquests camins, i que en alguns casos, especialment en l’arquitectura, amb les figures d’Antoni Gaudí i Lluís Domènech i Montaner, aconseguiren creacions d’una originalitat absoluta a què no cal buscar gaires fonts a l’exterior. Així doncs, malgrat el que sol dir-se sovint, el Modernisme no és cap estil, sinó una actitud especial, molt «fi de segle», de perseguir la modernitat artística en ella mateixa, com a eina per a posar al dia tot el país. Cal dir també, perquè si no es diu no es comprèn la complexitat de la qüestió, que un cop passà l’època principal del modernisme, que es pot donar per acabada cap al 1910, la generació següent a Catalunya desenvolupà una creixent aversió cap aquest moviment i els seus fruits, que passà ben bé quaranta anys de purgatori, durant els quals

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només es reivindicaren els modernistes des de la nostàlgia dels vells temps o des de l’amistat.1 No és fins a la postguerra que aquell fenomen cultural tan peculiar començà a ser de mica en mica objecte d’estudi i de respecte. El primer a desvetllar l’atenció renovada pel modernisme va ser Josep F. Ràfols, un arquitecte que no exercia i que es concentrà en la docència i en l’elaboració d’estudis historicoartístics. Ell va ser el primer biògraf de Gaudí, encara el 1928,2 i ja en la postguerra publicà un primer volumet sobre el modernisme artístic,3 que s’acabaria convertint en el primer gran llibre sobre el conjunt del moviment que es publicava, Modernismo y modernistas, del 1949.4 Al mateix temps un escriptor com Josep Pla recuperava la figura de Santiago Rusiñol, vist però més com tot un personatge amb relleu excepcional que valorat pel seu paper de líder del modernisme.5 Possiblement en aquesta revifalla del temps del modernisme no hi era aliè l’editor del llibre de Pla, Alberto Puig Palau, ell mateix col· leccionista d’obres d’art d’aquell moment. Cal no oblidar tampoc el paper que jugà en la revifalla d’aquell temps també Rafael Benet, crític d’art important i pintor destacat d’abans de la guerra civil, que abans i després va fer aportacions importants al coneixement de l’art d’aquella generació,6 mentre que un crític jove, que va assolir en el futur un paper molt influent, Alexandre Cirici, ja abordava amb agudesa, però no sempre amb prou rigor documental, el tema cabdal del Picasso modernista,7 de la mateixa manera que molts anys després va abordar el de Gargallo i Barcelona, amb les mateixes virtuts i les mateixes mancances.8 El gran llibre de Ràfols era com un gran assaig sobre el tema, però dos anys després aparegué un altre gran estudi d’Alexandre Cirici, El arte modernista catalán, fruit, ara sí, de la consulta de moltes fonts oportunament consignades en un dens aparat crític.9 En molt poc temps, doncs, el modernisme havia passat de ser un corrent menyspreable a ser una etapa de la història cultural catalana que comptava ja amb dues monografies àmplies i solvents. Tant Ràfols com Cirici enfocaren la seva visió del modernisme en el sentit ampli que he apuntat més amunt, i no com si es tractés només de la versió catalana de l’Art Nouveau, punt de vista que s’anà imposant més tard, més per simplificació que com a veritable teoria. Des de Madrid, Bernardino de Pantorba s’enfrontà amb una biografia prou útil sobre el prolífic pintor Eliseu Meifrèn (1942), pertanyent al nucli inicial de L’Avenç, i que tanmateix seria isolada i deixaria el tema simplement esbossat, donada la complexitat de la vida i l’obra de l’artista.10 El 1954 tingué lloc a Barcelona una exposició sobre Els Quatre Gats, la taverna que esdevingué el cenacle màgic del modernisme. Era una altra iniciativa de Puig Palau. El catàleg d’aquella mostra, que tingué un èxit insospitat —amb gran cues de visitants que descobrien una època fascinant de la història cultural del país—, a cura de l’esmentat Rafael Benet,11 és una altra fita essencial en la descoberta del modernisme. I també a la mateixa època

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(1955) aparegué un important testimoni familiar sobre Santiago Rusiñol: un llibre de l’artista vist per la seva filla,12 sens dubte la figura més popular del modernisme català, juntament amb Gaudí. Uns records aguts i intensament viscuts de la Barcelona de l’època modernista, escrits per Mario Verdaguer, foren editats novament per Puig Palau i donaren una bona pedrera de notícies a càrrec d’un observador d’Els Quatre Gats molt pròxim.13 També en aquells anys es començà a prestar atenció específica a la figura de Ramon Casas, a través de treballs monogràfics de Ràfols14 i d’una primera gran retrospectiva oficial comissariada per l’arqueòleg, historiador medie valista i crític d’art Alberto del Castillo,15 que va incloure-hi un text sòlid que constitueix un dels primers escrits biogràfics importants sobre el pintor. A Isidre Nonell també se li dedicà una primera retrospectiva oficial,16 i igualment al dibuixant i decorador Joaquim Renart, un home amb més presència en el món artístic de l’època del que sembla.17 Aquestes exposicions formaven part de la tasca de reconstrucció cultural, ben conscient, poc sorollosa però molt eficaç, de Joan Ainaud de Lasarte des de la direcció general dels Museus d’Art de Barcelona i la secretaria de la Junta de Museus, institucions inevitablement inserides en administracions franquistes però que administrades per persones de la vàlua i la sensibilitat d’Ainaud van esquivar caure en la banalitat o la desnaturalització. Del 1961 data un primer gran esforç internacional per a valorar l’art de les fonts del segle xx, a càrrec de Jean Cassou, Émile Langui i Nikolaus Pevsner.18 Cal esmentar-lo aquí perquè allà va haver-hi ja una tímida presència del modernisme català, amb obres de Gaudí,19 d’Isidre Nonell, i del Picasso d’època catalana. No era gaire comparat amb el pes que s’hi donava a l’art coetani de França, Alemanya o Anglaterra, però era més del que s’estilava fins aleshores. El Picasso català també interessava a Europa: l’historiador de l’art reial britànic Anthony Blunt —després revelat com un famós espia— i Pierre Daix feren aportacions substancials al coneixement del Picasso jove.20 Entretant a Catalunya mateix el poeta Josep Palau i Fabre començà a publicar treballs monogràfics sobre l’etapa catalana de l’artista.21 La següent etapa en l’atenció al modernisme artístic va correspondre específicament a l’arquitectura. Joan Bergós, arquitecte pròxim a Gaudí, publicà un parell de monografies molt aclaridores sobre aquest personatge,22 i Puig Boada, també arquitecte i contertulià jove de Gaudí, publicà una monografia sobre la Sagrada Família, molt reeditada anys després.23 A fora, després de Sweeney i Sert, ja hi havia més gent que estudiava Gaudí, com és el cas del llibre dels italians Roberto Pane24 i Lara V. Masini.25 Enric Casanelles, actiu secretari d’Amics de Gaudí, publicà un refrescant assaig sobre l’arquitecte el 1965,26 i el 1967, un altre dels informals deixebles del geni, Cèsar Martinell, publicava una monografia molt completa sobre ell.27 Aviat Prévost i Descharnes, inspirats per Salvador Dalí —el primer que, abans de la guerra civil, havia reivindicat internacionalment, a la seva manera, amb fotos de

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Man Ray, la figura de Gaudí i de l’Art Nouveau en general—,28 publicaren una gran monografia, que donava entrada a un text retrospectiu de l’assagista Francesc Pujols, molt admirat sempre per Dalí.29 L’altra gran figura de l’arquitectura modernista, Lluís Domènech i Montaner, començà a ser posada en valor a través d’un número monogràfic de la revista Cuadernos de Arquitectura del 1963, amb textos de diversos autors, nous i vells, però especialment d’Oriol Bohigas,30 i l’arquitecte, polític i erudit Josep Puig i Cadafalch fou biografiat en la seva triple activitat per Enric Jardí.31 La primera gran monografia global sobre l’arquitectura modernista fou precisament d’Oriol Bohigas, el 1969, que amb fotos de Leopoldo Pomés esdevingué un llibre molt difós i posteriorment força reeditat en forma més assequible,32 que ja incorporava, discretament, notícies de València. El llibre de Bohigas representà en el camp estricte de l’arquitectura el que havien representat els de Ràfols i Cirici per al coneixement i la difusió del Modernisme català en general. Al mateix temps Ramon Planes, des de Sitges, feia una aportació molt sòlida sobre el paper essencial d’aquella vila en el desenvolupament del modernisme.33 El 1969 va tenir lloc també una gran exposició feta a Madrid i a Barcelona i impulsada per Joan Ainaud de Lasarte, intitulada El Modernismo en España, que amb les seves més de sis-centes cinquanta peces constituí una mostra aclaparadora del pes del modernisme artístic i un estímul molt fort a continuar aprofundint en el coneixement d’aquell moviment.34 Aleshores ja s’havia començat a despertar també l’interès pel modernisme a València, singularment l’arquitectònic, amb treballs de Tomàs Llorens,35 Eduardo Mangada,36 Salvador Aldana,37 Immaculada Aguilar38 o Irene Garcia Antón,39 i entremig, el 1973, aparegué ja el llibre clau sobre aquest tema, degut a Trinidad Simó, que significativament demanà el pròleg a Joan Fuster.40 Les arts plàstiques valencianes del període modernista foren estudiades sobretot per Miguel Ángel Catalá Gorgues.41 El mateix paper jugà a les Illes un llibre de Miquel Seguí dos anys més tard.42 A Catalunya l’arquitectura modernista també s’estudià els anys setanta,43 i hom prestà atenció també a focus de fora de Barcelona.44 La nadala de la família Carulla-Font del 1973 va dedicar-se a Lluís Domènech i Montaner, a càrrec de diversos autors, si bé la part d’arquitecte la redactà Oriol Bohigas, i esdevingué una monografia prou útil.45 Igualment, l’any següent, el Col·legi d’Arquitectes català edità una monografia sobre Jujol, amb textos, entre altres, de Salvador Tarragó i J.M. Jujol fill.46 A part de l’arquitectura, als anys setanta, o una mica abans, esclatà definitivament l’interès per l’altre modernisme artístic. Enric Jardí va publicar una sèrie de llibres, en principi de divulgació, però que van aportar molts coneixements sobre temes i personatges centrals del modernisme i el postmodernisme.47 Els principals pintors postmodernistes —Nonell, Mir, Canals— també foren objecte d’exposicions antològiques ben documentades i treballats

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amb criteris rigorosos per historiadors de formació universitària.48 Altres pintors i escultors del cercle modernista foren estudiats amb certa profunditat: Josep Triadó,49 els germans Llimona,50 Néstor Martín Fernández de la Torre,51 o el ceramista Antoni Serra.52 Jo mateix vaig publicar el 1975 un llibre que se centrava en la darrera etapa del modernisme, aquella en què pintors i escultors catalans es mostraren més originals, i la vaig batejar amb el nom de postmodernisme.53 I Palau i Fabre deixava els treballs picassians generals per emprendre una molt àmplia monografia molt detallista sobre el mateix Picasso que depassaria àmpliament l’època catalana de l’artista.54 Encara que se centrava en el modernisme literari, un llibre d’Eduard Valentí Fiol, del 1973, fou una aportació extraordinària a l’estudi global del modernisme, i acull també moltes referències útils per a l’historiador de l’art.55 Un nou llibre que enfocava el modernisme des de totes les seves facetes —arquitectònica, literària, escultòrica, pictòrica, musical i decorativa— aparegué el 1976 i es reeditaria més endavant; s’intitulava Modernismo en Cataluña, el coordinava José M. Infiesta, i potser patia de ser més una juxtaposició de capítols de diferents autors que no una visió coherent, però aportava força notícies i demostrava que el tema del modernisme havia esdevingut ja prou interessant per a un públic ampli.56 El mateix any sortí un llibre que estudiava el modernisme gironí, especialment, però des del punt de vista literari.57 També les arts aplicades despertaven interès: Josep Mainar publicava el seu estudi de conjunt sobre el moble català, on el modernisme era àmpliament estudiat,58 i Eliseu Trenc, un professor francès de pares de la Franja, exalumne dels cursos d’estrangers de l’IEC, publicà el 1977 la seva tesi sobre les arts gràfiques del modernisme,59 que esdevingué des d’aleshores el llibre de referència d’aquesta matèria, i convertí el seu autor en una de les principals autoritats en l’art modernista català.60 Un estudi molt treballat de Victoria Salom, resum de la seva tesi de llicenciatura, va ser pioner en el coneixement del cartell modernista, malgrat que sovint és negligit a les bibliografies.61 I a part de les arts també la crítica d’art començà a ser objecte d’interès.62 Als Estats Units, el modernisme català començà també a ser objecte d’estudi acadèmic. George R. Collins, a la Universitat de Columbia, va empènyer amb força estudis sobre Gaudí63 i l’arquitectura —i també l’art en general— catalans, a partir dels fons del Catalan Archive of Art and Architecture que ell mateix reuní a la Universitat, on entre altres materials hi ha molts documents del constructor Rafael Guastavino. Fruit d’aquest nucli són Rosemarie Bletter, que estudià Josep Vilaseca,64 Judith Rohrer, centrada en Puig i Cadafalch, com ja es veurà, o Phyllis Braff, entre altres. Les tesis doctorals de Marilyn McCully a Yale (1975)65 —una altra exalumna dels cursos d’extrangers de l’IEC— i de Joseph Phillip Cervera a Berkeley (1976)66 obriren nous camins allà, com el de l’exposició dedicada a Els Quatre Gats, que comissarià la mateixa McCully a Princeton el 1978.67

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A Alemanya el nostre modernisme també va ser conegut, però el plantejament era molt diferent: allà responia a una operació politicovoluntarista apadrinada pel professor catalanòfil Til Steegman, a Berlín el 1978,68 en el marc d’unes reivindicatives Setmanes Catalanes que tingueren lloc en aquella ciutat. Als anys vuitanta l’interès pel modernisme i el postmodernisme augmentaren. Algun estranger s’acostà monogràficament al tema, encara que normalment des de plataformes catalanes,69 el simbolisme artístic català es presentà en una exposició sabadellenca més notable del que pot semblar i es recull al seu catàleg,70 i dins la Història de l’Art Català d’Edicions 62 la meitat del setè volum s’ocupa només del modernisme artístic i incorpora ja moltes de les noves aportacions que els darrers anys s’havien fet sobre aquell moviment revaluat.71 Una altra obra general publicada paral·lelament, bé que escrita anys abans, contenia un capítol monogràfic molt aclaridor i poc conegut, degut al vell humanista i mestre silenciós Marçal Olivar, que hi donava una versió seva del modernisme i l’enriquia amb aquells coneixements que només ell tenia, fruit d’una curiositat que el feia buscar sempre el fons de les coses.72 El 1982 hi va haver un Col·loqui Internacional sobre el Modernisme, interdisciplinari i no poc polèmic, les actes del qual aparegueren sis anys després.73 Quan l’Àrea d’Urbanisme de l’Ajuntament de Barcelona va publicar el seu catàleg del Patrimoni Arquitectònic evidentment s’hi varen incloure nombroses fitxes, riques en bibliografia, d’edificis modernistes.74 A la Universitat de Barcelona s’hi constituí el 1986 un grup de recerca (GRACMON), dirigit per la catedràtica Mireia Freixa, centrat en modernisme i noucentisme, que esdevingué grup consolidat el 2001 i que ha estat a l’origen de diverses tesis doctorals i publicacions. Hi hagué intents, com ja havia succeït abans, de contemplar el modernisme, moviment bàsicament català, en un context general hispànic, atès que coetàniament a l’Espanya castellana la paraula modernisme també s’emprava, aplicada a aspectes de la modernitat, especialment en cercles literaris, però que era extrapolable al món de les arts plàstiques.75 Algun d’aquests intents, però, només es referia a l’arquitectura i les arts decoratives en lloc de donar-hi un caire artístic global.76 També hi va haver intents de generalitzar el nom de modernisme a tot l’art nou internacional de l’època.77 Editorials que tenien per objectiu el gran públic ja plantejaven obres de difusió àmplia, com la que van publicar els germans Mendoza el 1989.78 De nou aquella època de l’art català interessà a l’exte rior, on s’organitzaren exposicions —amb els seus corresponents catàlegs—, en què el modernisme català és ben present o fins i tot n’és protagonista principal. És el cas de les mostres Homage to Barcelona, feta a Londres el 1985,79 de gran ambició, i reeditada al Japó el 1987,80 o Modernismen i Katalonien, celebrada a Estocolm el 1989.81 Més a prop, al País Basc, una exposició posà cara a cara les arts gràfiques basques i les catalanes.82

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Els vuitanta foren anys especialment bons per al gaudinisme: aparegueren llibres que recollien textos dispersos de Gaudí83 i que catalogaven a fons els seus dibuixos,84 al Japó ja s’interessaven a fons per l’arquitecte,85 des d’Espanya Carlos Flores va estudiar la seva obra a fons i l’equiparà al seu extraordinari seguidor i col·laborador Josep M. Jujol,86 i Joan Bassegoda va treure el llibre que aplegava més documentació sobre Gaudí.87 Una gran exposició sobre Gaudí organitzada per la Fundació Caixa de Pensions, sota guió de Joan Bassegoda, tingué lloc el 1984.88 Sobre Domènech i Montaner aparegueren alguns llibrets breus però amb aportacions89 i un estudi documental inesperat d’un dels seus edificis principals, el Palau de la Música,90 i al final una gran exposició antològica replantejà públicament el personatge.91 Un procés semblant es produí més o menys paral·lelament amb el tercer dels grans noms de l’arquitectura modernista catalana, Josep Puig i Cadafalch.92 Continuà l’interès per focus de l’arquitectura modernista catalana de fora de Barcelona, com Terrassa, Tortosa, Vic, Sabadell, la Garriga...93 i una de les arts aplicades a l’arquitectura més brillant, el vitrall, va començar a ser estudiada en edicions obertes al gran públic que aprofitaven l’espectacularitat de les seves realitza cions.94 Les construccions metàl·liques de can Torras, essencials en molts edificis de l’època, foren estudiades des del punt de vista constructiu i empresarial.95 Manuel García Martín, autor d’alguns volums sobre edificis modernistes i investigador al marge del món universitari, al servei d’una gran companyia —Catalana de Gas— a la qual els seus llibres servien de nadales de luxe, va aprofitar l’avinentesa per aportar encara més estudis, curulls d’informacions d’arxiu abans mai explorades, a altres llibres diversos.96 Els pintors més coneguts d’aquella època —Rusiñol, Casas, Nonell— continuaren despertant atenció en exposicions antològiques institucionals,97 i la publicació de l’epistolari anotat de Rusiñol fou una aportació de primer ordre.98 L’estudi que d’aquest artista va fer l’alemanya Heidi J. Roch ha tingut menys ressò pel fet que mai no va aparèixer traduït al català.99 Picasso era l’artista que més interès continuava despertant,100 però ara ja es començaven a estudiar altres noms igualment valuosos d’aquella època, com Alexandre de Riquer,101 Anglada-Camarasa —de qui va aparèixer un dels primers catàlegs raonats d’un pintor català—,102 Darío de Regoyos —que té dues èpoques plenament integrat a la història de l’art català—,103 o Josep Maria Tamburini.104 També s’estudià a fons l’obra gravada i litogràfica d’Ismael Smith,105 i cal no oblidar la gran figura fronterera entre el modernisme i l’art anterior, el polifacètic Apel·les Mestres, a qui es dedicà una nadala de la Fundació Jaume I el 1985 i una exposició de la Caixa de Barcelona l’any següent.106 A part dels pintors, el crític d’art més compromès amb el grup central del modernisme, Raimon Casellas, fou objecte d’una densa monografia, feta des del món literari —atès que Casellas també era narrador—, que aporta gran quantitat d’informació encara que sovint les seves conclu-

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sions siguin agrament apriorístiques.107 Un dels principals escultors modernistes, Miquel Blay, també va ser biografiat.108 El llibre vist com a obra d’art va merèixer l’atenció de la Biblioteca de Catalunya que en publicà una tesi doctoral.109 La joia modernista fou estudiada en el marc d’un estudi general de la joia catalana, per Núria de Dalmases,110 que ja havia estudiat —amb Antoni José i Pitarch— l’art i la indústria,111 i alguna manufactura ceràmica —com Pujol i Baucis— començà a interessar els investigadors.112 Les arts gràfiques foren àmpliament sintetitzades, dins el conjunt espanyol, al volum XXXII de l’obra Summa Artis,113 i els cartells modernistes també foren objecte d’atenció detallada.114 Un testimoni de primera mà, conegut —i fins i tot saquejat— per alguns, però que havia romàs inèdit, aparegué el 1989: eren les memòries d’allò que es movia a l’entorn del grup de Santiago Rusiñol, escrites per Miquel Utrillo, un text amb més vocació anecdòtica que profunda però que no deixa de ser una visió directa del modernisme d’un protagonista de primer ordre.115 El limitat modernisme present al País Valencià —gairebé circumscrit a l’arquitectura— fou sintetitzat dins un volum de la vasta Historia del arte valenciano (1987), per Trinidad Simó, la pionera de l’estudi del modernisme a València.116 Des dels anys noranta el modernisme català, abans escassament internacionalitzat, ja era tan conegut que, a part d’aparèixer sovint ja a obres generals estrangeres,117 començà a ser objecte de monografies de divulgació també foranes,118 i la proliferació de treballs sobre l’art modernista català —que ja va ser objecte de manuals de butxaca—119 va anar en augment. Tractar de ser exhaustiu en l’enumeració dels treballs publicats respecte a això equivaldria a fer llargues llistes bibliogràfiques que no és segurament el moment de fer. En tot cas remeto a un treball molt detallat d’Eliseu Trenc que, reprenent una anàlisi que ja havia fet ell mateix una trentena d’anys abans, la posa al dia fent un repàs sistemàtic i completíssim de la bibliografia del modernisme,120 necessàriament més ampli que el present. El marc històric, social i també artístic de l’època del Modernisme s’estudià en el congrés Escolta Espanya, convocat amb motiu del centenari de la crisi del 1898, del qual quedà la publicació de les actes.121 Cal consignar que un Catàleg de monuments i conjunts històrico-artístics de Catalunya (1990),122 eina del màxim interès, que recollia els edificis declarats monuments nacionals, personifica la tasca del Servei del Patrimoni Arquitectònic de Catalunya, i incloïa, lògicament, el que s’havia considerat oficialment que eren els principals edificis modernistes. Amb un altre plantejament, menys erudit i més reflexiu i literari, l’escriptor Oriol Pi de Cabanyes repassà una sèrie de cases modernistes catalanes,123 ben il· lustrades pel fotògraf Toni Catany. El decenni dels noranta començà precisament amb una nova gran exposició sobre el modernisme organitzada per l’Olimpíada Cultural a Barcelona el mateix any 1990 de la

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qual va quedar un catàleg molt dens, que contribuïa a posar al dia les monografies anteriors sobre el moviment en general, amb la participació de nombrosos especialistes.124 Els mateixos organitzadors varen impulsar paral·lelament l’exposició El Quadrat d’Or (1990), dedicada monogràficament a l’arquitectura modernista de la part central de l’Eixample de Barcelona, mostra i catàleg a càrrec d’Albert Garcia Espuche, intens estudiós de la història urbana de la ciutat.125 Entretant un altre equip d’investigadors —Raquel Lacuesta i Antoni González, els que anys abans ampliaren i revisaren el catàleg clàssic d’Oriol Bohigas— treia una guia semblant però d’abast no sols barceloní sinó català.126 A través d’una exposició, també, es revisà la història i la significació del Cercle Artístic de Sant Lluc, el 1993,127 i en una altra el Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya reivindicava el paper del modernisme català en la revaloració del Greco.128 Des de Reus es reivindicava justament el paper de la ciutat com a segona ciutat de Catalunya al tombant de segle, a través d’una exposició al Museu Salvador Vilaseca complementada amb un catàleg excel·lent, on l’art tenia una bona presència.129 Altres exposicions on el modernisme hi tenia un paper destacat o protagonista van fer-se els primers norantes —en col·laboració amb la Generalitat— a tres ciutats del Japó una,130 i l’altra a la Fondazione Giorgio Cini de Venècia, on es presentà una mostra que va obtenir un ressò molt gran a tot Itàlia i va deixar un catàleg imprès força ampli.131 Encara una altra, celebrada també lluny de Catalunya, va ser la que havia tingut lloc a Santillana del Mar, Arquitectura modernista. Domènech i Montaner. Jujol. 132 Els primers anys noranta aparegueren dos assaigs diferents, amb punts de vista nous sobre Gaudí: Conrad Kent i Dennis Prindle publicaren Hacia la arquitectura de un Paraíso (1992), sobre el Parc Güell,133 i Juan-José Lahuerta el volum Antoni Gaudí: 1885-1926. Arquitectura, ideología y política,134 que significà una visió menys «hagiogràfica» i més política del gran arquitecte. També sobre Gaudí, tema cada cop més atractiu dins i fora de Catalunya, la Diputació de Barcelona va publicar una monografia de diversos autors que estudia a fons El Palau Güell (1990) sense deixar d’obtenir un llibre agradós al gran públic, i la Càtedra Gaudí, de la Universitat Politècnica de Barcelona, publicà a Madrid Aproximación a Gaudí (1992) i impulsà a Itàlia Idée per l’architettura, escrits i pensaments del mayeix arquitecte català (1995). Altres arquitectes modernistes també foren objecte d’estudi, com l’exposició sobre els Bassegoda i el seu catàleg corresponent135 o l’àmplia monografia de Joan Tarrús i Narcís Comadira sobre Rafael Masó arquitecte noucentista,136 que segons com també ha estat qualificat de modernista i que de fet caldria considerar com un noucentista amb personalitat pròpia influïda pel secessionisme vienès. També van aparèixer una àmplia monografia de Muncunill,137 una altra sobre Cèsar Martinell,138 i llibres breus de Josep Maria Jujol139 i d’Enric Sagnier.140 Va ser igualment una etapa de moltes monografies d’edificis del temps del modernisme, com les de El Palau de Justícia de

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Barcelona141 obra d’Enric Sagnier i Josep Domènech Estapà, El cementiri de Lloret de Mar,142 on intervingueren diversos arquitectes i encara més escultors, Els edificis de la Caixa d’Estalvis de Sabadell, obra de Jeroni Martorell,143 mentre l’incansable Garcia Martín continuava aportant dades de primera mà en volums sobre L’Hospital de Sant Pau (1990) i la Fonda de España (1991) de Domènech i Montaner, la Comillas modernista (1993),144 plena d’intervencions de modernistes catalans, o Paisatge d’Astorga (1994), ciutat on Gaudí construí el Palau Episcopal. Moltes més poblacions catalanes s’interessaren per l’estudi del seu patrimoni modernista, com Olot, Manresa o Igualada.145 La monografia apareguda sobre el Cercle del Liceu, de Barcelona, el 1991, bé que toca també el tema arquitectònic, analitza el conjunt de l’entitat i el seu contingut artístic, en bona part modernista.146 Als anys noranta aparegueren importants monografies sobre pintors modernistes, com la que Josep de C. Laplana va fer sobre Santiago Rusiñol, molt densa i aclaridora, que conté un primer catàleg raonat de les seves pintures, però que sorprenentment no té il·lustracions.147 També sobre Rusiñol es publicaren les ponències d’un congrés que se celebrà a París, amb aportacions noves i altres de ja conegudes.148 Sobre el mateix artista el Museu de Vilafranca havia premiat una monografia d’investigació d’Isabel Coll que anys després es publicà149 i la mateixa autora en publicà una ampliació ben il·lustrada més endavant.150 A València, a la Corunya, a Pamplona i a Girona se celebraren exposicions centrades en la pintura també de Rusiñol.151 Sobre Ramon Casas aparegué un estudi que se centrava en la seva interpretació de la dona,152 i sobretot una monografia —per fi— que tendia a incorporar les fitxes de tota la seva pintura, en forma de catàleg raonat.153 Francesc Miralles iniciaria els seus treballs sobre Joaquim Mir amb una monografia circumscrita a l’etapa tarragonina del pintor.154 Francesc Gimeno, tot i que pròpiament no va ser un modernista, fou un pintor de primer ordre d’aquella època i va ser estudiat en una tesi doctoral de Jordi À. Carbonell, publicada.155 Una altra obra molt ambiciosa sobre un pintor modernista va ser la que publicà Juan San Nicolás de Darío de Regoyos, l’artista que tot i que no fos català estigué tan vinculat al nostre modernisme i visqué i morí a Barcelona. Lamentablement de l’obra només en sortí el volum primer però, malgrat tot, resta com la principal font de consulta sobre aquell pintor cantàbric tan lligat a l’art català i que havia esdevingut primera figura de la nova pintura belga.156 A un altre dels grans pintors del modernisme, Eliseu Meifrèn, no biografiat des dels anys quaranta, li era dedicat un llibre voluminós, de text massa breu i amb il·lustracions de bona qualitat tècnica però de tria no sempre adequada.157 És el mateix problema que tenia un altre llibre pulcrament editat sobre Ramon Casas, que tanmateix va ser saludat per alguns com la gran monografia que necessitava el pintor.158 Més lleugera però àmplia i molt ben il·lustrada va ser la monografia que la Diputació de Barcelona publicà sobre

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Adrià Gual, a càrrec de diversos autors que tocaven monogràficament les diferents activitats d’aquell artista complet.159 Altres artistes deixaren de ser ignorats: una primera i modesta exposició sobre Aleix Clapés tingué lloc a Vilassar de Dalt,160 la millor pintora catalana d’aquella generació, Lluïsa Vidal, va tenir una primera monografia,161 per primer cop va ser estudiada amb prou amplitud la figura del pintor postmodernista Pere Ysern,162 i l’obra del seu gran amic l’escultor Emili Fontbona, també fou exposada per primer cop i estudiada pel Museu Frederic Marès.163 Anglada-Camarasa i Mir van provocar diverses iniciatives sobre llurs obres. Sobre el primer la Delegació a Madrid de la Generalitat organitzà una exposició centrada en l’etapa parisenca del pintor,164 a Manresa se n’exhibí una altra centrada monogràficament en les pintures fetes per Anglada a Montserrat, durant la Guerra Civil,165 i a Mallorca va fer-se una monogràfica d’Anglada en relació amb l’edifici modernista del Gran Hotel de Palma, molt vinculat a l’art en diferents etapes de la seva existència.166 Les dues primeres exposicions foren comissariades per Francesc Fontbona i Francesc Miralles. Un parell d’entitats bancàries dedicaren atenció monogràfica a la figura artística de Joaquim Mir: una mena d’antològica exhibida a Madrid,167 una mostra sobre l’etapa essencial que passà el pintor al Camp de Tarragona,168 i una nova exposició antològica més depurada que l’ante rior.169 Les dues darreres exposicions tingueren lloc a Palma de Mallorca, i totes tres foren comissariades per Teresa Camps. També a Madrid es va fer una discreta aportació al coneixement del sempre mal conegut, malgrat el seu relleu, Ramon Pichot mitjançant una exposició amb el suport del Banc de Sabadell.170 A Girona una exposició plantejà la figura de Prudenci Bertrana, que fou pintor alhora que escriptor.171 Van ser anys en què les exposicions sobre grans noms de l’art modernista foren freqüents arreu de l’Estat espanyol: a ciutats diverses s’exposà obra de Casas,172 i a Madrid la Fundació MAPFRE reivindicà —insòlitament sense complicitat del MNAC però sí del Museu Morera de Lleida— la figura de Gosé.173 Així mateix un estudi acumulatiu de dades sobre el simbolisme pictòric a escala espanyola es publicava a Granada.174 L’activa col·lecció «Gent Nostra», dedicada a la biografia, continuà dedicant volumets biogràfics a artistes d’aquest temps com Pidelaserra, Cusachs i Maillol (1991),175 i començaren a dedicar-se exposicions d’una certa ambició a artistes interessants però de segon ordre, com el turmentat pintor i escriptor Hortensi Güell, l’exquisida pintora Laura Albéniz o el fotògraf simbolista Pla Janini.176 El pintor, decorador, col·leccionista i home de món Oleguer Junyent va ser objecte d’una biografia el 1994,177 i l’any següent del mundialment famós pintor muralista Josep Maria Sert en va aparèixer una monografia parcial però molt documentada i amb il·lustracions de gran qualitat.178 La Caixa del Penedès emprengué una sèrie d’exposi-

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cions, molt modestes de muntatge però amb notable aportació documental encara que els catàlegs fossin massa breus, de figures artístiques com la família Llimona (1991) o Lambert Escaler (1992). El museus públics catalans van aportar al coneixement de la pintura d’aquesta època una quasi exhaustiva recopilació i estudi dels retrats al carbó de Ramon Casas (1995),179 una antològica inèdita sobre Nicolau Raurich (1996)180 i una exposició sobre Rusiñol (1997),181 per part del MNAC, mentre el Museu Picasso, en la seva constant producció d’exposicions de recerca sobre el gran pintor, en va dedicar a la seva tasca de paisatgista dels primers temps, a la seva relació amb Els Quatre Gats, i a la seva època de formació.182 Al marge del tema estrictament pictòric, el MNAC presentà a Barcelona i a Madrid una àmplia selecció de la gran col·lecció de dibuixos que havia reunit el crític d’art i escriptor modernista Raimon Casellas (1992), cosa que va servir per estudiar bona part d’aquests fons, conservats al museu,183 i l’exposició sobre el moblista Gaspar Homar (1998), comissariada per Maria Àngels Fontdevila.184 La Fundació «la Caixa» va organitzar l’exposició Ex-libris modernistes (1996), comissariada per Joan Lluís de Yebra, que es va veure a Palma de Mallorca,185 i una altra caixa, la de Sabadell, n’organitzà una altra, Cent anys d’ex-libris del Modernisme a l’actualitat, comissariada per Francesc Orenes (1997).186 A València s’estudià força a fons la il·lustració gràfica187 i a Alacant va organitzar-se una àmplia exposició interdisciplinària en què s’incloïa l’art de l’època modernista;188 la Caja de Ahorros del Mediteráneo, l’organitzadora, ha estat segurament el principal agent de la difusió del modernisme allà, especialment a través de l’anomenada Casa-Museu Modernista de Novelda, on a part de restaurar aquest edifici singular,189 s’hi ha reunit una bona biblioteca especialitzada i s’hi han organitzat periòdicament cursos i exposicions que mantenen viu el coneixement del modernisme al País Valencià. La gran síntesi del modernisme valencià es va fer arran de l’exposició al Centre Cultural La Beneficència de València el 1997.190 A Mallorca el 1993 s’obrí la nova seu de la Fundació «la Caixa», ubicada a una obra destacada del modernisme, l’antic Gran Hotel construït per Domènech i Montaner, i que conté una exposició permanent d’Anglada-Camarasa, propietat de l’entitat. Amb motiu de la inauguració s’hi va fer una exposició notable.191 Una altra caixa d’estalvis balear, «Sa Nostra», muntà a Palma i a Eivissa una bona antològica del pintor català, però eivissenc d’adopció, Laureà Barrau, que coincidí amb Rusiñol i Casas a París.192 Quant a l’escultura, l’Abadia de Montserrat edità un important volum de recerca de Judit Subirachs sobre L’escultura al segle xix a Catalunya, que lògicament també arriba a l’època modernista encara que declaradament el seu camp d’estudi vagi del Romanticisme al Realisme.193 Les arts gràfiques catalanes han estat recollides al diccionari italià de Fanelli i Godoli, especialistes reconeguts, autors també d’altres treballs, amb un detall insospitat que

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fa aquesta obra de consulta obligada no ja pels forasters sinó a Catalunya mateix.194 Sobre el cartell, Postermil, una editora creada expressament, edità, des del 1994, una sèrie d’amplis catàlegs il·lustrats d’una nodridíssima col· lecció particular catalana de cartells, molts d’època modernista, que si bé no té caire d’estudi aprofondit ni voluntat d’altra exhaustivitat que la de la col·lecció, recull una quantitat ingent de bones reproduccions de cartells modernistes sense precedents.195 El gran joier del modernisme català, Lluís Masriera, trobà també en aquell decenni la seva monografia, que l’enquadrava dins l’àmplia tradició familiar.196 El 1995 es començà la publicació d’un document únic: el Diari de Joaquim Renart. Bé que començat a escriure passada l’època modernista, el 1918, aquest voluminós escrit és un testimoni sense parió d’un artista que havia viscut plenament el modernisme, i que posteriorment continuà mantenint un prestigi i una autoritat moral que el van fer ser sempre un punt de referència i de concòrdia. El diari consta de milers de fulls i fins ara n’han aparegut sis volums, i és un testimoni de primera mà extraordinari.197 L’Institut d’Estudis Catalans finançà i publicà uns repertoris de catàlegs d’exposicions catalanes que inclouen les celebrades en l’època modernista i que són una eina pràctica de recerca fins aleshores inesperada.198 A partir del 2000 el modernisme ja era un moviment artístic —i cultural— plenament consolidat, fins i tot ja es podia parlar que gaudia d’un cert grau de veritable popularitat. Això es traduí en un projecte d’Edicions L’Isard —empresa dins l’òrbita d’Enciclopèdia Catalana— que s’adonà que el tema ja tenia prou atractiu per a l’home del carrer com per emprendre amb èxit una àmplia monografia molt il·lustrada que toqués tots els seus aspectes. Serien els cinc volums de l’obra El modernisme, dirigida per Francesc Fontbona,199 en què participaren una vuitantena d’autors, la majoria dels quals eren els principals especialistes en cada aspecte —molts d’ells doncs ja esmentats en el present treball—, que sintetitzaren treballs previs seus i sovint els enriquiren amb noves aportacions. A aquesta obra, tot i que se centrava en les arts plàstiques i l’arquitectura, no va deixar-se de parlar d’altres aspectes del modernisme (literari, musical, teatral, cinematogràfic) i fins i tot s’hi feia àmplia menció d’altres «modernismes» coetanis, com el religiós, que en realitat no tenien gaire cosa a veure amb el moviment cultural però que en coincidir en el nom i en el temps calia tractar per aclarir les coses i no caure en nominalismes confusionaris. L’any 2001 fou l’«Any Puig i Cadafalch» i n’aparegué una biografia ben il·lustrada200 a part d’altres llibres més monogràfics.201 El 2002 fou declarat «Any Gaudí» i se celebraren nombrosos actes i es feren diverses publicacions que empenyeren encara més la ja enorme popularitat de l’arquitecte,202 fins al punt que un llibre sobre ell, dignament sintetitzat però sense gaires aportacions noves, esdevingué un best-seller internacional.203 Amb posterioritat la bibliografia gaudiniana augmentà, i s’arribaren a publi-

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car-ne llibres de divulgació però de considerables dimensions a càrrec d’editorials internacionals.204 Domènech i Montaner també fou objecte d’estudis especials,205 igual que Josep Puig i Cadafalch.206 El 2006 la declaració de l’«Any Rusiñol» tingué també efectes positius en la difusió de l’art del personatge.207 Un arquitecte tan complet com Jeroni Granell, que alhora era un dels vitrallers més representatius de la Catalunya modernista, és estudiat a fons per Núria Gil Farré, i a l’estudi de Rafael Masó s’hi ha afegit darrerament l’escrupulosa investigadora Raquel Lacuesta, que n’ha comissariat una exposició el 2006. El mateix Miquel Seguí que havia estudiat l’arquitectura modernista balear un quart de segle més tard ampliava el seu estudi i el posava al dia,208 i alguns estudis de nivell territorial, com el de Girona,209 o local, com els de la Garriga, Terrassa, Esplugues de Llobregat o Tortosa, adquiriren un relleu ben notable.210 Els museus públics han fet noves exposicions sobre artistes i temes modernistes, com el MNAC que va fer les de Nonell (2000),211 Casas (2001)212 i Pidelaserra (2002),213 en col·laboració amb la Fundación Cultural MAPFRE Vida de Madrid, que pel seu compte va fer-ne d’Anglada-Camarasa (2002)214 i de Mir (2004),215 totes amb catàlegs que contenien aportacions de primera mà. El MNAC també va fer les de Jujol dissenyador (2002)216 —d’important ressò mediàtic— i Les arts industrials als cartells modernistes (2002).217 A Barcelona el Museu Diocesà organitzà una exposició sobre Els Quatre Gats en què s’exhumaren alguns materials inèdits.218 A l’exterior el Museu Picasso va fer una aportació internacional de primer ordre en coorganitzar, juntament amb la Réunion des Musées Nationaux, de França, la gran exposició Paris-Barcelone 1888-1937, que mostrà al Grand Palais de París, el 2002, un cara a cara de l’art francès i l’art català des del modernisme fins a l’avantguarda, i que deixà un ampli catàleg amb la participació dels principals especialistes;219 a París s’hi organitzà també un congrés que estudià quatre escoles nacionals d’arquitectura de l’època modernista —entre les quals la catalana— i se’n publicaren les actes.220 Als Estats Units el modernisme català va ser ben present a una exposició a Nou Mèxic,221 i va tenir tot el protagonisme en una monogràfica llargament preparada pel Museu de Cleveland, encara que on va tenir més ressò la mateixa exposició —un xic expurgada— va ser després al Metropolitan Museum de Nova York.222 A Itàlia van tenir lloc a Brescia i Cremona dues exposicions diferents de pintura catalana que incloïen la modernista (2002 i 2003),223 i a Amsterdam l’exposició Barcelona 1900 va tenir un èxit important el 2007.224 A Madrid va organitzar-se una notable exposició monogràfica comissariada per Javier Tusell (2000),225 que va contribuir a la millor coneixença del modernisme català a Espanya; i una exposició semblant es mostrava a VitòriaGasteiz el 2002.226 A Granada una exposició analitzà la relació de Rusiñol amb aquella ciutat,227 a València tingué lloc una antològica de Meifrèn, documentada per Elvira Sánchez Gimeno, més solvent que altres aproximacions

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anteriors a la figura del pintor,228 i Ibercaja, de Saragossa, oferí una digna antològica de Nonell.229 El Museu d’Olot va impulsar una gran antològica de l’escultor Miquel Blay,230 el de Terrassa una sobre les arts aplicades modernistes,231 l’Institut Valencià d’Art Modern de València una de l’escultor Pau Gargallo,232 Ripollet una del pintor Andreu Solà i Vidal, company de Casas a París233, la Caixa de Tarragona una de Carles Mani,234 basada en una monografia recent sobre aquell escultor singular patrocinada pel Museu d’Art Modern de Tarragona.235 La Fundació «la Caixa» presentà una exposició sobre Anglada-Camarasa i el seu entorn.236 A Mallorca l’exposició d’Un segle de paisatgisme a les Illes Balears, mostrada a Es Baluard de Palma, el 2007, inclogué no sols els modernistes autòctons sinó també els de Catalunya que passaren per l’illa.237 També continuaren apareixent monografies, com la que estudiava per primer cop una institució tan consubstancial amb el modernisme com el Cercle Artístic de Barcelona, a càrrec d’Isabel Marín.238 Sovint les monografies foren més especialitzades, com la que cataloga la col·lecció més gran d’exlibris coneguda a Catalunya —a càrrec de Carme Illa—,239 la dedicada a Anglada-Camarasa i la seva forta relació amb l’Argentina240 o el catàleg raonat dels dibuixos d’aquest pintor,241 el volum que Jordi À.Carbonell realitzà sobre Joaquim Vancells,242 o la sintètica monografia que Isabel Marín publicà sobre Eusebi Arnau,243 resum de la seva tesi doctoral. La mateixa autora publicà un llibre monogràfic sobre Arnau medallista.244 L’esmentat Anglada-Camarasa començà a ser estudiat per estudiosos diferents dels habituals i s’enriquia així la visió de l’artista.245 També artistes molt característics de l’Art Nouveau, com Gaspar Camps o Lambert Escaler, tingueren les seves primeres monografies.246 Un capítol apart mereix la nova monografia del P. Laplana sobre Rusiñol, ja que significà per fi l’aparició del catàleg raonat il·lustrat, alhora que ampliat.247 Poc abans Vinyet Panyella havia publicat un volum gruixut sobre l’artista, però amb un caire més assagístic,248 i, des de Polònia, al polifacètic personatge també se li va dedicar un llibre de recerca.249 Aspectes col·laterals del modernisme, com ara el wagnerisme en les arts plàstiques han estat estudiats amb detall en aquesta etapa.250 El modernisme es manifestà no sols en les arts «grans», sinó també en les considerades «decoratives» o «aplicades», que foren plantejades en el seu conjunt per Pilar Vélez el 2000.251 Així començaren a aparèixer treballs, en forma de llibre o de catàleg d’exposició, que estudiaven amb gran deteniment creadors del moble,252 del teixit,253 de les arts del llibre,254 de la medalla,255 de l’enquadernació,256 o fins i tot monografies d’artistes polivalents com la dedicada a Modest de Casademunt.257 També en aquesta etapa va aparèixer una revista, Coup de fouet, que surt des del 2003, editada en català i anglès per l’Institut del Paisatge Urbà de l’Ajuntament de Barcelona, per fer de portaveu de la interessant iniciativa anomenada «Ruta Europea del Modernisme» («Art Nouveau European Route»). Publicada amb molt bona presentació

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i excel·lentment il·lustrada, cobreix temes del modernisme a tot Europa, a càrrec també d’autors de procedència internacional. El modernisme, doncs, des de mitjan segle xx s’ha convertit en un tema del màxim interès. Segurament això es deu a la percepció generalitzada que el modernisme és el primer gran estil català modern, el primer que ha redimit la cultura catalana del provincianisme des de pràcticament el segle xv, i l’ha llançat cap amunt a part de situarla —i cada cop més— en l’òrbita internacional.

Notes i referències [1] [2] [3] [4] [5]

[6]

[7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14]

[15]

Josep Maria Jordà. Ramon Casas, pintor. Catalonia, Barcelona 1932. Josep F. Ràfols. Antoni Gaudí. Editorial Canosa, Barcelona 1928. J.F. Ràfols. El arte modernista en Barcelona. Librería Dalmau, Barcelona 1943. J.F. Ràfols. Modernismo y modernistas. Ediciones Destino, Barcelona 1949. Josep Pla. Rusiñol y su tiempo. Barna, Barcelona 1942. Pla parà atenció també, amb la seva visió més d’artista del retrat que —lògicament— d’estudiós, a altres figures de l’època modernista, com El pintor Joaquín Mir. Destino, Barcelona 1944. Rafael Benet. «Joan Llimona. Dades per a una biografia i assaig crític». La Paraula Cristiana, III (1926), p. 301-308 i 494-500, i vol. IV (1926), p. 219227; Rafael Benet. Isidro Nonell y su época. Iberia, Barcelona 1947, o Rafael Benet. Joaquim Vancells. L’home i l’artista. Edicions Figures i Paisatges, Barcelona 1953. A. Cirici Pellicer. Picasso antes de Picasso. IberiaJoaquín Gil, Barcelona 1946. Alexandre Cirici. Gargallo i Barcelona. Editorial Ariel-Fundació Picasso-Reventós, Barcelona 1975. A. Cirici Pellicer. El arte modernista catalán. Aymà editor, Barcelona 1951. Bernardino de Pantorba. Eliseo Meifren. Ensayo biográfico y crítico. Editorial Delta, Barcelona 1942. Quatre Gats. Primer Salón «Revista». Editorial Barna, Barcelona 1954. Maria Rusiñol. Santiago Rusiñol vist per la seva filla. Aedos, Barcelona 1955. Mario Verdaguer. Medio siglo de vida íntima barcelonesa. Editorial Barna, Barcelona 1957. J. F. Ràfols. Ramón Casas, dibujante. Ediciones Omega, s.d., Barcelona. Del mateix autor, «Ramon Casas en el vigésimo quinto aniversario de su muerte», Goya, 18 (maig-juny 1957), p. 344-351. Del mateix autor, Ramón Casas, pintor. Ediciones Omega, s.d., Barcelona. Exposición Ramón Casas. Conmemorativa del XXV aniversario de la muerte del artista. Catálogo, text

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[16]

[17] [18] [19]

[20]

[21]

[22] [23] [24] [25] [26] [27]

[28] [29]

[30] [31] [32]

d’Alberto del Castillo, Junta de Museos de Barcelona, 1958. Exposición Isidro Nonell. Conmemorativa del L aniversario de la muerte del artista. Catálogo, texts d’Enric Jardí i Joan Barbeta, Junta de Museos, Barcelona 1962. Jardí ja havia publicat sobre el pintor el seu llibre Nonell i altres assaigs. Selecta, Barcelona 1958. Exposición Renart, Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, 1965. Jean Cassou, Émile Langui, Nikolaus Pevsner. Les sources du vingtième sècle. Éditions des Deux Mondes, París 1961. Aleshores s’acabava de publicar una monografia internacional sobre Gaudí, James Johnson Sweeney, Josep Lluís Sert: Antoni Gaudí. Verlag Gerd Hadje, Stuttgart 1960, precedida per una altra de Le Corbusier: Gaudí. Ed. R.M., Barcelona 1958. Anthony Blunt, Phoebe Pool. Picasso. The formative years. Studio Books, Londres 1962. Pierre Daix, Georges Boudaille. Picasso 1900-1906. Ides et Calendes, Neuchâtel 1966. Josep Palau i Fabre. Picasso a Catalunya. Edicions Polígrafa, Barcelona 1966; Josep Palau i Fabre. Picasso i els seus amics catalans. Aedos, Barcelona 1971. Joan Bergós. Gaudí, l’home i l’obra. Ariel, Barcelona 1954. Joan Bergós i Massó. Antoni Gaudí, arquitecte genial. Millà, Barcelona 1972. Isidre Puig Boada. El temple de la Sagrada Família. Barcino, Barcelona 1929. Roberto Pane. Gaudí. Edizioni di Comunità, Milà 1964. Lara V. Masini. Antoni Gaudí. Sadea Sansoni editori, Florència 1969. E. Casanelles. Nueva visión de Gaudí. La Polígrafa, Barcelona 1965. César Martinell y Brunet. Gaudí. Su vida, su teoría, su obra. Colegio de Arquitectos de Cataluña y Baleares, Barcelona 1967. El mateix Martinell fou també un arquitecte important seguidor de Gaudí, C. Martinell. Construciones agrarias en Cataluña. COACB, Barcelona 1967. Salvador Dalí. «De la beauté terrifiante et comestible de l’architecture Modern´style», Minotaure, 3-4, (1933), p. 69-76. Clovis Prévost; Robert Descharnes. La visió artística i religiosa de Gaudí. Aymà S.A. editora, Barcelona 1969. L’edició original era de Edita de Lausana, del mateix any. «Domènech y Montaner», Cuadernos de Arquitectura, 52-53 (2 i 3 trimestres 1963). Enric Jardí. Puig i Cadafalch, arquitecte, polític i historiador de l’art. Ariel, Barcelona 1975. Oriol Bohigas. Arquitectura modernista. Lumen, Barcelona 1968. Les reedicions, en format de butxaca, a partir de la tercera incorporaren ampliacions i

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[33] [34]

[35] [36] [37] [38]

[39]

[40] [41] [42]

[43]

[44]

[45] [46]

revisions que consolidaren el llibre com a obra de referència. O. Bohigas. Reseña y catálogo de la arquitectura modernista, ampliación y revisión del catálogo por Antoni Gonzalez y Raquel Lacuesta, Lumen, Barcelona 1983, 2 vols. Ramon Planes. El Modernisme a Sitges. Selecta, Barcelona 1969. Catàleg d’El Modernismo en España, Madrid: Dirección General de Bellas Artes, Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia, 1969. Aquella exposició havia tingut una mena d’assaig general en la que generà el catàleg Modernismo barcelonés, Ajuntament de Barcelona, 1964. Tomàs Llorens. «La renovació modernista a València, en l’urbanisme». Serra d’Or, 103 (abril 1968), p. 97-101. Eduardo Mangada. «El mercado de Colón en Valencia». Arquitectura, (març 1968). Salvador Aldana Fernandez. «Arquitectura modernista en Valencia». Goya, 98 (setembre-octubre 1970), p. 86-93. Inmaculada Aguilar. «Demetrio Ribes (18751921)». Estudios Pro Arte, 11 (1977), p. 50-69. I. Aguilar. Demetri Ribes. Eliseu Climent editor, València 1980. Irene García Antón. «Dos edificios representativos del influjo catalán de 1900 en Alcoy», Estudios Pro Arte, I, 7-8 (1976), p. 61-68. I. García Antón. «Problemática alicantina del modernismo arquitectónico», Estudios Pro Arte, 5 (1976), p. 46-55. Trinidad Simó. La arquitectura de la renovación urbana en Valencia. Albatros Ediciones, València 1973. Miguel Ángel Catalá Gorgues. 100 años de pintura, escultura y grabado valencianos 1818-1978, Caja de Ahorros de Valencia 1978. Miguel Seguí Aznar. La arquitectura modernista en Baleares. Caja de Ahorros y Monte de Piedad de las Baleares, Palma de Mallorca 1975. Aquest tema ja havia estat iniciat a S. Sebastián, A. Alonso: La arquitectura mallorquina moderna y contemporánea, Palma 1973. Lluis Domènech i Montaner en el 50e aniversari de la seva mort. Lluís Carulla i Canals (ed.), Barcelona 1973. Ignasi Solà-Morales Rubió. Joan Rubió i Bellver y la fortuna del gaudinismo. Publicaciones del Colegio Oficial de Arquitectos de Cataluña y Baleares, Barcelona 1975. Immaculada Bover. «Arquitectura modernista en Vic». Estudios Pro Arte, 5 (1976), p. 56-63. Mireia Freixa. «Lluís Muncunill, constructor de la ciudad industrial». Estudios Pro Arte, 5 (1976), p. 6-20. Lluís Domènech i Montaner. En el 50è Aniversari de la seva mort 1850-1923. Lluís Carulla i Canals, Barcelona 1973. La arquitectura de J.Mª Jujol. Publicaciones del Colegio de Arquitectos de Cataluña y Baleares, Barcelona 1974.

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[47] Enric Jardí. Nonell. Polígrafa, Barcelona 1969 (reeditada i ampliada el 1984). E. Jardí. Història de Els Quatre Gats. Aedos, Barcelona 1972. E. Jardí. Torres García. Ediciones Polígrafa, Barcelona 1973; E. Jardí. J. Mir. Polígrafa, Barcelona 1975 (amb nova edició ampliada del 1989). E. Jardí. Història del Cercle Artístic de Sant Lluc. Destino, Barcelona 1976. E. Jardí. Jaume Mercadé. Pintor de una tierra. Ediciones Polígrafa, Barcelona 1977. E. Jardí. Gimeno. Gent Nostra, Edicions de Nou Art Thor, Barcelona 1978. [48] Lluís-Emili Bou i Gibert. «Les anades de Nonell a París». D’Art, 2 (maig 1973), p. 3-19. Catálogo de Joaquin Mir (1873-1940). Exposición antológica. Dirección General de Bellas Artes-Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, Madrid 1971. Catálogo de la Exposición Joaquin Mir (1873-1940), textos de M. Teresa Camps Miró i Teresa Basora Sugrañes. Ayuntamiento de Barcelona, Museos Municipales de Arte, Barcelona 1972. M. Teresa Camps. «Bases para una tipificación de la obra de Joaquín Mir». Estudios Pro Arte, 3 (1975), p. 6-29. Jaume Socias Palau. Canals. Espasa-Calpe, Barcelona 1976. Connecta amb el modernisme la primera època de Joaquim Sunyer, pintor ben estudiat per Rafael Benet. Sunyer. Polígrafa, Barcelona 1975. Un altre pintor famós d’aquesta generació, J.M. Sert, només es pot considerar modernista molt tangencialment, però va gaudir molt aviat d’una monografia completíssima (Alberto del Castillo, A. Cirici Pellicer. José María Sert, su vida y su obra. Argos, Barcelona 1949). [49] María Victoria Salom. «José Triadó Mayol», Estudios Pro Arte, 7-8 (1976), p. 6-23. [50] Josep M. Infiesta Monterde (coor.), Mercè Escalas Llimona, Manuela Monedero Puig. Josep Llimona y Joan Llimona. Vida y obra. Ediciones de Nuevo Arte Thor, Barcelona 1977. La primera versió de la part de Monedero ja l’havia publicat independentment el 1966 l’Editora Nacional de Madrid. [51] Rafael Santos Torroella. Néstor [su etapa barcelonesa]. Espasa-Calpe, Bilbao 1978. [52] Francesc Xavier Puig Rovira. Els Serra i la ceràmica d’art a Catalunya. Editorial Selecta, Barcelona 1978. [53] Francesc Fontbona. La crisi del Modernisme artístic,. Curial, Barcelona 1975. [54] Josep Palau i Fabre. Picasso vivent (1881-1907). Polígrafa, Barcelona 1980. Dos densos volums més apareixerien cobrint la vida i obra del Picasso ja internacional fins a l’any 1926. [55] Eduard Valentí Fiol. El primer modernismo literario catalán y sus fundamentos ideológicos. Ediciones Ariel, Esplugues de Llobregat 1973. Amb menys repercussió sobre el camp de l’art tanmateix cal esmentar també el llibre Joan Lluís Marfany. Aspectes del Modernisme. Curial, Barcelona 1975, que

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contribuí molt a la valoració del moviment modernista en general. Juan Bassegoda, José Casanovas, José Mª Garrut, J.M. Infiesta (coord.), Joaquín Marco, Jaime Socías. Modernismo en Cataluña. Ediciones de Nuevo Arte Thor, Barcelona 1976. Maria Dolors Fulcarà i Torroella. Girona i el Modernisme. Instituto de Estudios Gerundenses, Girona 1976. Josep Mainar. El moble català, fotos de Francesc Català Roca. Destino, Barcelona 1976. Eliseu Trenc Ballester. Les arts gràfiques de l’època modernista a Barcelona. Gremi d’Indústries Gràfiques de Barcelona, 1977. Eliseu Trenc-Ballester. «El renacimiento del exlibris en Cataluña, en la época modernista». Estudios Pro Arte, 4 (1975), p. 51-61; E. Trenc. «Santiago Rusiñol: del realismo al simbolismo». Estudios Pro Arte, 5 (1976), p. 64-75; E. Trenc. «Adrià Gual grafista modernista», Serra d’Or, 223 (abril 1978), p. 243-251. Victoria Salom Vidal. «El cartel modernista catalán». D’Art, 5 (setembre 1979), p. 78-101. Francesc Fontbona. «La crítica d’art en el Modernisme català (primera aproximació)». Daedalus, 1 (1979). George Collins. Antonio Gaudí. Georges Braziller Publisher, Nova York 1960. Rosemarie Bletter. El arquitecto Josep Vilaseca i Casanovas. Sus obras y dibujos. Colegio de Arquitectos de Cataluña y Baleares, Barcelona 1977. Marilyn McCully. Els Quatre Gats and Modernista painting in Catalonia in the 1890s. Ann Arbor, University Microfils International, Londres 1978. Joseph Phillip Cervera. Modernismo: The Catalan Renaissance of the Arts. Londres: Garland Publishing, Inc., Nova York 1976. Marilyn McCully. Els Quatre gats. Art in Barcelona around 1900. The Art Museum Pinceton University, 1978. Art i modernitat als països catalans. Katalanische Kunst des 20. Jahrundets, Staatliche Kunsthalle, Berlín 1978. André Barey. Barcelona: de la ciutat pre-industrial al fenòmen modernista. La Gaya Ciencia, Barcelona 1980. David Mackay. L’arquitectura moderna a Barcelona (1854-1939). Edicions 62, Barcelona 1989 (tanmateix aquesta obra ja s’havia editat en anglès per l’Anglo-Catalan Society el 1985). Simbolisme a Catalunya, Museu d’Art de Sabadell, 1983. Francesc Fontbona, Francesc Miralles. Del Modernisme al Noucentisme (1888-1917). Edicions 62, Barcelona 1985. Marçal Olivar. «El Modernisme». A: Dolça Catalunya. Gran Enciclopèdia temàtica catalana. L’art a Catalunya-II. Editorial Mateu, Barcelona 1983,

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p. 135-210. Olivar ja havia publicat un breu però magnífic estudi sobre Carles Casagemas (Daedalus, Barcelona 1979). Actes del Col·loqui Internacional sobre el Modernisme. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1988. Josep Emili Hernández-Cros (dir.) Catàleg del Patrimoni Arquitectònic Històrico-Artístic de la Ciutat de Barcelona, Ajuntament de Barcelona, Barcelona 1987. Francesc Fontbona. «La pintura modernista en España», A: Hans H. Hofstäter. Historia de la pintura modernista europea. Editorial Blume, Barcelona 1981, p. 247-274. Mireia Freixa. El Modernismo en España. Cátedra Cuadernos de Arte, Madrid 1986. Francesc Fontbona. Las claves del arte modernista. Ariel, Barcelona 1988. Cristina Mendoza. Barcelona modernista. Planeta, Barcelona 1989. Homage to Barcelona. Arts Council of Great Britain, Londres 1985. Homage to Catalonia. Barcelona Art City, KobeKamakura-Gifu, 1987. Modernismen i Katalonien. Kulturhuset & Generalitat de Catalunya, Estocolm 1989. Arte Grafikoak Euskadin eta Kataluinan. Gobierno Vasco-Dpto. de Cultura y Turismo, Vitòria-Gasteiz 1989. Antoni Gaudí. Manuscritos, artículos, conversa ciones y dibujos. edició a càrrec de Marcià Codinachs. Comisión de Cultura de Colegio Oficial de Aparejadores y Arquitectos Técnicos; Galería-Libreria Yebra; Consejería de Cultura del Consejo Regional, Múrcia 1982. George R. Collins, Joan Bassegoda Nonell. The designs and drawings of Antonio Gaudí. Princeton University Press, Princeton 1983. Tokutushi Torii. El mundo enigmático de Gaudí. Instituto de España, Madrid 1983. Carlos Flores. Gaudí, Jujol y el modernismo catalán. Aguilar, Madrid 1982. Juan Bassegoda Nonell. El gran Gaudí. Ausa, Sabadell 1989. Antoni Gaudí (1852-1926). Fundació Caixa de Pensions, Barcelona 1984. Joan Bassegoda i Nonell. Lluís Domènech i Montaner. Gent Nostra, Edicions de Nou Art Thor, Barcelona 1980; o Consol Bancells. Sant Pau. Hospital Modernista. Edicions de Nou Art Thor, Barcelona 1988. L’autora d’aquest treball va tenir una activitat notable en la difusió especialment de les arts decoratives modernistes, en altres publicacions i iniciatives. Manuel García-Martín. Benvolgut Palau de la Música Catalana. Catalana de Gas, Barcelona 1987. Catáleg de l’exposició Lluís Domènech i Montaner i

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el director d’orquestra, Fundació Barcelona: Caixa de Barcelona, 1989-1990, redactat per Lluís Domenech i Girbau, Lourdes Figueras i Burrull i Roser Domenech i Amadó. [92] Joan Bassegoda i Nonell. Puig i Cadafalch. Gent Nostra, Edicions de Nou Art Thor, Barcelona 1985. Catàleg de l’exposició Josep Puig i Cadafalch: l’arquitectura entre la casa i la ciutat, Fundació Caixa de Pensions, Barcelona 1989-1990, amb textos de Judith Rohrer, Ignasi de Solà Morales, Xavier Barral i Josep Termes. Alba Casellas, Josefina López, Hermínia Ordeig. Lluïsa Vallicrosa. L’arquitectura modernista a Vic. Una proposat didàctica. Eumo Editorial, Vic 1987. [93] Mireia Freixa. «Progressisme i tradició a l’arquitectura de Lluís Moncunill», D’Art, 6-7 (1981), p. 194-206. Jesús Francesc Massip. «L’arquitectura en ferro a Tortosa: el Mercat Públic (1884-1887)», D’Art, 11 (1985), p. 191-215. Pere Melero i Sánchez. Josep Maria Romance i Sinués. El Modernisme a Sabadell, Editorial Terrassa, Ègara 1987. Lluís Cuspinera. Manifestacions de l’art modernista a La Garriga. La Garriga 1988. [94] Manuel García-Martín. Vidrieres d’un gran jardí de vidres. Catalana de Gas y Electricidad, Barcelona 1981. Joan Vila-Grau; Francesc Rodon. Els vitrallers de la Barcelona modernista. Edicions Polígrafa, Barcelona 1982. Catàleg de l’exposició Contrallums. Vitralls de l’Eixample, Ajuntament de Barcelona, 1983. Catàleg de l’exposició El vitrall modernista. Departament de Cultura, Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona 1984. [95] Francesc Cabana, Asunción Feliu. Can Torras dels ferros: 1876-1985, Torras, Ferreria i Construccions, S.A., 1987. [96] Manuel García-Martín. La casa Lleó Morera. Catalana de Gas, Barcelona 1988, entre altres, a part dels ja esmentats més amunt. [97] Catàlegs de les exposicions Nonell, Ajuntament de Barcelona, Serveis de Cultura, Barcelona 1981. Ramon Casas. Retrats al carbó. Ajuntament de Barcelona, Serveis de Cultura, Barcelona 1982. Ramon Casas. Exposició. Ajuntament de Barcelona, Serveis de Cultura, Barcelona 1982. Santiago Rusiñol. Exposició antològica commemorativa del cinquantenari de la seva mort. Departament de Cultura i Mitjans de Comunicació de la Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona 1981. [98] Vinyet Panyella. Epistolari del Cau Ferrat 18891930. Grup d’Estudis Sitgetans, Sitges 1981. [99] Heidi Johanna Roch. Santiago Rusiñol (1861-1931). Ein Beitrag zur Kunst des ausgehenden 19. Jhs. In Katalonien. Peter Lang, Frankfurt de Main 1983. [100] Francesc Fontbona. «Picasso, aspectes desconeguts de la seva joventut», Serra d’Or, 262-263 (25 juliol 1981), p. 51-56; F. Fontbona. «Picasso en la Barcelona postmodernista», dins el catàleg de l’ex-

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posició 1881-1981. Picasso i Barcelona, Ajuntament de Barcelona, 1981, p. 10-14; F. Fontbona. «Picasso und Barcelona», catàleg de l’exposició Der Junge Picasso, Kunstmuseum, Berna 1984, p. 46-51. [101] Elisée Trenc Ballester. «Alexandre de Riquer, ambassadeur de l’art anglais et nord-americain en Catalogne». Melanges de la Casa de Velazquez, XVIII (1982), p. 311-359; E. Trenc Ballester «Rapports d’Alexandre de Riquer, avec l’art français, belge, allemand, autrichien et italien». Melanges de la Casa de Velazquez, XIX (1983), p. 317-346. Joan Lluís de Yebra. Alexandre de Riquer i l’exlibrisme, Universitat de Barcelona, 1983. Catàleg de l’exposició Alexandre de Riquer 1856-1920, text d’Eliseu Trenc Ballester. Caixa de Barcelona, Obra Social, Barcelona 1985. Eliseu Trenc Ballester, Alan Yates. Alexandre de Riquer (1856-1920). The British Connection in Catalan Modernisme, The Anglo-Catalan Society, Exeter 1988. [102] Francesc Fontbona, Francesc Miralles. AngladaCamarasa. Polígrafa, Barcelona 1981. [103] Catàleg de l’exposició antològica Darío de Regoyos 1857-1913, textos de Juan San Nicolas, Francisco Calvo Serraller, Francesc Fontbona. Fundació Caixa de Pensions, Barcelona 1986. [104] Jaume Soler. J.M. Tamburini. Fundació Caixa de Barcelona, Àmbit Serveis Editorials, Barcelona 1989. [105] Enrique García Herraiz, Carmina Borbonet. Ismael Smith, gravador. Biblioteca de Catalunya; Calcografía Nacional, Barcelona-Madrid 1989. [106] Apel·les Mestres (1854-1936). En el cinquantenari de la seva mort 1936-1986. Fundació Jaume I, Barcelona 1985. Apel·les Mestres. Fundació Caixa de Barcelona, 1986. [107] Jordi Castellanos. Raimon Casellas i el Modernisme. Curial, Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1983, 2 vols. [108] Carme Sala i Giralt. Miquel Blay, un gran mestre de l’escultura moderna. Diputació Comarques Gironines, Olot 1981. [109] Pilar Vélez. El llibre com a obra d’art a la Catalunya vuitcentista (1850-1910). Biblioteca de Catalunya, Barcelona 1989 [1990]. [110] Núria de Dalmases, Daniel Giralt-Miracle. Argenters i joiers de Catalunya. Fotos de Ramon Manent. Destino, Barcelona 1985. [111] Núria de Dalmases Balañá, Antonio José Pitarch. Arte e Industria en España, 1774-1907. Blume, Barcelona 1982. [112] M. Pia Subias Pujadas. Pujol i Bausis, centre productor de ceràmica arquitectònica a Esplugues de Llobregat. Ajuntament d’Esplugues, 1989. [113] Francesc Fontbona. «La ilustración gráfica. Las técnicas fotomecánicas». A: Summa Artis. Historia General del Arte. El grabado en España (siglos xix y xx). Espasa-Calpe, Madrid 1988, p. 427-607.

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[114] Núria Casals. «El cartellisme i l’Anís del Mono». Carrer dels Arbres, 18 (1981), i el catàleg de l’exposició El concurs dels Cigarrillos París. Buenos Aires, 1901. Cajamadrid, Barcelona 1984. [115] Miquel Utrillo. Història anecdòtica del Cau Ferrat. Grup d’Estudis Sitgetans, Sitges 1989. [116] Trinidad Simó. «Arquitectura y Urbanismo. 18741920». A: Vicente Aguilera Cerni (dir.). Historia del arte valenciano. Biblioteca Valenciana, València 1987, vol. 5 (Entre dos siglos), p. 65-85. [117] Gabriele Fahr-Becker. Jugendstil. Könemann, Colònia 1996 (amb edició en castellà). [118] François Loyer. Art Nouveau en Catalogne. Ginebra Le Septième Fou, 1991 (se’n va fer edició castellana Taschen, Colònia 1997). [119] Mireia Freixa. El Modernisme a Catalunya. Barcanova, Barcelona 1991. Joan Campàs. L’art modernista. Una visió històrica. Barcanova, Barcelona 1993. [120] Eliseu Trenc. «Bibliografia crítica del Modernisme». A: Francesc Fontbona (dir.). El Modernisme, volum IV. Edicions L’Isard, Barcelona 2003, p. 265301. [121] “Escolta Espanya”. Catalunya i la crisi del 98. Museu d’Història de Catalunya; Proa, Departament de Cultura, Barcelona 1998. [122] Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de Cultura, Barcelona 1990. [123] Oriol Pi de Cabanyes. Cases modernistes de Catalunya. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1992. [124] El Modernisme. Olimpíada Cultural-Lunwerg, Barcelona 1990, 2 vols. [125] Albert Garcia Espuche. El Quadrat d’Or. Centre de la Barcelona modernista. Olimpíada CulturalLunwerg, Barcelona 1990. Al costat d’aquest catàleg es publicà una selecció utilíssima d’edificis sote el nom El Quadrat d’Or. 150 cases al centre de la Barcelona modernista. Guia. Olimpíada Cultural, Ajuntament de Barcelona, 1990, a càrrec del mateix Garcia Espuche, de Santi Barjau i Teresa Navas, que aprofitaren una exhaustiva recerca de Lluís Aragó. També Olimpiada Cultural S.A. —presidida per l’alcalde de Barcelona i amb la participació del Comité Olímpico Español, la Generalitat, el COOB92 i el Ministeri de Cultura—, promogué l’exposició L’artista al seu taller (1990), sobre els magnífics retrats d’artistes fets pel fotògraf modernista Francesc Serra i Dimas. [126] R. Lacuesta, A. González Arquitectura modernista en Cataluña. Editorial Gustavo Gili, Barcelona 1990. [127] Cercle Artístic de Sant Lluc 1893-1993. Cent anys. Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de Cultura, Barcelona 1993. [128] El Greco. La seva revaloració pel Modernisme català. Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, Barcelona 1996-1997.

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[129] Albert Arnavat (dir.). Reus 1900. Segona ciutat de Catalunya. Ajuntament de Reus; Fundació «la Caixa», Reus 1998. [130] Mestres de la pintura catalana. Asahi Shimbun/ Generalitat de Catalunya, Tòquio 1990. [131] Da Gaudí a Picasso. Il Modernismo catalano. Fondazione Giorgio Cini, Venècia 1991. [132] Fundación Santillana, Santillana del Mar 1990. [133] Editorial Hermann Blume, Barcelona 1992. [134] Electa, Madrid 1993. [135] L’obra arquitectònica de Pere, Joaquim i Bonaventura Bassegoda (1856-1934). Caixa de Catalunya, Barcelona 1995. [136] Col·legi d’Arquitectes de Catalunya-Lunwerg Editores, Girona-Barcelona 1996. [137] Mireia Freixa. Lluís Muncunill (1868-1931). Caixa Terrassa-Lunwerg, Barcelona 1996. [138] Raquel Lacuesta, Josep I. de Llorens. Cèsar Martinell. Col·legi d’Arquitectes de Catalunya, Barcelona 1998. [139] Joan Bassegoda Nonell. Gent Nostra. Jujol. Labor, Barcelona 1990. El mateix any va fer-se’n a París una exposició monogràfica: Josep Maria Jujol architecte. 1879-1949. Centre Georges Pompidou, París 1990, que no va ser l’única iniciativa internacional sobre Jujol. [140] Santi Barjau. Gent Nostra. Sagnier. Labor, Barcelona 1992. [141] Josep M. Mas i Solench. El Palau de Justícia de Barcelona. Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona 1990. [142] Rosa Alcoy. El cementiri de Lloret de Mar. Indagacions sobre un conjunt modernista. Ajuntament de Lloret de Mar, 1990. [143] Santiago Alcolea i Gil. Els edificis de la Caixa d’Estalvis de Sabadell. Fundació Caixa de Sabadell, Sabadell 1994. [144] Tots ells editats per Catalana de Gas —dita Gas Natural des del 1993—, a Barcelona. [145] Manuel de Solà-Morales i de Rosselló. Visió sintètica de l’arquitectura «modernista» i la seva incidència a Olot. Comissió dels Premis Ciutat d’Olot, Olot 1990. Ignasi Segon, Jaume Serra, Anna Torruella. El Modernisme a Manresa. Raima, Manresa 1996. Maria Dolores del Castillo Álvarez-Cedrón. Cent obres modernistes d’Igualada. Ajuntament d’Igualada-Fundació Caixa de Manresa, 1999-2000. [146] Francesc Fontbona (coord.). El Cercle del Liceu. Història, art, cultura. Cercle del Liceu, Barcelona 1991. [147] Josep de C. Laplana. Santiago Rusiñol, el pintor, l’home. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1995. La densa monografia de Margarida Casacuberta, del 1997, s’escapa d’aquesta revisió ja que se centra només en el Rusiñol escriptor. [148] Rusiñol et son temps. Éditions Hispaniques; Université de París-Sorbonne, París 1994.

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[149] Isabel Coll. Rusiñol. Gràfiques Llopart, Sant Sadurní d’Anoia 1990. [150] Isabel Coll Mirabent. S. Rusiñol. Editorial Ausa, Sabadell 1992. [151] Francisco Iturrino. Santiago Rusiñol. Jardins d’Espanya. Bancaixa, València 1993. Santiago Rusiñol (1861-1931). Obra pictórica y literaria. Fundación Caixa Galicia, la Corunya 1996. Rusiñol. Caja de Ahorros de Navarra, Pamplona 1999. Els jardins de l’ànima de Santiago Rusiñol. Fundació Caixa de Girona, 1999 (també feta a Sabadell). [152] Erika Bornay. Aproximación a Ramon Casas a través de la figura femenina. Editorial Ausa, Sabadell 1992. [153] Isabel Coll. Ramon Casas. Una vida dedicada a l’art. El centaure groc, Barcelona 1999 (poc més tard n’aparegué la versió castellana). [154] Francesc Miralles. Joaquim Mir al Camp de Tarragona. Diputació de Tarragona-Museu d’Art Modern; Columna, Tarragona; Barcelona 1998. Després Miralles faria noves monografies sobre el Mir d’èpoques posteriors. [155] Jordi A. Carbonell i Pallarès. Francesc Gimeno. Diccionari Ràfols, Barcelona 1990. [156] Juan San Nicolás. Darío de Regoyos 1857-1913. Tomo I (1857-1900). Diccionari Ràfols-Edicions Catalanes, Barcelona 1990. [157] M. Vidal Solé, P. Maisterra. Meifrén. Ausa, Sabadell 1991. [158] Alfonso Alcolea. Ramon Casas. Ausa, Sabadell 1990. [159] Adrià Gual, mitja vida de Modernisme. Diputació de Barcelona, 1992. [160] Aleix Clapés 1846-1920. Ajuntament de Vilassar de Dalt, 1998. [161] Marcy Rudo. Lluïsa Vidal, filla del Modernisme. La Campana, Barcelona 1996. Més tard el llibre generà una exposició itinerant de «la Caixa». [162] Rafael Manzano. Pere Ysern Alié 1875-1946. Edicions Catalanes S.A., Barcelona 1990. [163] Emili Fontbona 1879-1938 Escultor. Museu Frederic Marès, Barcelona 1999. [164] El París d’Anglada-Camarasa. Generalitat de Catalunya, Barcelona-Madrid 1994. [165] Anglada-Camarasa a Montserrat. Fundació Caixa de Manresa,1993. [166] Anglada-Camarasa al Gran Hotel. Fundació “la Caixa”, Palma de Mallorca 1993. [167] Joaquim Mir cincuenta años después. Banco BilbaoVizcaya, Madrid 1990. [168] Joaquim Mir al Camp de Tarragona. 1906-1914. Fundació «la Caixa», Palma de Mallorca 1991. [169] Joaquim Mir, itinerari vital. «la Caixa», Palma de Mallorca 1997. [170] Los Pichot, una dinastía de artistas. Centro Cultural del Conde-Duque, Madrid 1992.

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[171] Prudenci Bertrana. La presó de l’ànima. Diputació de Girona-Museu d’Art de Girona, 1999. [172] Ramon Casas. El modernismo pintado. Text d’Isabel Coll Mirabent. Caixavigo, Saragossa 1998. Ramon Casas. Caja de Ahorros de Navarra, Pamplona 1999. [173] Xavier Gosé (1876-1915). El París de la Belle Époque. Fundación Cultural MAPFRE VIDA, Madrid 1999. [174] Lola Caparrós Masegosa. Prerrafaelismo, Simbolismo y Decadentismo en la pintura española de fin de siglo. Universidad de Granada 1999. [175] Francesc Fontbona. Gent Nostra. Pidelaserra. Labor, Barcelona 1991. Josep Ll. Alcofar. Gent Nostra. Cusachs. Barcelona 1991. Josep Sánchez i Ferré. Gent Nostra. Maillol. Barcelona 1991. [176] Hortensi Güell. La Caixa-Museu Comarcal Vilaseca, Reus 1993. Laura Albèniz 1890-1944, Fundació Caixa de Manresa, 1993. Joaquim Pla Janini, Fundació La Caixa-Lunwerg, Barcelona, 1995. [177] Francesc Miralles. Olaguer Junyent. Cetir, Barcelona 1994. [178] Manuel García-Martín. Sert a l’Argentina i Espanya. Gas Natural Barcelona, 1995. [179] Cristina Mendoza. Ramon Casas. Retrats al carbó. Editorial Ausa-MNAC, Barcelona 1995. [180] Nicolau Raurich 1871-1945. Visions mediterrànies. Editorial Ausa, Barcelona; Sabadell 1996. La comissària d’aquesta exposició va ser Teresa Moreno, que s’havia doctorat amb una tesi sobre Raurich. [181] Santiago Rusiñol (1861-1931). MNAC-Fundación Cultural Mapfre Vida, Barcelona; Madrid 1997. [182] M. Teresa Ocaña (dir). Picasso. Paisatges 1890-1912. Lunwerg-Museu Picasso, Barcelona 1994. M. T. Ocaña (dir.). Picasso i Els 4 Gats. Lunwerg-Museu Picasso, Barcelona 1995. Picasso. La formació d’un geni, 1890-1904. Lunwerg-Museu Picasso, Barcelona 1997. [183] La col·lecció Raimon Casellas. MNAC-Museo del Prado, Barcelona-Madrid 1992. [184] Gaspar Homar. Moblista i dissenyador del modernisme. MNAC-Fundació «la Caixa», Barcelona 1998. [185] Ex-libris modernistes. Fundació «la Caixa», Barcelona 1996. [186] Cent anys d’ex-libris del Modernisme a l’actualitat. Caixa de Sabadell 1997. [187] Javier Pérez Rojas, José Luís Alcaide. Del Modernismo al Art Déco. La Ilustración gráfica en Valencia. Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando-Universitat de València, Madrid-València, 1991. [188] Los inicios de la modernización en Alicante 18821914. CAM, Alacant 1999. [189] Irene García Antón. La Casa-Museu Modernista de Novelda. CAM Fundación Cultural, Alacant 1994. [190] El Modernisme en la Comunitat Valenciana. Generalitat Valenciana, València 1997.

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[191] Passat i present del Gran Hotel. Fundació «la Caixa» Illes Balears, Barcelona 1993. [192] Laureà Barrau. «Sa Nostra» Obra Social i Cultural, Eivissa 1996. [193] Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1994. [194] Giovanni Fanelli, Ezio Godoli. Dizionario degli illustratori simbolisti e Art Nouveau, Florència 1990. [195] Jordi Carulla et al. Catalunya en 1000 cartells, des dels orígens fins a la Guerra Civil. Postermil S.L., Barcelona 1994. Jordi Carulla, Arnau Carulla. España en 1000 carteles. Postermil, Barcelona 1995. A. Carulla. La publicidad en 1000 carteles. Postermil, Barcelona 1998, 2 vols. [196] Pilar Vélez. Joies Masriera, 200 anys d’història. Àmbit, Barcelona 1999. [197] Joaquim Renart. Diari 1918-1961. Curial-Fundació Revista de Catalunya-Proa, Barcelona 19952003 (fins ara). El manuscrit s’edita lleugerament resumit, eliminant-hi referències excessivament domèstiques; el 1975 ja se n’havia fet una edició molt esquemàtica en un sol volum, per l’editorial Destino, de Barcelona. [198] Francesc Fontbona (dir.). Repertori d’exposicions individuals d’art a Catalunya (fins l’any 1938), compilació a cura d’Antònia Montmany, Montserrat Navarro i Marta Tort. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1999; i Repertori de catàlegs d’exposicions col·lectives d’art a Catalunya (fins l’any 1938), compilació a cura d’Antònia Montmany, Teresa Coso i Cristina López. Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 2002. [199] Francesc Fontbona (dir.). El Modernisme. Edicions L’Isard, Barcelona 2002-2004, 5 volums. [200] Lluís Permanyer, Lluís Casals. Josep Puig i Cadafalch. Ed. Polígrafa, Barcelona 2001. [201] Joan Bassegoda Nonell, Antoni Pladevall i Font, Carme Puyol i Torres. L’arquitecte Puig i Cadafalch a Osona. El Casal de Sobrevia 100 anys. LL.T.S., Seva 2001. Ramon Balius i Juli et al. Josep Puig i Cadafalch. La casa Company... Generalitat de Catalunya; Secretaria General de l’Esport, Barcelona 2002. [202] Exposicions com Pintors i escultors amics de Gaudí. Al catàleg de l’exposició homònima, Fundació Francisco Godia, Barcelona, 2002. [203] Gijs Van Hensberhgen. Gaudí. Harper Collins Publishers Ltd. 2001. [204] Isabel Artigas. Antoni Gaudí. Obra completa 18521926. Evergreen-Taschen GmbH, Colònia-Barcelona 2007. [205] Lluís Domènech i Girbau (editor), Marc Llimargas i Casas (fotografies). El Palau de la Música Catalana de Lluís Domènech i Montaner. Fundació Orfeó Català Palau de la Música-Lunwerg Editores-Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya, Barcelona 2000.

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[206] Albert Balcells (editor). Puig i Cadafalch i la Catalunya contemporània. Jornades Científiques de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Secció Històrico-Arqueològica, Barcelona 2003. [207] Rusiñol desconegut/desconocido. Ajuntament de Sitges-Ministerio de Cultura, Sitges 2006. [208] Miquel Seguí Aznar. El Modernisme a les Illes Balears. Arquitectura i Decoració. Govern de les Illes Balears, Barcelona 2000. [209] Pilar Soler i Gordils. El Modernisme. Quaderns de la Revista de Girona-Diputació de Girona-Caixa de Girona, 2001. [210] Lluís Cuspinera i Font. La Garriga, crònica d’una destrucció. Rourich, Sant Cugat del Vallès 2000. El Modernisme a Terrassa. Ajuntament de TerrassaLunwerg, Barcelona 2002. Lluís Bru: fragments d’un creador. Ajuntament d’Esplugues de Llobregat 2005. Mercè Vidal i Jansà (ed.). Cicle de conferències sobre Patrimoni i Ciutat — Esplugues i el modernisme. Grup d’Estudis d’Esplugues, Ajuntament d’Esplugues de Llobregat 2000. Núria Gil Duran. «Modernisme a Tortosa i a Amposta?», Revista de Catalunya, 194 (abril 2004), p. 65-96. Cuspinera també havia estudiat el modernisme a les Franqueses i Granollers. [211] Isidre Nonell 1872-1911. Museu d’Art Modern, MNAC-Fundación Cultural MAPFRE VIDA, Barcelona-Madrid 2000. [212] Ramon Casas. El pintor del Modernisme. Fundación Cultural MAPFRE VIDA-MNAC, Barcelona-Madrid 2001. [213] Marian Pidelaserra 1877-1946. Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya; Fundación Cultural MAPFRE VIDA, Barcelona-Madrid 2002-2003. [214] Anglada-Camarasa [1871-1959]. Fundación Cultural Mapfre Vida, Madrid 2002. [215] Joaquim Mir 1873/1940. Fundación Cultural MAPFRE Vida, Madrid 2004. [216] Jujol dissenyador. MNAC-Fundació la Caixa, Barcelona 2002. [217] MNAC, Barcelona 2002. [218] 4 Gats de Casas a Picasso. Museu Diocesà; Bancaja, Barcelona 2005. [219] París-Barcelone 1888-1937, Réunion des Musées Nationaux-Museu Picasso, París-Barcelona 2002, catàleg del qual hi hagué també edicions catalana i castellana. [220] Idée nationale et architecture en Europe 1860-1919. Finlande, Hongrie, Roumanie, Catalogne, [col·loqui a l’Institut Hongrois de París 2003]. Presses Universitaires de Rennes, Rennes 2006. [221] Prelude to Spanish Modernism, Fortuny to Picasso. The Alburquerque Museum, Alburquerque-Nou Mèxic 2005. [222] Barcelona and Modernity: Picasso, Gaudí, Miró, Dalí. Cleveland Museum of Art-Yale University Press, New Haven-Londres 2006.

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[223] Catalani a Parigi / The Catalan painters and Paris, Brescia: Mostre Grandi Eventi-International Service-Editorial Mediterrània, Brescia 2002. Modernismo e Avanguardia. Picasso, Miró, Dalí e la pittura catalana, a cura de Maria-Josep BALSACH, Skira, Cremona 2003. [224] Van Gogh Museum, Amsterdam 2007. [225] El Modernismo catalán, un entusiasmo. Fundación Santander-Central-Hispano, Madrid 2000. [226] Modernismo catalán. Fundación Caja Vital Kutxa, Vitòria-Gasteiz 2002. [227] Santiago Rusiñol en Granada. La visión simbolista. Junta de Andalucía-Caja de Granada, Granada 2001. [228] Eliseo Meifrèn i Roig. Museo del siglo xix, València 2001. [229] Isidro Nonell. Antológica. Ibercaja, Saragossa 2007. [230] Miquel Blay i Fàbrega 1866-1936. L’escultura del sentiment. Fundació Caixa de Girona-Museu Comarcal de la Garrotxa, Olot 2000. [231] Neus Peregrina. Arts aplicades modernistes a Terrassa. Museu de Terrassa, 2000. [232] Pablo Gargallo. IVAM, València 2004. [233] Andreu Solà Vidal (1863-1902). Després de l’oblit. Comissió Promotora de l’any Solà, Ripollet 2003. [234] Carles Mani. Un modernista al marge. Fundació Caixa de Tarragona, Tarragona 2007. [235] Francesc Fontbona. Carles Mani, escultor maleït. Barcelona; Tarragona: Viena-Museu d’Art Modern de Tarragona, 2004. [236] El món d’Anglada-Camarasa, Obra Social Fundació «la Caixa», Barcelona 2006. [237] Un segle de paisatgisme a les Illes Balears. Es Baluard, Museu d’Art Modern i Contemporani de Palma 2007. [238] Maria Isabel Marín Silvestre. Cercle Artístic de Barcelona 1881-2006. Primera aproximació a 125 anys d’història. Reial Cercle Artístic, Barcelona 2006. [239] Maria Carme Illa. Catàleg raonat dels ex-libris catalans de la Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres de Barcelona. Reial Acadèmia de Bones Lletres, Barcelona 2007. El gran moment de l’exlibris català fou al modernisme. [240] Francesc Miralles, Charo Sanjuán. Anglada-Camarasa y Argentina. Ausa, Sabadell 2003. [241] Francesc Fontbona, Francesc Miralles. AngladaCamarasa. Dibujos. Catálogo razonado. Editorial Mediterrània, Barcelona 2006. [242] Jordi À. Carbonell i Pallarès. Joaquim Vancells. Caixa Terrassa; Lunwerg, Barcelona 2002. [243] Maria Isabel Marín. Eusebi Arnau. Gent Nostra. Infiesta Editor, Barcelona 2006.

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Francesc Fontbona

[244] Maria Isabel Marín Silvestre. L’obra medallística de l’Escultor Eusebi Arnau. Societat Catalana d’Estudis Numismàtics, IEC, Barcelona 2005. [245] M. Lluïsa Faxedas. «Anglada-Camarasa i el Simbolisme rus, 1900-1914». Revista de Catalunya, 191 (gener 2004), p. 23-52. Yuri R. Saveliev. «Anglada-Camarasa a Rússia, a través de la revista «Mir Iskusstva»», dins el catàleg El món d’Anglada-Camarasa, op. cit., p. 36-43. [246] Glòria Escala i Romeu. Gaspar Camps. Gent Nostra. Infiesta Editor, Barcelona 2004. Juan Carlos Bejarano Veiga. Lambert Escaler. Gent Nostra. Infiesta Editor, Barcelona 2005. [247] Josep de C. Laplana, Mercedes Palau-Ribes O’Callaghan. La pintura de Santiago Rusiñol. Obra completa. Editorial Mediterrània, Barcelona 2004, 3 vols. [248] Vinyet Panyella. Santiago Rusiñol. El caminant de la terra. Edicions 62, Barcelona 2003. [249] Anna Sawicka. Paryz -Barcelona- Sitges. Modernistyczny genius loci w kataloníi z perspektywy Santiago Rusiñol. Ksiegarnia Akademicka, Cracòvia 2003. [250] Lourdes Jiménez Fernández. «La recepció de la imatge wagneriana pels modernistes catalans». Revista de Catalunya, 154 (setembre 2000). L’autora, des de Màlaga, ha dedicat diversos altres treballs al mateix tema. [251] Pilar Vélez. «De les arts decoratives a les arts industrials». A: Xavier Barral (dir.). Art de Catalunya, vol. 11. Edicions L’Isard, Barcelona 2000, p. 176 i ss. [252] Teresa M. Sala. La Casa Busquets. Una història del moble i la decoració del modernisme al déco a Barcelona, Memoria Artium, Barcelona-Girona-Lleida, 2006. És el fruit d’una tesi doctoral de què l’autora ja publicà un resum en una monografia breu el 1989. [253] Sílvia Carbonell Basté, Josep Casamartina Parassols. Les fàbriques i els somnis. Modernisme tèxtil a Catalunya. Centre de Documentació i Museu Tèxtil, Terrassa 2002. [254] Santi Barjau Rico, Víctor Oliva Pascuet. Barcelona. Art i aventura del llibre. La Impremta Oliva de Vilanova. Ajuntament de Barcelona, 2002, obra que cobreix també l’època noucentista. [255] Javier Gimeno. La medalla modernista. MNAC, Barcelona 2001. [256] Aitor Quiney. Hermenegildo Miralles. Arts gràfiques i enquadernació. Biblioteca de Catalunya, Barcelona 2005. [257] Pia Subias. Modest de Casademunt. Museu d’Art de Sabadell, 2001.

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Nota biogràfica Francesc Fontbona i de Vallescar és doctor en Història Moderna per la Universitat de Barcelona, acadèmic numerari de la Reial Acadèmia de Belles Arts de Sant Jordi de Barcelona i membre de la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, així com membre honorari de The Hispanic Society of America de New York. Ha estat també membre de la Junta de Calificación, Valoración y Exportación de Bienes del Patrimonio Histórico Español del Ministerio de Cultura i, actualment, presideix la Junta de Qualificació, Valoració i Exportació de Béns del Patrimoni Històric i Artístic de Catalunya, de la Generalitat de Catalunya. Director de la Unitat Gràfica de la Biblioteca de Catalunya de Barcelona, és autor de nombrosos llibres i ponències sobre la seva especialitat.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 269-281 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.19 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

La repressió franquista als Països Catalans Conxita Mir i Curcó* Universitat de Lleida

Resum En aquest article s’ofereix una panoràmica general sobre la repressió franquista als Països Catalans des de l’esclat de la Guerra Civil espanyola fins a la primera dècada de la instauració de la Dictadura, tot prenent en compte tant els efectes cruents com la repressió econòmica, els empresonaments, la depuració professional o el control social i moral a què se sotmeté la població en general. Després d’unes breus consideracions sobre el caràcter de la violència i la dominació desplegades pels revoltats als territoris que anaven ocupant, s’inicia un recorregut que comença l’estiu del 1936 a l’illa de Mallorca, únic territori de parla catalana que restà a mans del colpistes, continua per les terres de Lleida, ocupades la primavera del 1938, i es clou amb l’ofensiva final, l’hivern del mateix any, sobre Catalunya i València. Es fa especial incidència en les repercussions de la Llei de responsabilitats polítiques del 1939 i en el significat que tingueren per a l’ocupant la pacificació i la reconstrucció dels territoris conquerits.

Paraules clau: franquisme, repressió, violència política, guerra civil, postguerra, repressió econòmica El ressò que ha assolit en els darrers anys el debat sobre la memòria de la Guerra Civil espanyola i de la dictadura franquista, així com el tracte atorgat a les víctimes de la confrontació i de la repressió, mostra, sobretot, la pervivència de dificultats a l’hora de conciliar memòries individuals i col·lectives.1 No obstant això, la controvèrsia resultant, lluny de ser cap especificitat, ens remet a realitats esdevingudes en altres països que en algun moment de la crisi europea de la primera meitat del segle xx patiren els seus particulars règims dictatorials. Alemanya, Itàlia o Rússia en són bons exemples, així com els camins de la memòria seguits als països llatinoamericans sortits de les dictadures militars que s’imposaren durant la segona meitat d’aquest mateix segle. Arreu ha estat necessari delimitar la tènue línia que separa el coneixement històric i crític del passat de les diverses memòries que se’n conserven. A Catalunya, per esmentar un exemple proper, la Fundació Pi i Sunyer convocà el mes de juny del 2007 diversos historiadors i juristes a la celebració d’una jornada sobre «Violència i justícia a Catalunya entre 1936 i 1975». L’objectiu era propiciar una reflexió sobre el significat de la diversitat dels tipus de violència, les formes de repressió i

* Adreça de contacte: Conxita Mir i Curcó. Facultat de Lletres. Campus del Rectorat. Pl. Víctor Siurana, 1. 25003 Lleida, Catalonia, EU. Tel. +34 973702147. Fax: +34 973702050. E-mail: cmir@historia.udl.cat

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els procediments judicials i administratius que es registraren per tot el territori català d’ençà de l’esclat de la Guerra Civil fins al final de la dictadura. Com a resultat, i sempre a la llum de la intensificació —a partir dels anys vuitanta— de la recerca històrica rigorosa sobre aquestes qüestions, es feren públiques unes breus conclusions, amb la idea d’incidir en un debat no exempt d’interpretacions esbiaixades i interessades que sovint obvien que a l’origen de totes les violències sempre hi ha la insurrecció militar de juliol de 1936.2

Violència i dominació La victòria de l’esquerra democràtica a les eleccions de febrer del 1936, esdevinguda en un moment àlgid d’ascens dels feixismes, ratificà l’opció de la societat civil per la república progressista contra la qual, uns mesos després, es produí l’alçament de part de l’exèrcit. Altrament, allí on el cop d’estat fou avortat, com succeí a la major part dels Països Catalans, esclatà paral·lelament un moviment revolucionari que, en un primer moment, les institucions republicanes no van poder controlar. Inicialment, les explosions espontànies de violència es potenciaren amb les accions repressives exercides per militants de grups i organitzacions polítiques, amb directrius que de cap manera no són imputables a les institucions republicanes.3 Aquestes, un cop refetes de l’ensurt, no només condem-

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naren públicament els excessos, sinó que tractaren de posar-hi fi, alhora que facilitaren la fugida i l’exili de persones perseguides pels revolucionaris. Per contra, la violència coetània colpista va ser concebuda com un instrument al servei de la destrucció de la democràcia parlamentària, pas previ a la imposició d’un nou ordre social. Per als revoltats contra la República, a imatge del que propugnava en aquells moments el feixisme europeu en expansió, la Guerra Civil s’interioritzà com un moviment de defensa de la civilització occidental enfront de la barbàrie soviètica, basat en la defensa de l’ordre, la religió i la pau social, posats presumptament en perill per uns republicans que genèricament van rebre l’apel·latiu de «rojos». El cos doctrinari dels revoltats enaltia la força i el recurs a la violència. Per això mateix fou l’exèrcit, amb un poder militar omnímode, qui assumí l’operació d’escarment social que s’emprengué, batejada per l’Església com a «Cruzada». Fou així com els alçats contra la legalitat republicana se sentiren dipositaris d’una missió històrica a complir que no requeria cap suport social legitimador.4 D’aquesta manera, a través del recurs continuat al bando de guerra, s’endegà la destrucció del poder legítim i dels quadres que el sustentaven, tot imposant l’imperi de la por i el temor a una població que es volia desmobilitzada i submisa.5 Des del punt de vista jurídic, un cop declarat l’estat de guerra i ratificada la primacia de la potestat militar, es deixava obert el camí cap a la proliferació de jurisdiccions especials, complement eficaç de la justícia sumaríssima d’urgència. És el coneixement de les actuacions de tribunals com els de Responsabilitats Polítiques, o les dutes a terme per les diverses comissions de depuració administratives que entraren en funcionament, juntament amb les desplegades des de l’Administració provincial en matèria de salvaguarda de l’ordre públic, allò que millor ens informa del que va significar la legalitat franquista que emparà una repressió que havia començat a exercir-se sistemàticament des del mateix juliol del 1936.6

Estiu del 1936: el triomf del cop d’estat a Mallorca El 18 de juliol de 1936, l’illa de Mallorca va ser l’únic territori de parla catalana que restà a mans dels colpistes. A pesar de la manca de culpables als quals atribuir una oposició bel·ligerant contra els revoltats, es comença a aplicar des dels primers dies un pla d’acció repressiva que responia plenament al que els insurrectes havien definit d’avançada com d’extermini «quirúrgic» d’urgència. El títol del llibre que estudia la història de la Guerra Civil al poble de Porreres, Desfilades de dia, afusellaments de nit, reflecteix amb encert com s’escenificà a diari la violència quotidiana que s’instal·là a l’illa amb la victòria.7 Mallorca, amb Catalunya, el País Valencià i Menorca al cantó de la República, patí centenars d’afusellaments arbitraris, alhora que nombrosos processats veieren inter-

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Conxita Mir

vingudes les seves propietats, mentre que molts altres acabaren reclosos a les presons i als camps de concentració dispersos per l’illa. Josep Massot és qui millor ens apropa a aquesta realitat. Ens explica com el desembarcament del tinent coronel d’aviació Alberto Bayo en un intent de recuperar les illes per a la República —Mallorca, juntament amb Eivissa, Formentera i Cabrera, on inicialment també havia triomfat la revolta—, durant l’agost del 1936, va desencadenar una resposta repressiva sinistra i d’ampli abast. Una reacció que difícilment pot ser qualificada d’incontrolada des del moment que s’encaminà a cercar els dirigents dels partits d’esquerra i de les organitzacions obreres, juntament amb mestres, periodistes, professionals o maçons que no pogueren abandonar l’illa. D’altra banda, no deixaren d’implicar-s’hi elements civils, capitanejant escamots secrets integrats per elements dretans exaltats, majoritàriament falangistes, però no únicament, que eren els qui assenyalaven les persones a eliminar, fins i tot republicans inicialment alliberats a manca de càrrecs per atribuir-los.8 Segons testimonis presencials, dos dies després de la revolta militar foren empresonats al voltant de mil cinccents sospitosos, mentre que les morts atribuïbles a la repressió haguda entre l’estiu del 1936 i el primer trimestre del 1937, data de l’arribada dels italians amb el «conde Rossi» al capdavant, són de difícil quantificació, ja que moltes de les víctimes eren gent de fora o sense família. Georges Bernanos, a Les grands cimetières sous la lune (París, 1938), parlava, poc després dels fets, de tres mil morts. Amb posterioritat, aquesta xifra s’ha considerat excessiva, mentre que d’altres l’han valorat com a encara massa curta. Actualment el recompte oscil·la entre un mínim de mil executats, perfectament documentats, i un màxim de dos mil, dels quals només uns centenars foren morts després de passar per un consell de guerra.9 David Ginard no dubta a assenyalar que l’arxipèlag, amb tot just tres-cents mil habitants, esdevingué una de les zones més castigades dels Països Catalans i d’Espanya. Considera que fou aquí on els revoltats posaren de manifest, amb l’acció desplegada contra els sectors populars d’ideari democràtic i d’esquerres, la voluntat anihiladora de qualsevol possible brot de contestació social. Ni la por als milicians de l’expedició de Bayo que pretenien reconquerir el territori perdut, ni la situació estratègica o la composició social de l’illa, no expliquen l’acarnissament amb què s’actuà, el qual només pren significat des de la lògica del terror subjacent a les represàlies que, arreu on s’acomplí el cop d’estat, es posaven en pràctica d’immediat.

Primavera del 1938: Lleida i el front del Segre Durant la primavera del 1938, amb el trencament del front d’Aragó, una part de les terres de Lleida cau a mans dels revoltats. Aquests ocuparen una franja de territori

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que, de nord a sud, seguia el curs dels rius Noguera Pallaresa i Segre. Assentada a banda i banda dels rius, es consolidà durant nou mesos una línia de front només inestable als caps de pont de Seròs a la comarca del Segrià, Balaguer i la Baronia de Sant Oïsme a la Noguera i Tremp al Pallars Jussà, totes elles zones estratègiques on es lliuraren durs combats, sense que l’exèrcit republicà aconseguís fer retrocedir els ocupants. Al cap de pont de Balaguer, per exemple, la pretensió republicana de recuperar posicions com la del turó del Deu, popularment conegut com «el Merengue», ocasionà centenars de baixes. Avui l’indret constitueix un lloc de memòria, recuperat sota l’impuls dels excombatents de la quinta del 1941, particularment castigats en aquest front. Mobilitzats amb tot just divuit anys, alguns encara amb disset, el record d’aquests soldats ha estat rememorat any rere any per l’Associació d’Excombatents de la Quinta del Biberó, que ha pres el nom que la ministra de Sanitat, Frederica Montseny, donà als d’aquesta lleva, colpida per la imatge que oferien uns joves gairebé adolescents lliurats al combat amb tot just uns dies d’instrucció militar.10 A les nombroses pèrdues militars hagudes en el front del Segre, aviat s’hi sumaren els efectes de la repressió política. A diferència del que s’havia esdevingut a Mallorca, quan les tropes franquistes van arribar a les terres de Lleida molts dels compromesos políticament amb la República s’havien pogut posar a resguard, igual que fugiren molts dels elements compromesos amb la violència revolucionària de rereguarda. No obstant això, la fúria dels ocupants no va ser menor. Recaigué sobre una població indefensa i esgotada, resident en unes comarques poc desenvolupades, encara més empobrides per la proximitat del front. L’arribada de les tropes anà acompanyada d’una violència arbitrària i sistemàtica. Els tribunals militars es posaren en funcionament d’immediat. El falangista tarragoní José María Fontana testimonià amb claredat a les seves memòries què significà l’arribada de les tropes franquistes a Lleida. Assegurava que l’ocupació de Catalunya havia estat força sensata, a excepció del que denominava «los lunares de Lérida». Un eufemisme rememoratiu dels costos humans d’aquesta ocupació que avui encara no poden ser determinats amb exactitud. Els diversos estudis existents, iniciats per historiadors com Josep Maria Solé, Joan Villarroya o Manel Gimeno i continuats per Mercè Barallat o Joan Sagués, assenyalen que a les terres de Lleida la repressió es mostrà indiscriminada, decidida, i conduïda per les autoritats militars en col·laboració amb falangistes i elements de la dreta local. Desenes de persones no combatents foren executades pel simple fet d’haver observat una simpatia en favor de la causa republicana. Les accions extremament violentes contra algunes dones pallareses, que Manel Gimeno ha documentat, tenen molt en comú amb la sort viscuda per cinc infermeres, milicianes de l’expedició de Bayo a Mallorca, que, fetes presoneres, foren brutalment violades abans de ser afusellades. Una història més coneguda que els episodis viscuts

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a la muntanya lleidatana, potser a causa de la polèmica que en el moment dels fets generà entre els mateixos partidaris del règim, en tractar alguns d’aquests d’exculpar els seus coreligionaris adduint la baixa consideració que els mereixien les dones republicanes.11 En qualsevol cas, a Mallorca i a les terres de Lleida s’hi registrà un nombre notòriament important de morts extrajudicials. Així s’assenyala en el llibre coordinat per Santos Juliá, Víctimas de la guerra civil (Madrid, Temas de Hoy, 1999), la principal síntesi existent en aquest respecte. Tot i això, els totals provincials de víctimes atribuïbles a la repressió que apareixen en aquesta obra no deixen d’estar sotmesos a permanent revisió. En el cas de Lleida, per exemple, la historiadora Mercè Barallat ha elevat fins a 558 el total de 450 executats prèvia sentència militar que aporta Josep Maria Solé i Sabater. I l’autora encara documenta 148 afusellaments de republicans que no passaren per consell de guerra, així com 169 defuncions de presos polítics, tot aproximant uns centenars de baixes sense documentar, presumiblement degudes a accions incontrolades dutes a terme en els primers moments de l’ocupació, quan el front que dividia la ciutat deixà el cementiri a la banda republicana.12 Si es produeixen aquestes oscil·lacions en d’altres indrets, com mostren diversos estudis locals que presenten xifres detallades, el total establert per a Catalunya de 3.385 víctimes degudes a la repressió franquista —el «cànon numèric», que n’ha dit Francesc Vilanova, fixat ja fa més de vint anys— s’ha de revisar necessàriament a l’alça.

Hivern del 1938: l’inici de l’ofensiva final sobre Catalunya i València A finals del 1938, amb el trencament de les línies del front establertes la primavera d’aquest mateix any a Lleida i a Castelló, començà l’ocupació de Catalunya i València. A primers de febrer del 1939, les tropes de Franco ja havien arribat a la frontera francesa. La caiguda de València no es produiria fins el mes de març. Fou durant les darreres setmanes que precediren la desfeta final que al port d’Alacant es concentraren per a ser evacuats al voltant de quinze mil refugiats. Molts d’ells eren republicans significats, atrapats en espera d’uns vaixells que mai no aconseguirien ancorar, que afegiren la seva sort a la de la multitud allí capturada arran del tancament dels ports. En el tram final de la guerra, es tornaren a registrar fets d’una arbitrarietat extrema, en especial en comarques meridionals tarragonines i lleidatanes com la Conca de Barberà, la Terra Alta o les Garrigues, terres pobres —com remarca en el seu darrer treball Josep Termes, Misèria contra pobresa. Els fets de la Fatarella de gener de 1937 (Catarroja, Afers, 2005)— en les quals l’esclat de la Guerra Civil desfermà la confrontació social que feia anys que es covava. Tanmateix els tribunals militars, ubicats ja fos en municipis cap de comarca o en algunes petites localitats properes al front, començaren a funcionar aviat. Després,

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foren les auditories de guerra, situades a les respectives capitals provincials, on els encartats, molts dels quals procedents dels pobles, foren sentenciats i, quan fou el cas, executats. A Barcelona, el cel ras del Camp de la Bota, al Poblenou, zona avui transformada per les obres del Fòrum de les Cultures 2004, veié executar més de 1.600 persones. A la resta de Catalunya, habitualment s’afusellava contra la tàpia dels cementiris, de tal manera que són aquests els indrets on es troben les fosses comunes més grans, obertes per acollir les desenes de republicans executats. A les fosses dels cementiris de Tarragona i Lleida s’hi enterraren a cadascuna entorn de cinc-centes persones. Des de mitjan anys quaranta —almenys així succeí a Lleida—, unes quantes famílies van ser autoritzades a posar creus, quasi sempre de fusta, on només podia constar el nom i la data de la mort de la persona que es volia recordar. Amb el pas del temps, aquestes primeres mostres de dol s’han anat renovant i, darrerament, incrementant. Les famílies d’aquests executats, quan han tingut descendència, no han deixat d’acudir a visitar els seus. Moltes, però, continuen esperant la dignificació oficial d’aquest indret de memòria. Ni més ni menys com la que es va fer, encetats els anys vuitanta, al Fossar de la Pedrera, al cementiri de Montjuïc —una antiga pedrera on foren enterrats clandestinament la majoria dels republicans afusellats a Barcelona—, coincidint amb el trasllat a aquell lloc, el 15 d’octubre de 1985, de les despulles del president Lluís Companys, executat a la fortalesa de Montjuïc el 1940. A València, segons Vicent Gavarda, foren prop de cinc mil les persones executades, amb la qual cosa el total atribuïble a la repressió franquista dels Països Catalans se situa entre les deu mil i les onze mil víctimes, que en percentatges vol dir que la violència més cruenta afectà un 2,34 per mil de la població.13 Amb el mar com a barrera infranquejable, el final de la guerra resultà especialment dramàtic al País Valencià. Els milers de persones allí capturades acabaren empresonades o recloses en alguns dels tretze camps de concentració que, com a mínim, foren habilitats. De tal manera que és aquesta concentració multitudinària allò que millor permet comprendre les peculiaritats que la repressió registrà en aquesta zona del país. Molts cementiris de pobles petits foren utilitzats per a donar curs a les execucions sumàries, dictades amb urgència i lligades, com bé diu Vicent Gavarda, a la pràctica de «sacas ejemplares» de presos dels camps, per a ser identificats en «ruedas de reconocimiento» a les poblacions d’origen, on eren públicament afusellats. Igual que succeí a Catalunya, als inicis dels anys vuitanta foren dignificats alguns fossars com el del cementiri de Paterna, on van tenir lloc més de dues mil execucions. No ha estat així, però, al cementiri de València, on una de les fosses comunes, en la qual reposen represaliats del franquisme, ha romàs fins fa molt poc temps en l’anonimat, aparellat a un notable estat d’abandó de l’indret que, d’altra banda, en aquests moments es troba en perill de desaparició en virtut de les obres de reordenació de la

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zona que l’Ajuntament preveu emprendre. En qualsevol cas, fou aquesta iniciativa municipal la que, la primavera del 2006, convertí aquest indret en símbol mobilitzador de les actuacions en pro de la recuperació de la memòria i del dret al record que s’han dut a terme de llavors ençà a la comunitat valenciana.14 A Catalunya, la meitat de les execucions portades a terme pels franquistes van tenir lloc durant l’any 1939. Fins a mil persones foren mortes entre els mesos de maig i juliol, amb una mitjana de deu executats per dia. Una xifra alta, però lluny de la donada en el seu moment pel comte Ciano, ministre d’Afers Estrangers de Mussolini, quan assegurava que el mes de juliol a Barcelona hi havia cent cinquanta execucions diàries.15 Unes dades que sovint fan oblidar que va ser el camp català el que patí els estralls repressius més colpidors. Al País Valencià, la repressió es concentrà sobretot en comarques septentrionals, com el Camp de Túria, el Baix Maestrat, la Safor, la Vall d’Albaida, la Ribera Alta o la Ribera Baixa, àrees amb presència de la CNT i, per tant, escenaris d’experiències col· lectivistes. D’altra banda, la fase repressiva més dura, la que s’estén entre el final de la guerra i el bienni 1942-1943, s’allargà a València fins entrats els anys cinquanta, coincidint amb l’ordre que va donar el PCE, el 1951, de posar fi a la lluita guerrillera, intensa en aquesta zona. La sòlida Agrupación Guerrillera de Levante (AGLA), que es desplegava per la zona muntanyosa que abraça les províncies de Terol, Conca, València i Castelló, mantenia el 1947, com explicà ja fa uns anys Fernanda Romeu, més de dos mil homes i dones en acció, sense comptar els enllaços del pla i sense que resulti fàcil posar una data final a l’activitat guerrillera. Tot i això, les investigacions fetes es reafirmen a denominar el període 1947-1949, en paraules de l’historiador Francisco Moreno, «el trienni del terror». Les recents biografies sobre el dirigent comunista Heribert Quiñones o sobre els maquis catalans, Marcel·lí Massana, «un mite de la guerrilla anarquista» o la història de l’anarcosindicalista Ramon Vila, Caracremada, prototip del guerriller urbà, considerat «el darrer maqui català», així semblen corroborar-ho.16

Guerra, postguerra i víctimes L’historiador Josep Benet considerà, en el que va ser una de les primeres aproximacions als costos humans de la Guerra Civil i el franquisme, que, entre soldats morts, persones afusellades per ambdós bàndols i exiliats, la població catalana havia perdut al voltant de 125.000 persones, una xifra que avui resulta molt prudent. Aquest concepte ampli de víctima, tot i la seva extensió —ja que inclou tant les degudes a la guerra i les dues repressions com les resultants de les penalitats de postguerra o les causades per l’exili—, resulta força operatiu en permetre un desglossament que ajuda a la comprensió del que suposà la desfeta. Sobre una població que, segons el cens del 1930, era de 2.791.292 habitants, hi incidí una

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sagnia que provocà un total aproximat de 45.000 joves morts als fronts i als hospitals, unes 5.000 víctimes degudes als bombardeigs, 8.500 resultants de les repressions de rereguarda, prop de 4.000 morts a mans de la repressió franquista de guerra i postguerra, sense oblidar uns 2.000 catalans traspassats a les presons i als camps de concentració espanyols i nazis, així com les defuncions degudes a explosió o accident a causa del material bèl·lic abandonat —amb una incidència xifrada en un u per mil de la població del Principat— o les atribuïbles a les malalties i la fam i, també, a la pèrdua social que significà l’exili permanent de catalans, que actualment es xifra entre les 50.000 i les 70.000 persones. Possiblement es podrà fer un millor ajustament quan s’incorporin les dades recollides, des del gener del 2003, per la Generalitat de Catalunya a partir del projecte «Fosses comunes i persones desaparegudes durant la guerra civil i el franquisme», encara en curs d’elaboració. En aquests moments es porten registrades entorn de 150 fosses, cosa que permet calcular un total aproximat de 9.000 persones enterrades sense identificar, la majoria de les quals soldats morts als fronts de guerra. De la mateixa manera que es podran afinar millor les dades amb la conclusió del treball reprès sobre el cost humà de la Guerra Civil a Catalunya que Josep Benet inicià des del Centre d’Història Contemporània de Catalunya (CHCC), entitat creada el 1984 i de la qual fou el primer director.17 Pel que fa al País Valencià, les aproximacions globals resulten més difícils. A Alacant s’ha estimat que entre el novembre del 1936 i el desembre del 1938 hi va haver 460 morts i 648 ferits a causa de les bombes. A València, durant el mateix període, es considera que van caure sota les bombes 825 persones, alhora que hi hagué prop de 3.000 ferits en els bombardeigs efectuats als ports de Gandia, Borriana, Sagunt i Dénia, motivats —com remarca Ismael Saz, a la Història del País Valencià, corresponent a l’Època Contemporània (Barcelona, Edicions 62, 1990)— tant per raons militars com econòmiques i psicològiques. Pel que fa a l’exili, es calcula que el no-retorn afectà unes 10.000 persones. A la fi, el volum de pèrdues als Països Catalans va ser irreparable, tal com succeí a tot Espanya, que, segons el cens del 1939, tenia una població de 23.677.095 persones, de les quals entre 500.000 i 600.000 van morir a causa de la guerra i les seves conseqüències. L’instrument repressiu per excel·lència, però, va ser la justícia sumaríssima d’urgència. Els republicans passats per consell de guerra, acusats paradoxalment, com tantes vegades s’ha assenyalat, de rebel·lió militar, foren multitud. L’any 2003, per iniciativa del president de l’actual Tribunal Militar Territorial Tercer, amb jurisdicció sobre Catalunya, Aragó, les Illes Balears i Navarra, es creà una ponència, integrada per representants del Ministeri de Defensa i de la Generalitat de Catalunya, amb l’objectiu d’iniciar la catalogació de les causes que van ser incoades a Catalunya entre el 1939 i el 1988, avui custodiades per aquest tribunal, amb seu al Govern Militar de Barcelona. Es partí de les fitxes nominals preexistents i es creà una

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primera base de dades de localització, amb uns 110.000 sumaris oberts i amb una xifra d’afectats, ja que molts sumaris eren col·lectius, que arriba als 146.000 processats. Aquests són els recomptes actualment coneguts, els quals permeten constatar, igualment, que més de la meitat dels processos corresponen a les primeres dècades de la dictadura. Al País Valencià, es calcula que foren aproximadament 8.000 els consells de guerra incoats en la immediata postguerra, molts dels quals, com era habitual, col·lectius i, per tant, amb el corresponent augment del nombre de processats. Altres dades parcials ens informen, per exemple, que a Tarragona van passar per consell de guerra més de 5.000 persones, la qual cosa afectà, partint del cens de l’any 1936, el 15,2 per mil de la població.18 Si un cop acabada la guerra les penes de mort dictades foren exorbitants —els 100.000 afusellaments produïts a tot Espanya mentre durà la guerra s’incrementaren en 50.000—, el total de condemnes amb penes de presó va arribar a 300.000 durant el bienni 1939-1940, mentre que foren entre 370.000 i 500.000 els qui passaren per algun dels camps de concentració creats a partir de les disposicions dictades la primavera del 1937 des del Cuartel General del Generalísimo. A Catalunya, fins al 1942, sembla que van funcionar setze camps, repartits en ciutats com Barcelona, Reus, Figueres, Lleida o Cervera. Així ho documenta el jove historiador Aram Monfort en un treball recent sobre el camp de concentració d’Horta i les presons que funcionaven a Barcelona, com eren la Model, al carrer de Numància, que Pelai Pagès va estudiar fa un quant temps de manera exhaustiva; el convent de Sant Elies, al barri de Sant Gervasi; el Cànem, una fàbrica de filatures que els propietaris de La Vanguardia Española, els Godó, tenien al Poblenou, i el Palau de les Missions, una obra de l’arquitecte Antoni Darder del 1929 alçada al recinte firal de Montjuïc. Mentre que les dones eren tancades a la presó coneguda com «la casa dels Duran», nom dels propietaris —i, fins a la Guerra Civil, Asil del Bon Consell—, al barri de les Corts, on als anys setanta s’alçà El Corte Inglés de la Diagonal. A banda de la presó militar del castell de Montjuïc i dels diversos centres de detenció, com el soterrani de la banca Tusquets, a la plaça d’Urquinaona xamfrà amb la Via Laietana, o la Jefatura de Policía, a l’actual plaça de Francesc Macià. En definitiva, un sistema concentracionari i penitenciari que, estès per tot Catalunya, es caracteritzà per l’amuntegament de presos, reclosos en pèssimes condicions, avui rememorades per molts del qui hi van passar, com ha estat el cas del relat que fa el senador socialista tarragoní Josep Subirats Piñana sobre el seu pas per la presó Pilat de la seva ciutat, o el de la reclusió de les militants de les Joventuts Socialistes que refereix Maria Salvo a través de l’historiador Ricard Vinyes. Els balanços provincials que s’enviaven cada mes al Servicio Nacional de Prisiones, antecedent de la posterior Dirección General, permeten calcular els totals de retinguts a Catalunya a primers de gener de 1940 en 27.309 persones. Només a la capital hi havia 14.509 presos, dels quals 1.184 eren dones.19

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Els inconvenients que causà al règim la mateixa concentració de reclusos féu que aviat s’arbitressin mesures per procedir a la descongestió, procés que no desaprofità l’oportunitat de treure partit de la mà d’obra reunida en presons i camps. El sistema de redempció de penes pel treball, impulsat pel jesuïta José Agustín Pérez del Pulgar i el Servicio de Colonias Penitenciarias Militarizadas o de tallers penitenciaris que se’n derivà, vingué a sumar-se a la munió de batallons de treballadors, integrats per soldats de l’exèrcit republicà prèviament classificats, tots integrats en un sistema de treball forçat que hom no ha dubtat a denominar, un cop coneguts els seus resultats, «treball esclau», l’existència del qual fou durant anys escamotejada.20 D’altra banda, la majoria dels empresonats van patir dures experiències d’allunyament de família i amics, que tot just es van començar a pal·liar amb l’aplicació, a partir del 1940, de la llibertat condicional i la generalització, a partir del 1945, de les mesures de gràcia que el Govern dictà amb una certa regularitat. Com a contrapès, les mesures d’allunyament continuaren, mentre que la creació el 1943 del Servicio de Libertad Vigilada els obligava a presentar-se periòdicament a les autoritats. Tot plegat, un sistema coercitiu inexpugnable, practicat mitjançant els més diversos instruments d’investigació, depuració i càstig.

Responsabilitats polítiques i repressió econòmica Amb Franco investit de plena potestat legislativa i amb un Codi Penal en suspens fins a l’aprovació del reformat el 1944, s’anà construint un nou marc jurídic en el qual proliferaren jurisdiccions especials de diversa índole, encaminades a complementar els poders excepcionals dels tribunals militars, mantinguts fins a la creació del Tribunal de Orden Público (TOP) el 1963. Per la seva rellevància destaquen la Llei de responsabilitats polítiques del 9 de febrer de 1939, la de repressió de la maçoneria i el comunisme de l’1 de març de 1940 i la de seguretat de l’Estat del 29 de març de 1941. La repressió econòmica, impartida a través de la Llei de responsabilitats polítiques, fou ideada com un instrument liquidador de culpes a costa dels patrimonis familiars dels sancionats, que començà a practicar-se regularment durant el mateix curs de la guerra. Amb les sancions es pretenia, igualment, recaptar els diners necessaris per a emprendre la reconstrucció del país, la destrucció del qual s’atribuïa a les actuacions dels derrotats. A Catalunya, com a tota l’Espanya en poder de Franco, l’espoli dels vençuts començà la primavera del 1938, al mateix temps que s’iniciava l’ocupació. A banda de les actuacions irregulars, a les zones ocupades de Mallorca o Lleida començaren a funcionar les «comisiones provinciales de bienes incautados», amb l’objectiu d’intervenir el patrimoni de partits, associacions i persones desafectes, especialment si aques-

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tes havien mort o fugit, situació força freqüent. En efecte, a la llum de la documentació coneguda sabem que tot just un 25 % dels encausats van ser localitzats en el moment de ser jutjats pels tribunals especials regionals creats per la nova llei, els quals assumiren les funcions d’aquestes primeres comissions. Sobre un cens de 2.791.292 habitants, s’ha calculat que més de 25.000 persones van passar pel Tribunal de Responsabilitats Polítiques de Catalunya, els efectes veritables del qual resten encara lluny de ser ben coneguts. Si prenem en compte dades globals per a tot l’Estat, el 1944 hi havia més de 300.000 expedients oberts, molts dels quals col·lectius, tal com passava amb els consells de guerra. Entre el 1939 i el 1941, se’n resolgueren uns 125.000, dels quals 10.000 corresponien, aproximadament, a la província de Barcelona. A Lleida es van obrir prop de 4.000 sumaris. Tot plegat, hi hagué una incidència sobre la població que arribava a l’1 %, amb l’agreujant dels efectes multiplicadors d’unes sancions que a la pràctica van recaure sobre els familiars dels encausats.21 Una anàlisi jurídica d’aquesta llei permet assenyalar, entre moltes altres qüestions, la conculcació del principi de legalitat, en fer-se extensiva la seva retroactivitat fins al 1934, a banda d’estendre’s la responsabilitat a persones mortes, a menors d’edat o a persones desaparegudes i absents i, per tant, privades de possibilitat de defensa, sense oblidar que les famílies dels processats heretaven la culpa i, amb aquesta, la pena econòmica. D’altra part, les penes accessòries, com la inhabilitació o la pèrdua de la nacionalitat amb caràcter imprescriptible, obviaven fins i tot la pròpia legalitat franquista. Els components d’aquests tribunals especials, designats pel Govern, sortien de l’exèrcit, de la magistratura, prèviament depurada, i de Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS. Entre els disset supòsits (article 4) d’encausament, hi figurava en lloc destacat el fet d’haver estat condemnat per la jurisdicció militar, la qual cosa significava una ulterior condemna per un mateix delicte. Com a llei sancionadora i penal que era, si no es dictaminava absolució o sobreseïment, la imposició d’una multa era preceptiva. Aquesta podia anar des de cent pessetes fins a la pèrdua total de béns, mentre que les mesures de restricció de les activitats professionals i la limitació de la llibertat de residència podien comportar la inhabilitació, l’estranyament, la relegació, el desterrament o, com ja hem assenyalat, la privació de la nacionalitat. Segons Manuel Álvaro Dueñas, l’Estat calculava obtenir, com a resultat d’aquesta legislació, el 5 % de la riquesa de cada província. A la pràctica, però, va resultar impossible executar les sancions imposades, de tal manera que el setembre del 1941 el 85 % dels expedients oberts estaven sense tramitar o pendents de resolució. Aquesta falta d’efectivitat féu inajornable la necessitat de reformar la llei, cosa que es dugué a terme el 1942, fins a arribar a la seva derogació el 1945, tot i que es mantingué una Comissió Liquidadora de Responsabilitats Polítiques fins als anys seixanta.

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En la pobresa de la majoria dels expedientats rau una de les principals explicacions de l’escassa eficàcia d’una legislació que es recolzà en gran manera en la funció exemplificant implícita en tots els mecanismes repressius. Aquest va ser un esglaó més en la ficció en què va convertir-se la justícia franquista, instrument encaminat a la pràctica a cercar culpables sobre els quals executar l’escarment col· lectiu pretès. Així i tot, la llei permeté la intervenció d’alguns patrimonis importants, que és el que més ha transcendit des del punt de vista historiogràfic. Com bé ha analitzat Francesc Vilanova, foren investigats membres destacats de la burgesia catalana, acusats de ser poc entusiastes amb el nou règim. Ni tan sols se salvaren alguns dels qui van treballar per la causa franquista, com és el cas dels polítics Lluís Duran i Ventosa o Felip Rodés, exministre de la Corona, denunciats per la seva presumpta adscripció a fidelitats catalanistes. També patí expedient el periodista, director i editorialista de La Vanguardia en els anys de la Segona República, Agustí Calvet Gaziel, proper als cercles del ministre franquista Eduard Aunós, juntament amb el seu patró Carles Godó. Foren encausats industrials de la Lliga Regionalista com la família Bertrand Serra o els germans Vilardell Permanyer, i sotmesos a investigació, per haver expressat massa tard la seva adhesió al règim, dirigents regionalistes de la talla de Raimon d’Abadal i Caldero, Ramon d’Abadal i de Vinyals, Joaquim Balcells o Jesús Cambó Torras, nebot del mateix líder Francesc Cambó. Com no podia ser d’una altra manera, van passar per aquest tribunal especial de responsabilitats polítiques tots els polítics que havien estat relacionats amb el Govern de la Generalitat. Els tres fills del president Francesc Macià foren inculpats, «por ser hijos de quien eran», a desgrat que el seu pare havia mort per Nadal del 1933, un any abans del límit de retroactivitat fixat per la mateixa llei. S’obrí expedient als germans del president Lluís Companys, tot i que el més petit del quatre germans, Camil Companys, fou sentenciat cinc mesos després de la seva tràgica mort a Montpeller, on se suïcidà el 20 de setembre de 1940, poc després que el seu germà fos lliurat per la Gestapo a la policia franquista. Van tenir expedient obert prohoms republicans com l’advocat d’Acció Catalana Eduard Ragasol, propietari de Caldes de Montbui, Joan Lluhí i Vallescà, els lleidatans Josep Maria Espanya i Sirat, conseller de la Generalitat, i Humbert Torres, alcalde de Lleida. També les famílies Hurtado i Pi i Sunyer o els germans Rubió i Tudurí. El prohom Pere Coromines va veure com la seva casa de Sant Pol de Mar acabà convertida en seu de Falange, mentre que a la família Rahola, de Girona, li fou confiscat el diari de la seva propietat. També foren expedientats els alcaldes de Barcelona Carles Pi i Sunyer i Jaume Aiguader i Miró, així com els republicans electes de la immensa majoria dels consistoris de ciutats i pobles de Catalunya i els dirigents obrers i sindicalistes d’arreu del país, els quals, si romangueren al país, foren abans objecte dels corresponents consells de guerra.

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Tampoc no restaren al marge de l’acció d’aquesta jurisdicció alguns representants del món intel·lectual, artístic o professional. Pintors com Joaquim Balcells i Joaquim Mir, o professionals com el metge catalanista tarragoní Rafael Battestini, que va ser expedientat, com ha explicat Joan Maria Thomas, després de ser afusellat. Resulten especialment interessants, per les sentències dictades, els casos de l’arquitecte Josep Lluís Sert, o el del músic Pau Casals, a qui se sancionà, el 1940, amb una multa d’un milió de pessetes.

La institucionalització de la depuració professional El 10 de febrer de 1939 entrà en vigor la Llei de depuració de funcionaris públics, la qual tingué conseqüències irreversibles sobre amplis sectors del món professional. Els funcionaris van restar sotmesos als efectes d’una llei promulgada per a garantir la fidelitat i la submissió dels treballadors de l’Administració pública. Dels mestres als magistrats, passant pels sectors més baixos de l’escalafó, com fou el cas dels carters, estudiat exhaustivament per Juan Carlos Bordes Muñoz en la seva tesi doctoral —presentada a la UNED l’any 2003—, o el dels treballadors de les presons, tots ells obligats a demostrar la seva innocència. La humiliació que suposava el fet d’haver de fer pública renúncia a ideals i comportament passats es traduí en plecs de descàrrec que l’historiador Francisco Morente ha valorat, en alguna ocasió, d’«extraordinariamente hábiles». A voltes, defensar-se d’una acusació d’«izquierdismo» amb «una larga y erudita retahíla de citas de ¡Franco! y ¡José Antonio!» mereixé, com assenyala l’esmentat autor en el cas d’un alumne de la Normal de València, que la mateixa comissió depuradora lloés l’enginy demostrat pel depurat en la seva defensa. Foren els mestres, sobretot aquells que se suposaren impregnats d’ideals liberals i democràtics com els impartits a l’Escola Normal de la Generalitat, els qui patiren una especial persecució. Seguint els treballs de Francisco Morente o de Salomó Marquès, dedicats a estudiar el prestigi col· lectiu dels ensenyants acollits a Mèxic i a Veneçuela, sabem que un de cada sis mestres catalans va ser separat definitivament del cos docent, mentre que d’altres foren traslladats o suspesos temporalment de sou i feina. Un còmput que s’eixampla encara més quan es considera que cinquanta instituts d’ensenyament secundari van ser suspesos en benefici d’unes congregacions religioses que recuperaren el monopoli del batxillerat. Foren més de quatre-cents els ensenyants que passaren la frontera, víctimes d’una desfeta que, des del punt de vista educatiu i cultural, tindria efectes contundents, com bé ha posat de manifest Jaume Claret en referir-se al món universitari, un col·lectiu situat al vèrtex d’una àmplia piràmide de treballadors, víctimes de l’exclusió a què el nou regim els sotmeté. A Catalunya foren depurats un mínim de 135 professors universitaris, avui recordats en el memorial —on

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apareixen relacionats els 122 noms que en el moment d’erigir-se es coneixien— que s’instal·là el 2001 al claustre del campus de la Ciutadella de la Universitat Pompeu Fabra, institució batejada amb el nom de qui fou president del Patronat de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, creada el 1933 pel Govern de la República, també depurat i expedientat per diverses vies un cop acabada la guerra. Juntament amb ell, apareixen el catedràtic de Prehistòria Pere Bosch i Gimpera, rector de la Universitat de Barcelona (1933) i conseller de Justícia (1937-1939), que s’exilià a Oxford i Columbia fins a instal·lar-se a Mèxic, des d’on declinà totes les invitacions que se li feren per tornar a Espanya. El mateix camí seguí el catedràtic de Filosofia Joaquim Xirau i Palau —exiliat amb el seu germà Josep, catedràtic de Dret Penal, que morí a Mèxic d’un accident el 1946. Altres homes de ciència i saber afectats foren els metges August Pi i Sunyer i Jesús M. Bellido, integrants d’un col·lectiu de setanta-un professors de medicina depurats. En els testimonis que molts d’ells ens han deixat bateguen ben vius els records d’una realitat repressiva que escapçà i féu emmudir totes les veus que haurien pogut qüestionar una universitat «...redimida del marxismo e incorporada a la España nacional.»22

Penes i delictes «Fusilados sin culpa en Mallorca: los inocentes de la gue rra civil». Aquest és el títol de l’article que Xavier Lacosta dedica a la repressió franquista a l’illa.23 En qualsevol cas, ja a l’estiu del 1938, la repressió desencadenada a Mallorca posà de manifest l’escassa relació que sempre existiria entre culpes i sancions. Des d’un bon començament, l’acció de la justícia franquista s’acompanyà de la confecció per part d’elements civils addictes de les llistes de gent a passar per les armes. Aquesta forma de col·laboració és una realitat que es féu manifesta sobretot al món rural, que és on els efectes de les violències repressives resultaren més extrems. Així ens ho mostren els sumaris i els expedients de tota índole, a través dels quals és possible penetrar en els ressorts en què es recolzà la institucionalització d’un nou ordre en el qual l’eficàcia de la violència desplegada apareix indestriablement lligada al restabliment d’antigues xarxes clientelars i caciquistes de dominació i lleialtat política que la brevetat de la democràcia republicana no havia tingut temps de neutralitzar. El recurs a la denúncia, enaltida des de dalt, fou una forma d’alineació activa en la repressió, ja fos de manera voluntària o requerida. Bé ho mostra, per exemple, el requeriment irrenunciable, a l’hora de tramitar un sumari, dels informes dels alcaldes, capellans, Guàrdia Civil i caps de Falange de qualsevol localitat o barri. Igual que succeí en el cas dels diversos expedients que s’incoaren per responsabilitats polítiques o per depuració professional. És a través dels informes preceptius que resta palès fins a quin punt en la pràctica repressiva la pena precedia el delicte. Els atestats aixecats, els testimonis mobilitzats i les decla-

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racions formulades es pactaven d’avançada i es dictaven a la corresponent autoritat judicial de torn, sense discrepàncies perceptibles sobre el paper de les autoritats o institucions cridades a manifestar-se sobre un acusat. Fet i fet, es jugà amb la por, que ho envaí tot, i també amb l’autovigilància dels qui s’integraven, o pretenien ingressarhi, en el nou bloc de poder, tal com va succeir en altres dictadures europees amb similars pràctiques repressives i de control social. Els sumaris més nombrosos són els oberts als integrants de les classes populars sense recursos personals ni materials, ni tampoc amics influents a qui acudir. Aquests són també els que millor reflecteixen la realitat de la legalitat franquista, en la qual imperà l’absència de normes generals, l’arbitrarietat i la impunitat. Sense que això signifiqui que els processos a personatges de primera fila gaudissin de garanties, començant pel consell de guerra celebrat contra el president Lluís Companys.24 Igualment ho mostren les causes obertes, per exemple, a homes com Carles Rahola, estudiada per Josep Benet, al dirigent cenetista Joan Peiró, analitzada per Albert Balcells, o als membres de la Guàrdia Civil de Barcelona, que ha estudiat Manel Risques, totes prou explícites a l’hora de corroborar que les actuacions judicials s’emparaven en l’aleatorietat i en l’absència de presumpció d’innocència. Altrament, l’observació de la realitat que s’anava imposant ens porta a prendre en consideració les repercussions que van tenir, en una societat posada sota sospita, altres mecanismes de repressió i control menys evidents, però no per això menys importants a l’hora d’establir fins a quin punt i de quina manera es reconstruí durant la dictadura un país sortit d’una guerra destructiva.

Pacificació i reconstrucció La ciutat de Lleida va ser la primera capital catalana que va conèixer què significava per a l’ocupant prendre possessió d’un territori conquerit. Les tropes del general Yagüe van entrar-hi el 3 d’abril de 1938. La pacificació s’encetà amb un primer acte oficial, com va ser la derogació, dos dies després, pel Govern de Burgos de l’Estatut d’Autonomia de Catalunya. El ban del primer governador civil, Lluís G. Ventalló i Vergés, fet públic deu dies després de l’ocupació, s’adreçava als lleidatans parlant del «yugo separatista» i del «separatismo criminal», acabant amb un «¡Viva Lérida española!», entre un «¡Arriba España!» i un «¡Viva el Generalísimo Franco!». Enmig d’una greu crisi moral i econòmica, començava la repressió d’una llengua i una cultura les conseqüències de la qual Josep Benet va analitzar en un llibre de títol explícit com ho és L’intent franquista de genocidi cultural contra Catalunya (Barcelona, Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, 1995). Al mateix temps, les comarques de Lleida i Tarragona, gairebé un any abans d’acabar-se la guerra, van començar a experimentar igualment els efectes d’un aparell jurídic i administratiu al servei del nou règim, sota el qual restaria

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sotmesa tot Catalunya d’ençà de l’inici de l’ofensiva final, la vigília de la nit de Nadal del mateix any 1938. Durant la llarga postguerra, que començaria a primers de febrer del 1939, a les víctimes de la repressió més cruenta s’hi afegirien les conseqüències del control a què fou sotmesa la vida quotidiana en general, sense oblidar les seqüeles de l’anomenada repressió del menyspreu, tan difícil de penetrar. Un petit territori, fidel fins al final a la República, com fou l’illa de Menorca, ens ofereix una imatge prou alliçonadora en aquest respecte. S’hi van produir un total de cent cinquanta morts, la majoria com a conseqüència de les execucions efectuades el mateix 1939. Però diversos estudis fets als darrers temps han posat de manifest com aquesta xifra acaba doblant-se quan es prenen en consideració les morts atribuïbles a les penúries patides pels més necessitats en el transcurs de la recuperació de postguerra.25 La reconstrucció de la vida diària va estar plena arreu de corrupteles i extorsions, ben parapetades en el mateix sistema coercitiu que les emparava, mentre que es compten per desenes els expedients tramitats per les noves autoritats governatives o pels tribunals ordinaris de justícia, que il·lustren l’estat de desprotecció en què durant anys romangueren amplis sectors marginals de les classes populars.26 L’augment dels delictes contra la propietat, fins a superar el percentatge del cinquanta per cent de les causes incoades per aquests tribunals civils, xifra considerada habitual en temps normals, mostra alguns dels extrems pels quals transcorregueren les dificultats de la subsistència. No foren pocs els qui es veieren abocats a petits robatoris d’articles de primera necessitat com ara menjar, roba, bicicletes, electricitat o estris de treball de la més diversa índole. Petites incursions en la delinqüència de baixa intensitat, adobada d’infraccions relacionades amb el racionament, els cupos o les taxes que regulaven la distribució dels escassos productes de primera necessitat. Foren els tribunals ordinaris o els governadors civils els encarregats de resoldre moltes d’aquestes actuacions lligades a la mateixa excepcionalitat dels temps en què es produïren. Tal com succeí, per exemple, amb els casos de suïcidis, atribuïts en els atestats de la Guàrdia Civil a «temor a condena», amb les denúncies que s’atreveixen a fer esment d’avals comprats, o amb les evasions i trencaments de condemna de presos-treballadors, indicatives d’algunes de les escletxes que el règim no pogué controlar del tot. Explorant l’actuació d’aquestes autoritats judicials i governatives també se’ns fan evidents casos de favors sexuals arrencats sota coacció a dones i joves que lluïen un passat republicà. Una violència que anà més enllà de la humiliant i exemplificant ingestió d’oli de ricí o de la rasura dels cabells —pràctiques que igualment s’infligiren a molts homes— o de les conseqüències del control de la moralitat social, exercit amb el decidit concurs de l’Església. Les actituds davant comportaments delictius, regulats

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a partir del 1944 pel Codi Penal, com l’avortament, l’abandó de la família o l’infanticidi, així com d’altres amb clares connotacions sexuals com els abusos deshonestos, l’estupre o la violació, resulten clarificadors a l’hora de veure com les dones, en qüestions relacionades amb la moral, esdevingueren les principals víctimes a castigar. Mentre que la mateixa doble moral que imperava permetia la convivència de la prostitució il·legal —tan íntimament lligada a les penalitats i misèries de tantes dones que quedaren soles i sense recursos en la dura postguerra— amb la legal i reglamentada, almenys fins a l’any 1956. El règim creà organismes com el Patronato de Protección de la Mujer per tal de protegir dones i joves soles, malauradament ben nombroses a causa de la guerra, però la seva eficàcia queda en entredit davant l’arribada als tribunals de joves domèstiques acusades de prostitució, vida lleugera o pràctiques immorals, mentre que en realitat havien patit agressions i abusos sexuals. Delictes massa sovint confosos tot just amb pecats escandalosos, que atemptaven contra la moral pública, un objectiu prioritari a salvaguardar pel règim. Un univers femení que presenta trets especialment dramàtics quan es contempla des de l’òptica de la sort que tocà viure a tantes dones empresonades, moltes d’elles juntament amb els seus fills, de les quals ens parla Ricard Vinyes a Irredentas. Las presas políticas y sus hijos en las cárceles franquistas (Madrid, Temas de Hoy, 2002), sovint nascuts a la presó i donats després en adopció.27 Unes altres víctimes indirectes de la repressió, els nens posats sota la protecció d’institucions com Auxilio Social, prototip d’una caritat institucional que el nacionalcatolicisme no deixà d’aixoplugar. Hi va haver orfes o fills d’empresonats, repartits per col·legis, centres i cases de caritat disperses per tot el territori. A Barcelona se’ls envià preferentment a l’Asilo de Reforma Toribio Durán, a Tarragona a la Casa Tutelar de San José, mentre que a Lleida es crearen singulars colònies agràries infantils com la de Gimenells, prop de la capital. Tot plegat, la construcció del nou règim tingué lloc en un país sotmès i atemorit, sense lloc per a cap tipus d’oposició política, ja que la misèria general jugà a favor del retraïment. Ho expliquen bé Ismael Saz i J. A. Gómez Roda en el seu estudi El franquismo en Valencia. Formas de vida y actitudes sociales en la posguerra (València, Episteme, 1999) tot reflexionant entorn del binomi consens-passivitat. Al cap i a la fi, és la penúria patida per les classes baixes allò que més ajuda a entendre que a voltes se sucumbís a les petites prebendes concedides des del poder. La política del favor s’instal·là a la mateixa base constitutiva del sistema, mentre que la regulació de l’economia i l’administració dels afers públics propiciaven la irregularitat com a norma en qüestions de supervivència dins el marc d’un règim en què per als vençuts no va existir la paraula compassió. No fou fins el 1952, després de dues dècades d’autarquia i d’aïllament, que desapareixerien les cartilles de racionament. L’any següent se signà el tractat militar amb

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els Estats Units i el 1955 tingué lloc l’ingrés a l’ONU. Un any després, el 1956, el PCE promogué la denominada «política de reconciliació nacional», en virtut de la qual es declarava solemnement la disposició a acabar amb la divisió oberta per la Guerra Civil. Certament, al llarg d’aquests vint anys moltes coses havien canviat, tot i que per als situats al cantó dels perdedors la vida quotidiana continuava encara farcida de dificultats. Mentrestant, les ferides de la guerra i la revolució, que la repressió franquista acabà d’aprofundir fins a cotes inusitades, seguien sense cicatritzar, retardant una reconciliació possible però amb escasses possibilitats d’expressió. Avui, supervivents i familiars dels qui van desaparèixer com a conseqüència de la repressió franquista —que a les sentències de la farsa judicial són tractats de rebels, bandolers o simplement assassins— encara resten en espera d’alguna reparació, ni que sigui moral. D’altres creuen possible fins i tot recuperar les despulles dels seus a fi de donar-los una sepultura digna. Un procés complex, sens dubte, el que envolta la necessària restitució, als qui perderen la guerra, d’una memòria que els fou ostensiblement furtada. Tot i que en realitat no es tracta de res més que de donar reconeixement públic i visibilitat a allò que els historiadors hem anat investigant, descobrint i recloent en els llibres d’història, més encaminats al món acadèmic que al públic en general. És segurament per això que els darrers anys tantes persones anònimes s’han vist motivades a escriure les seves experiències, donant així testimoni de vivències i records. Una suma d’històries particulars que s’afegeixen a l’esforç encara necessari per assolir una major comprensió de la desfeta i del dolor que ocasionà.

Conxita Mir

[4]

[5]

[6]

[7]

Notes i referències [1]

[2] [3]

Darrerament s’ha avançat en aquesta direcció: el Parlament de Catalunya aprovà, el 24 d’octubre de 2007, la Llei del Memorial Democràtic i uns quants dies després, el 31 d’octubre de 2007, el Congrés dels Diputats aprovà el «Proyecto de ley por el que se reconocen y amplían derechos y se establecen medidas en favor de quienes padecieron persecu ción o violencia durante la guerra civil y la dictadura». La consulta dels respectius textos pot fer-se a: <http://www10.gencat.net/drep/AppJava/cat/ Memorial/index.jsp> Les conclusions foren recollides a «Violència, repressió i justícia a Catalunya (1936-1975)». L’Avenç, 327 (setembre 2007), p. 10-11. A Catalunya 8.500 persones foren liquidades a la reraguarda republicana entre 1936 i principi de 1939. Només 400 ho foren després d’algun procediment judicial. Josep M. Solé i Sabaté, Joan Villarroya. La repressió a la reraguarda de Catalunya: 1936-1939. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1989. Al País Valencià, Vi-

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cent Gabarda dona la xifra de 4.715: La represión en la retaguardia republicana en el País Valenciano. Edicions Alfons el Magnànim, València 1996. Una primera aproximació a aquestes qüestions pot trobar-se a Conxita Mir. «Derrota i repressió: les víctimes del franquisme als Països Catalans». A: Pelai Pagès (dir.). Franquisme i repressió. La repressió franquista als Països Catalans, 1939-1975. Universitat de València, València 2004, p. 35-59, ponència preparada per l’autora amb motiu del seminari programat dins els Premis Octubre (València 2003). També resulta útil l’estat de la qüestió presentat a C. Mir, C. Agustí, J. Gelonch (ed.). Violència i repressió a Catalunya durant el franquisme. Balanç historiogràfic i perspectives. Edicions de la Universitat de Lleida, Lleida 2001, col·l. Espai / Temps, 42. J. A. Martín Pallín. «La memoria del golpe militar de 1936». Claves de Razón Práctica, núm 174 (juliol-agost 2007), p. 42-45, ho exposa en aquests termes: «El bando militar es una disposición emanada de un general jefe o autoridad militar en campaña o en estado de guerra contra la cual no puede alegarse como subsistente ninguna ley anterior.» La primera anàlisi, fruit de la seva tesi doctoral, la devem a J. M. Solé Sabaté. La repressió franquista a Catalunya, 1938-1953. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1985, que recentment s’ha reeditat (setembre 2003) amb lleus retocs. El mateix autor ha dirigit «La repressió franquista (1938-1977)». El franquisme a Catalunya, vol. v. Edicions 62, Barcelona 2007. Algunes històries locals esdevenen ajudes inigualables a l’hora de caracteritzar la violència repressiva d’aquests anys. Entre aquestes, J. March, A. Cerdà, P. Salas. Pollença. La guerra civil a Pollença. La revolta contra la rebel·lió. Edicions Documenta Balear, Palma de Mallorca 2006, col·l. Guerra civil a Mallorca, i dins la mateixa col·lecció, l’esmentada de Bartomeu Garí. Porreres. Desfilades de dia, afusellaments de nit. Mallorca 2007. Hem acudit sobretot a J. Massot i Muntaner. El primer franquisme a Mallorca. Guerra civil, repressió, exili i represa cultural. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1996; J. Massot i Muntaner, Georges Bernanos i la guerra civil. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1989; J. Massot i Muntaner. Guerra civil i repressió a Mallorca. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1997, i J. Massot i Muntaner. El desembarcament de Bayo a Mallorca. Juliol-setembre de 1936. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1987. Sobre la repressió a les altres illes: F. Bertazioli Riquer. Memorias de la guerra y del exilio. Memorias de la guerra civil en Ibiza durante mi infancia y del posterior exilio con mi familia. MediterràniaEivissa, Eivissa 1996. A. Adrover i J. Cabot. Felanitx 1931-1939. República, guerra i repressió, Sant Jordi de ses Salines (Eivissa) 2002. Artur Parron.

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[9]

[10]

[11]

[12]

[13]

La guerra civil a Eivissa i Formentera (1936-1939). Edicions Documenta Balear, Palma de Mallorca 2000. Artur Parron. La guerra civil i el primer franquisme a Eivissa i Formentera. Mediterrània-Eivissa, Eivissa 2001. A banda del llibre de L. Capella. Diccionari vermell. Moll, Palma de Mallorca 1989, la polèmica que han suscitat les xifres pot seguir-se a J. Massot i Muntaner. Georges Bernanos..., i també a la síntesi que en fa D. Ginard. «Resistència i repressió a les Balears (1939-1963)», al catàleg de l’exposició Memòria de la Democràcia, 1936-1962. Govern de les Illes Balears, Consell de Mallorca, Palma de Mallorca 2003. Aquesta associació va començar les seves activitats a mitjan anys vuitanta i veié, finalment, la primavera del 2006, com s’inicià una senyalització i dignificació de la zona, promoguda pel Memorial Democràtic de la Generalitat de Catalunya, a partir d’un projecte, «Espais de la Batalla del Segre», realitzat sota la coordinació del Servei d’Història, Documentació i Patrimoni del Departament d’Història de la Universitat de Lleida. Aquest mateix servei ha produït el DVD Un camp de batalla de la guerra civil al front del Segre. El Merengue i la lleva del Biberó (1938), dins de la col·lecció «Llocs de memòria amb història».Universitat de Lleida, Lleida 2006. El cas mallorquí és recollit a H. Raguer (ed.). Història, política, societat i cultura dels Països Catalans, vol. ix. Barcelona, Enciclopèdia Catalana, 1999 i el lleidatà a M. Gimeno. Revolució, guerra i repressió al Pallars, 1936-1939. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1987. Les dades de la repressió franquista a M. Barallat. La repressió a la postguerra civil a Lleida (19381945). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1991, i els primers moments de l’ocupació a Joan Sagués. Una ciutat en guerra. Lleida en la guerra civil espanyola, 1936-1939. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 2003. També es poden consultar les relacions nominals de víctimes recollides a les webs Morts de la guerra civil al cementiri d’Alpicat, <http://www.alpicat.cat/ historiaguerracivil/>, i Morts de la guerra civil i la repressió franquista a Lleida, <http://webserveis5. udl.es/gcivil/>, realitzades dins el marc del Pla Pilot per a les Terres de Lleida, segons conveni de col· laboració signat amb el Memorial Democràtic de Catalunya (primera fase, 2005-2006). V. Gavarda. Els afusellaments al País Valencià (1938-1956). Alfons el Magnànim, València 1993. També M. Ors. La represión de guerra y de posguerra en Alicante (1936-1945). Institut Gil-Albert, Alacant 1995. Una bona síntesi del període i del context en què es va produir el final de la guerra i la postguerra, la trobem a I. Saz. «República, guerra i franquismo». A: Història del País Valencià, vol. v, Època

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[14]

[15]

[16]

[17]

[18]

Contemporània. Edicions 62, Barcelona 1990, p. 287-353. El 24 de novembre passat, la premsa informava de la decisió de la Sala del Contenciós Administratiu del Tribunal Superior de Justícia de la Comunitat Valenciana d’acceptar el recurs del Consistori contra una sentència anterior favorable a l’entitat Fòrum per la Memòria Històrica del País Valencià, que havia aconseguit paralitzar les obres iniciades, anteposant la investigació de les restes a l’ampliació del cementiri. L’explicació de la sentència dictada rau, segons la Sala, en el fet que aquesta entitat, el Fòrum per la Memòria, no pot representar els drets individuals de les víctimes, ja que això està reservat a familiars directes, encara que la majoria d’aquests, com és el cas, hagin desaparegut de la zona o ignorin on foren enterrats els seus avantpassats. Vegeu El País, 24 de novembre de 2007, i pel que fa als debats generats: <http://www.foroporlamemoria.info/> Segons recull J. Villarroya. «Passar comptes». A: B. de Riquer. Història, política, societat i cultura dels Països Catalans, vol. 10, La llarga postguerra 1939-1960. Fundació Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 1997, p. 158-162. Els perfils biogràfics dels resistents esmentats a: D. Ginard. Heriberto Quiñones y el movimiento comunista en España (1931-1942). Documenta Balear, Palma de Mallorca-Madrid 2000; J. Clara. Ramon Vila, Caracremada, el darrer maqui català. Rafael Dalmau, Barcelona 2002; J. Clara. Marcel·lí Massana. L’home més buscat. Un mite de la guerrilla anarquista. Rafael Dalmau, Barcelona 2005. La revisió a l’alça es va fer a finals dels anys noranta i així es recull a J. Benet. «1939: any zero», Història, política, societat i cultura dels Països Catalans. Fundació Enciclopèdia Catalana, Barcelona 1997, p. 6872. Vegeu també J. Oliva i Llorens. «El cost humà de la guerra civil de 1936-1939: els combatents morts». Recerques, núm. 30 (1994), p. 87-102. Les víctimes dels bombardeigs a J. Solé i Sabater i J. Villarroya. Catalunya sota les bombes (19361939). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1986. Només a la ciutat de Barcelona correspondrien 2.500 víctimes. Pel que fa a la ciutat de Lleida, Mercè Barallat ha documentat 253 víctimes de les més de tres-centes produïdes durant el bombardeig de 2 de novembre de 1937, de les quals una cinquantena eren nens del Liceu Escolar, mentre que els quatre-cents morts atribuïts als bombardeigs de l’any 1938 corresponen, en la majoria dels casos, a persones desconegudes. La catalogació en curs es porta a terme sota la coordinació tècnica de l’Arxiu Nacional de Catalunya, amb suport del Programa per a la Memòria Democràtica. Serà en finalitzar la confecció de la base de dades que podran ser localitzats els sumaris corresponents a una població en particular, cosa que en

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aquests moments encara no és possible, ja que els sumaris col·lectius, molt nombrosos, estaven arxivats amb el nom de la persona que encapçala la llista i només examinant l’expedient es pot saber qui eren i d’on eren la resta de processats. [19] Diverses són les comunicacions que es poden consultar en aquest respecte a les actes del congrés «Els camps de concentració i el món penitenciari a Espanya durant la guerra civil i el franquisme». A: J. Sobrequés, C. Molinero, M. Sal. Els camps de concentració i el món penitenciari a Espanya durant la guerra civil i el franquisme. Museu d’Història de Catalunya, Crítica, Barcelona 2003. Poc abans, l’Associació d’Expresos Polítics de Catalunya promogué un interessant llibre, ple de testimonis d’expresos, amb el títol Notícia de la negra nit. Vides i veus a les presons franquistes (1939-1959). Diputació de Barcelona, Barcelona 2001. Les referències esmentades: P. Pagès. La presó Model de Barcelona. Història d’un centre penitenciari en temps de guerra (1936-1939). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1996. J. Subirats Piñana. Pilatos 1939-1941. Prisión de Tarragona. Editorial Pablo Iglesias, Madrid 1993. R. Vinyes. El daño y la memoria. Las prisiones de María Salvo. Plaza i Janés, Barcelona 2004. Molt interessant és la web Memòria de les Corts. Prisión de las mujeres. Barcelona, 1939-1945, <http://www.presodelescorts.org/es/ taxonomy/term/32>. Igualment, Aram Monfort. Barcelona 1939: ocupació i repressió militar. El camp de concentració d’Horta i les presons de la ciutat, tesi doctoral (en premsa) llegida a la UAB, 2007. [20] Realitats com les aquí esbossades expliquen que les previsions de la Generalitat de Catalunya, fetes l’any 2000 en regular la concessió d’indemnitzacions a les persones excloses dels supòsits determinats per la Llei d’amnistia 46/1977, de 15 d’octubre, hagin resultat superades amb escreix. Les dues mil demandes previstes s’han incrementat fins a les actualment trenta-vuit mil sol·licituds, la majoria formulades per soldats que van estar reclosos en camps de concentració. [21] L’estudi més complet és el de M. Álvaro Dueñas. «Por ministerio de la ley y voluntad del Caudillo». La Jurisdicción Especial de Responsabilidades Políticas (1939-1945). Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, Madrid 2006. El primer treball sobre l’actuació d’aquests tribunals especials als Països Catalans, el devem a G. Sánchez Recio. Las responsabilidades políticas en la postguerra española. El partido judicial de Monóvar. Universitat d’Alacant, Alacant 1984. Una monografia provincial és la feta

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Conxita Mir

[22]

[23] [24]

[25]

[26]

[27]

per C. Mir Curcó, F. Corretgé, J. Farré, J. Sagués. Repressió econòmica i franquisme: l’actuació del Tribunal de Responsabilitats Polítiques a la província de Lleida. Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1997. També han tractat la qüestió, entre d’altres, F. Vilanova Vila-Abadal. Repressió política i coacció econòmica. Les responsabilitats polítiques de republicans i conservadors catalans a la postguerra (1939-1942). Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona 1999, i M. Duran Pastor. Responsabilidades políticas e incautación de bienes. Secuelas del desembarco de Bayo en Mallorca, 1936-1939. Palma de Mallorca 1995. Les referències han estat extretes de la primera síntesi que va fer-se per a tot Espanya: F. Morente Valero. La escuela y el Estado Nuevo. La depura ción del Magisterio Nacional, 1936-1943. Ámbito Ediciones, Valladolid 1997, p. 290. Entre els treballs sobre els mestres catalans represaliats, es pot consultar, entre d’altres, J. González-Agàpito, S. Marquès. La repressió del professorat a Catalunya sota el franquisme (1939-1943). Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona 1996. En el cas de la universitat, hem utilitzat Jaume Claret. «El atroz desmoche». La destrucción de la universidad española por el franquismo, 1936-1945. Crítica, Barcelona 2006, p. 433. <http://www.sbhac.net/Republica/Colabora/ Lacosta2.htm> L’any 2004, la Generalitat de Catalunya en féu una edició facsímil amb el títol Consell de guerra i condemna a mort de Lluís Companys, president de la Generalitat de Catalunya (octubre de 1940). Les dades són d’I. Martín Jiménez. Aportaciones a la historia de la guerra civil en Menorca. Nura, Menorca 2000, 2 v., que les recull de Deseado Mercadal Bagur. La guerra civil en Menorca, 1936-1939. Relato histórico de un testigo. Ed. Menorca, Maó 1994. Una primera aportació sobre les possibilitats dels expedients governatius, la va fer D. Sanz Alberola. La implantación del franquismo en la provincia de Alicante. El papel del Gobierno Civil. Universitat d’Alacant, Alacant 1999. Una anàlisi sistemàtica dels sumaris incoats pels tribunals ordinaris a C. Mir. Vivir es sobrevivir. Justicia, orden y margina ción en la Catalunya rural de posguerra. Milenio, Lleida 2000, primera part, «La sociedad intervenida, justicia civil y control social», p. 31-189. Ricard Vinyes assessorà el documental Els nens perduts del franquisme de Montse Armengou i Ricard Belis, 2002, un dels èxits més grans d’audiència televisiva d’aquest gènere.

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Nota biogràfica Conxita Mir i Curcó (Lleida, 1952) és catedràtica d’Història Contemporània a la Universitat de Lleida. Començà investigant sobre sociologia electoral històrica, participant en el llibre Les eleccions generals a Catalunya de 1901 a 1923, publicat juntament amb els professors Albert Balcells i J. B. Culla, (Fundació Jaume Bofill, Barcelona, 1982). És autora de Caciquisme polític i lluita electoral: Lleida 1890-1923 (Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, Barcelona, 1985) i responsable de l’edició de l’obra Actituds polítiques i control social a la Catalunya de la Restauració (1875-1923) (Lleida, 1989). Posteriorment ha treballat sobre violència política i repressió durant el franquisme, publicant, entre d’altres, Repressió econòmica i franquisme: l’actuació del Tribunal de Responsabilitats Polítiques a la província de Lleida, escrita conjuntament amb Fabià Corretgé, Judit Farré i Joan Sagués (Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, 1997); Vivir es sobrevivir. Justicia, orden y marginación en la Cataluña rural de postguerra (1939-1951) (Milenio, Lleida, 2000), i ha participat en l’obra col·lectiva, dirigida per Julián Casanova, Morir, matar, sobrevivir. La violencia en la dictadura de Franco (Crítica, Barcelona, 2002). Igualment ha tingut cura de l’edició de diversos llibres col·lectius, el darrer dels quals és Jóvenes y dictaduras de entreguerras. Propaganda, doctrina y encuadramineto: Italia, Alemania, Japón, Portugal y España, Editorial Milenio (Lleida, 2007). Membre de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, ha format part, entre altres entitats, de la junta de l’Asociación Española de Historia Contemporánea. Ha estat vocal de la Comissió Assessora per a la creació del Memorial Democràtic (2005) i del Comitè Científic que avalua i assessora l’avantprojecte de llei sobre la localització i identificació de les persones desaparegudes durant la guerra civil i el règim franquista (2007). Actualment pertany al consell de redacció de les revistes L’Avenç i Segle xx. Revista Catalana d’Història, així com al consell assessor d’Historia Social de Pasado y Memoria. Revista de historia Contemporánea, Historia del Presente i d’Alcores. Revista de Historia Contemporánea.

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CATALAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, 1: 283-289 (2008) Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona DOI: 10.2436/20.1000.01.20 · ISSN: 2013-407X http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

La celebració del vuitè centenari del naixement de Jaume I: el congrés organitzat per la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’IEC a Barcelona Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol* Institut d’Estudis Catalans

Aquest any 2008 celebrem el vuitè centenari del naixement de Jaume I el Conqueridor, nascut a Montpeller la nit de l’1 al 2 de febrer de 1208, fill del rei Pere I el Catòlic i de Maria de Montpeller. Sens dubte, és el més important dels nostres reis tant per les conquestes com per l’acció de govern en el seu llarg regnat de seixanta-tres anys. Va ampliar els estats que havia heretat, Aragó, Catalunya i el senyoriu de Montpeller, amb dos territoris nous: Mallorca i el País Valencià, arrabassats als sarraïns, que foren repoblats i organitzats com a regnes separats dels originaris. Fou l’expansió més gran experimentada per la Corona catalanoaragonesa, que va permetre la formació de l’àrea cultural on actualment es parla el català, també denominada Països Catalans. Va donar suport a l’expansió del comerç i de la marina catalans, va iniciar els consolats d’ultramar i va posar les bases per al que seria després el Consolat de Mar. Contribuí de manera decisiva a l’extensió dels governs municipals a les ciutats i viles del braç reial i creà el govern municipal de Barcelona, per exemple. Durant el seu regnat, les Corts van adquirir una configuració moderna, amb la presència dels representants de les ciutats i viles dependents del rei, des de la reunió de Lleida del 1214, considerada la primera Cort General de Catalunya. Per commemorar aquest centenari, la Secció HistòricoArqueològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans organitza una sèrie de congressos, alguns directament i altres en col· laboració amb altres entitats. El primer és el congrés que hem celebrat ja a Barcelona, a l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, del 31 de març al 4 d’abril, per al qual la Secció ha trobat la col·laboració de l’Institut Europeu de la Mediterrània. Aquest congrés s’ha centrat en dos grans temes: «El poder reial i les institucions administratives i representatives», per una banda, i, per l’altra, «Les relacions internacionals». En total ha constat de dues conferències i vint-i-quatre ponències. A la sessió inaugural, a més de les presentacions de la celebració del centenari de Jaume I per part del president

* Adreça de contacte: mtferrer@imf.csic.es

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de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, senyor Salvador Giner, i del director de l’Institut Europeu de la Mediterrània, senyor Senén Florensa, hi hagué dues conferències, la primera a càrrec de Maria Teresa Ferrer, de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, que oferí una breu semblança del rei Jaume I i una valoració del seu regnat i, a més, exposà els temes sobre el regnat de Jaume I que serien estudiats en els congressos successius. Recordà també la figura de l’historiador Robert I. Burns, especialista en aquest regnat, que no va poder participar en el congrés a causa de la seva salut delicada. Fa un segle, el setè centenari del naixement de Jaume I fou celebrat amb un gran congrés que donà origen als congressos d’història de la Corona d’Aragó. La conferència de Salvador Claramunt, de la Universitat de Barcelona, commemorà aquell congrés i aquelles celebracions del 1908, que obtingueren un gran ressò a Catalunya. Dins del primer dels grans temes del congrés, «El poder reial i les institucions administratives i representatives durant el regnat de Jaume I», Vicent Garcia Edo, de la Universitat Jaume I de Castelló, analitzà com era la monarquia de Jaume I, una monarquia que no presentava cap característica especial dins de la institució: el poder era concentrat en el rei, que tenia dret a regnar per herència, dret concedit per Déu a la dinastia regnant, segons creença de l’època, amb l’objectiu d’impartir justícia. Precisament per impartir justícia calia promulgar lleis i aquest fou, segons el ponent, l’aspecte més important del llarg regnat de Jaume I: la gran obra legislativa que generà als diferents estats de la Corona a través de cartes de poblament, privilegis i concessions variades, costums municipals nous, modificació d’alguns d’anteriors, furs generals per a València i Aragó, texts de dret marítim, manteniment del dret dels musulmans i nova legislació per a ells, etc. Tota aquesta obra exigí un diàleg constant amb els diferents estaments i minories de cadascun dels seus regnes. Assenyalà també la importància que tingué la consolidació de la Cancelleria Reial, més professionalitzada gràcies a la intervenció dels juristes i notaris que es trobaven al servei de la Corona, els quals generalitzaren l’ús del ius commune procedent d’Itàlia, tant en el fons com en la forma dels documents que redactaren. Jaume I també volgué al seu costat decretalistes i furistes perquè l’acon-

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sellessin sobre els drets especials. El ponent analitzà després la legislació mallorquina, la legislació valenciana, els furs d’Aragó i el dret de Catalunya, el dret municipal i el dret dels musulmans. A més de la institució central de la monarquia, fou estudiada l’estructuració política i territorial dels estats de la Corona catalanoaragonesa a través de diferents ponències. Flocel Sabaté, de la Universitat de Lleida, analitzà el tema «Poder i territori als estats originaris, Catalunya i Aragó». La pretensió del rei de consolidar el seu poder sobre el territori a través del desplegament dels seus oficials delegats topà no solament amb la resistència frontal de la noblesa, sinó també amb una resistència més subtil dels municipis reials, molt puixants, que cercaven de mediatitzar els oficials reials, als quals havia estat confiat l’exercici de la jurisdicció territorial, i que intentaven també assegurar la capitalitat socioeconòmica en el seu entorn. Recordà les fortíssimes tensions amb la noblesa, que es traduïren en més d’una ocasió en deseiximents de molts nobles i en l’enfrontament armat amb el rei. Assenyalà que, a la fi del regnat, restà obert el procés i el rei no gosà continuar estenent els seus oficials per tot el territori de Catalunya i d’Aragó, perquè contra els seus arguments romanistes els nobles invocaven la tradició. Pau Cateura, de la Universitat de les Illes Balears, estudià a la ponència «Jaume I i el govern de Mallorca i d’Eivissa (1230-1276)» com el rei, després de la conquesta, constituí Mallorca com a regne, sense annexionar-lo a Catalunya. Ben aviat concedí als pobladors de l’illa la carta de franquesa (1230), que incloïa el compromís de no donar ni permutar el regne sinó de mantenir-lo unit a la Corona. Això no obstant, el 1232, per necessitats de política interna, confià el govern de Mallorca a l’infant Pere de Portugal. Entre el 1244 i el 1254 assumí el govern directe del regne, del 1254 al 1256 tornà a mans de l’infant Pere de Portugal i aquest darrer any el lliurà al seu fill l’infant Jaume. Durant el govern reial directe creà el municipi de Mallorca el 1249 i assegurà el control públic de l’abastament del blat i una administració de la justícia a càrrec de professionals. P. Cateura analitzà la carta de franquesa, sintetitzà les grans línies del Repartiment i destacà que lots de 130 cavalleries foren assignats a 101 cavallers, obligats a servir cadascun amb un cavall armat per defensar l’illa. Estudià també diversos aspectes del govern de l’infant Pere de Portugal, del directe del rei i del de l’infant Jaume. El govern de València després de la conquesta fou analitzat per José Vicente Cabezuelo, de la Universitat d’Alacant, que destacà que, després de la conquesta de la ciutat de València i abans de concloure la de la resta del regne, el rei configurà l’estructura política i jurídica d’un nou regne, amb els furs com a dret propi; organitzà els municipis i també el govern del nou territori, primer amb persones en qui delegava els poders durant la seva absència, i després amb un càrrec ordinari i permanent, tant si el rei era present al regne com si no, que s’anomenà de diversa manera fins a consolidar-se el nom de procurador. Un altre aspecte considerat dins d’aquest primer gran

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Maria Teresa Ferrer

tema fou el de la reorganització de les fronteres interiors i concretament «La frontera del Principat de Catalunya amb el regne d’Aragó», a càrrec de Josep Alanyà, de l’Arxiu Diocesà de Tortosa, que estudià la indefinició de la pertinença a Aragó o a Catalunya de la comarca compresa entre els Ports i el riu Ebre, molt afí geogràficament a les terres del Baix Aragó, al voltant d’Alcanyís i Casp. Sovint els foren reclamats impostos o contribució en hosts i cavalcades des d’Aragó, però els pobladors de la comarca es decantaren de manera natural cap a Catalunya, cosa a la qual contribuí, segurament, l’acció de la jurisdicció eclesiàstica del bisbe de Tortosa que comprenia també una part de la comarca del Matarranya, ara pertanyent a Aragó. No es podia deixar de banda, si parlàvem del govern del territori, l’estudi del poder municipal, que estigué a càrrec de Pere Verdés, de la Institució Milà i Fontanals del CSIC, i Max Turull, de la Universitat de Barcelona. Assenyalaren que el regnat de Jaume I fou molt rellevant en el procés de configuració jurídica i institucional dels municipis catalans, coincidint amb la recepció del ius commune a Catalunya, que es troba a l’origen del concepte universitas, com a personificació del conjunt dels habitants de les viles i ciutats catalanes, concepte que s’imposa en aquesta època. Els municipis naixents, amb el cas significatiu de Barcelona, esdevenen actors importants en la política, com es mostra en el braç reial a les incipients Corts catalanes. Els autors recordaren la gran obra portada a terme per J. M. Font i Rius sobre la configuració del municipi en aquesta època i especialment els orígens del de Barcelona. Així mateix mostraren com les exigències fiscals del rei i les necessitats financeres de la mateixa comunitat determinaren l’aparició dels consells municipals com a òrgans que expressaven la voluntat de la «universitat» primordialment en aquestes matèries; més endavant vindria una funció institucional més complexa amb una sèrie de competències. La Cancelleria Reial en temps de Jaume I, peça clau per al govern i l’administració dels estats de la Corona catalanoaragonesa, fou estudiada per Albert Torra, vicedirector de l’Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó. Destacà que durant el regnat de Jaume I es produí la transició des de les primitives escrivanies comtals fins a la Cancelleria plenament organitzada, molt influïda pel dret romà. El ponent assenyalà la transcendència de la tasca d’ordenació de la Cancelleria que portà a terme el canceller Andreu d’Albalat (1254-1258), bisbe de València, i centrà després el seu estudi en els registres que s’han conservat d’aquest rei i que són els primers del gran conjunt documental conservat, que és el més important d’una monarquia europea. A través de descripcions arxivístiques de començaments del segle xiv, Torra reconstruí aquests registres tal com eren en època més o menys contemporània, ja que actualment presenten alguns desordres i quaderns o fulls afegits posteriorment, i assenyalà que es portava una doble sèrie de registres, els generals i els de documentació econòmica. Com que la sessió d’aquell dia se celebrava al palau del Lloctinent, on es trobava l’exposició documental sobre

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Jaume I organitzada per l’Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó (inaugurada el dia 1 de febrer de 2008, coincidint amb el dia del naixement de Jaume I), els congressistes tingueren l’oportunitat de visitar-la. Altres institucions bàsiques de la monarquia eren l’exèrcit i la flota. De l’exèrcit, especialment de l’artilleria, se n’ocupà Paul E. Chevedden, del Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, dels Estats Units, a la ponència «King James I the Conqueror and the Artillery Revolution of the Middle Ages». Assenyalà que Jaume I fou un monarca innovador. Com alguns altres reis contemporanis seus, no fou un beneficiari passiu dels canvis que es registraren a l’Europa del seu temps, sinó que contribuí a accelerar-los. Aquesta característica es manifestà també en l’ús que féu dels recursos per a la guerra. En el seu temps, les màquines de guerra d’època clàssica foren desplaçades per les màquines accionades per un contrapès i que disparaven projectils de centenars de quilos, que podien demolir muralles. Les més poderoses d’aquestes màquines eren el trabuquet i el fonèvol. El perfeccionament de la tècnica del trabuquet s’esdevingué durant el segle xiii i Jaume I l’incorporà immediatament i s’aprofità d’aquesta màquina en les seves empreses militars, en concret per als setges. El ponent exposà les característiques tècniques d’aquestes màquines i les seves variants: manganells, trabuquets, fonèvols, brigoles, i fins i tot en mostrà el funcionament amb una maqueta de fusta. Analitzà la difusió del trabuquet des de l’Orient fins a l’Occident i l’ús que en féu Jaume I a les diferents empreses militars. Albert Estrada, professor de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, analitzà el paper fonamental que els estols de vaixells tingueren en les grans empreses militars dutes a terme pel rei Jaume I a la seva ponència titulada «Jaume el Conqueridor i la marina de guerra del seu temps». Recordà especialment la flota usada per a la conquesta de Mallorca, l’estol auxiliar que contribuí a la conquesta de València i l’armat per a emprendre la seva croada frustrada a Terra Santa. Assenyalà que l’experiència naval acumulada en aquest regnat fou fonamental en l’expansió de la Corona d’Aragó per la Mediterrània. Es fixà, especialment, en la tipologia i la funció dels vaixells que integraven una armada i en aspectes diversos de l’organització de les flotes. Tomàs de Montagut, de la Universitat Pompeu Fabra, de Barcelona, exposà el tema de Jaume I a les Constitucions y altres drets de Cathalunya, la gran compilació del dret general català, iniciada per manament de la Cort de Barcelona del 1413, que comprenia bàsicament els Usatges de Barcelona i la legislació de les Corts catalanes, és a dir, constitucions i capítols de cort. La compilació, que tenia per objectiu controlar l’observança d’aquestes lleis, ampliada i posada al dia, fou publicada els anys 1588-1589 amb el títol coincident amb el de la ponència i fou novament publicada el 1704. Malgrat que fou derogada parcialment pel Decret de Nova Planta els anys 1715-1716, continuà vigent, en alguns aspectes, fins al 1960. El ponent ha examinat quina legislació promulgada per Jaume

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I passà a aquesta compilació i fou vigent durant molts anys i n’analitzà la tipologia normativa i el contingut, per tal de poder comprendre quines eren les qüestions problemàtiques que calia resoldre preceptivament i com Jaume I contribuí a configurar aspectes rellevants del dret català, del seu sistema de fonts i de les seves institucions públiques i privades. L’estructura fiscal i la política monetària fou un altre dels grans temes de la part del congrés destinada a estudiar el poder reial i les institucions administratives i representatives. Thomas N. Bisson, de la Universitat de Harvard, analitzà la hisenda reial de Jaume I des del 1230 fins al 1276, en un estudi que, modestament, denominà provisional perquè no havia pogut veure totes les fonts documentals. Segons el professor Bisson, que ja havia estudiat les finances del jove Jaume I entre el 1228 i el 1236, el rei tornà a la pràctica del seu pare de comptar directament amb oficials i creditors, sense la intermediació dels templers o comptables com en els primers temps del regnat; d’altra banda, cap al 1240, puix que els seus dominis havien augmentat i per tant era personalment molt solvent, el monarca trobà que era més fàcil recórrer al crèdit que esperar els excedents d’una administració pròpia i regular, de la qual havien estat pioners els escrivans del rei Alfons I al segle xii; de tota manera, mantingué un control estricte sobre les seves finances per tal d’equilibrar recursos i necessitats i, entre el 1241 i el 1257, procurà guardar còpia dels afers comptables, primer en fulls solts de paper i després en registres per tal de controlar la comptabilitat del crèdit. Vicent Baidal, de la Institució Milà i Fontanals del CSIC, exposà una interessant visió de conjunt sobre la fiscalitat reial a la Corona d’Aragó, analitzant de manera comparativa la fiscalitat directa imposada per la monarquia sobre els diversos territoris de la Corona d’Aragó; assenyalà les diferències i l’evolució diferent dels principals tributs directes exigits a les viles reials: les pechas a Aragó, les quèsties a Catalunya, les peites o quèsties al regne de València i els subsidis al de Mallorca; examinà les contribucions fiscals realitzades de manera general pel conjunt d’estaments dels territoris, caracteritzades per la concessió o institucionalització dins el marc d’assemblees parlamentàries, com ara el monedatge aragonès i valencià o els bovatges catalans. El ponent va cercar també d’aportar una explicació als diversos desenvolupaments copsats a cada territori dins d’un marc comú d’increment tendencial de la pressió fiscal i la centralització monàrquiques. Miquel Crusafont, president de la Societat Catalana de Numismàtica, analitzà la política monetària en temps de Jaume I, i assenyalà que el regnat d’aquest monarca fou transcendental en la política monetària. El sobirà prosseguí la línia dels seus predecessors de limitar els amonedaments senyorials i centralitzar la fabricació monetària a la ciutat de Barcelona i s’esforçà també a establir una coordinació monetària entre els diferents territoris sota la seva sobirania. De tota manera, l’aspecte més transcendental fou la incorporació de representants de la ciutat de Barce-

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lona en el control de les emissions monetàries, limitant el poder reial en un dels aspectes més definitoris de la sobirania. Efectivament, l’establiment d’uns guardes designats per la ciutat de Barcelona per a garantir els paràmetres de les encunyacions fou de gran abast polític i constitueix un dels trets diferencials del nostre país en el context peninsular i fins i tot en l’europeu. D’altra banda, la instauració del diner de tern posà una de les bases fonamentals del sistema monetari català que regí la resta de l’edat mitjana i, cap a la fi del regnat, es feren els primers passos vers la creació del segon element bàsic del sistema: el gros de plata o croat de Barcelona, que homologà el nostre país amb els més avançats del seu temps. Així com el dia 1 els congressistes havien estat acollits per l’Arxiu de la Corona d’Aragó a la seu del palau del Lloctinent, el dia 2 ho foren al Museu d’Història de Catalunya, que els congressistes pogueren visitar. El dia 3 d’abril, el congrés tornà a les sales de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, on foren desenvolupades les ponències sobre les Corts durant el regnat de Jaume I. Pere Ortí, de la Universitat de Girona, féu una síntesi de l’evolució de les Corts a Catalunya en aquesta època inicial i se centrà després en l’estudi de l’impost del bovatge, lligat a les Corts i a les seves predecessores, les assemblees de Pau i Treva. Efectivament, el bovatge nasqué en aquestes assemblees com un rescat de la Pau i evolucionà vers un impost d’accessió, que es recaptava a l’inici de cada regnat. D’altra banda, el bovatge es convertí en el primer exemple de la nova fiscalitat d’estat que començà a detectar-se a la major part de les monarquies feudals de l’Europa occidental. Fou un impost directe que gravava tots els habitants de Catalunya, fos quina fos la jurisdicció de pertinença, que havia d’ésser aprovat pels estaments reunits en una assemblea i que servia per a finançar una campanya militar. Fou demanat el 1211 per a l’expedició contra els almohades, en el transcurs de la qual s’obtingué la victòria de Las Navas de Tolosa (1212), i per a cadascuna de les expedicions de Jaume I contra els sarraïns: per a la de Mallorca (1228), per a la de València (1232) i per a la de Múrcia (1264). Esteban Sarasa, de la Universitat de Saragossa, exposà una ponència titulada «La gestación de las cortes de Aragón en el reinado de Jaime I», en la qual assenyalà la interrelació entre el procés de gestació de les Corts, el de l’establiment de furs que unificaren i uniformaren el dret propi del regne —una tasca confiada al català Vidal de Canyelles, bisbe d’Osca, format a Bolonya— i el de creació de la figura del justícia major, destinat a defensar aquest dret propi. El corpus foral fou aprovat en les Corts d’Osca del 1247, mentre que el justícia, la magistratura major d’Aragó, fou creat a la Cort d’Eixea del 1265. Sarasa assenyalà que eren tasques molt importants fetes pel rei per a Aragó, a les quals cal sumar el desenvolupament de les municipalitats durant el seu regnat. Sarasa no creu que les reunions del 1214 o del 1217 siguin veritables corts, sinó reunions de la cúria amb un nombre més o menys elevat de consellers. Les fonts: el Llibre dels Fets o els documents,

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assegurà, ajuden al confusionisme terminològic. Ha estat qüestió discutida si aquest regnat era un període parlamentari o preparlamentari; per a Sarasa les corts s’anaren formant en aquest regnat, a poc a poc; els fets examinats en aquestes reunions conegudes foren els mateixos que foren tractats després a les corts plenament constituïdes i, d’altra banda, els aragonesos unionistes no haurien reclamat al rei Pere el Gran, el 1283, que fes Cort General als aragonesos una vegada a l’any, si aquesta cort general no tingués ja una certa tradició. L’autor assenyalà que a Aragó la pressió de la noblesa tingué una gran importància per a la formació de les corts, mentre que a Catalunya les precedents assemblees de Pau i Treva atorgaren molt de protagonisme als eclesiàstics, al costat dels nobles. M. Rosa Muñoz, de la Universitat de València, presentà una ponència titulada «Las instituciones parlamentarias valencianas durante el reinado de Jaime I (12381276)», en la qual, després de comentar la historiografia sobre el tema, destacà la necessitat de revisar la crònica i la documentació de l’època perquè no hi ha processos de corts en aquesta època i per fer història de la institució cal acudir a les fonts indirectes: convocatòries i furs principalment. Muñoz ha emprès la tasca de revisar aquesta documentació, de moment la publicada, que es troba dispersa en diferents col·leccions documentals. De moment, la historiografia no està d’acord ni en el nombre de convocatòries de corts al regne de València ni en les dates de celebració. Una reunió dels tres estaments el 1238 seria la primera, però P. López Elum considera que és un epíleg de les Corts de Montsó del 1236. Aquest autor accepta que hi hagué corts els anys 1261, 1271 i 1281, mentre que les reunions del 1273 i el 1276 són discutides; la ponent assenyala, però, que a la reunió del 1261 no hi ha constància que hi fossin tots tres estaments. La tasca més important d’aquestes corts fou la legislativa, essencial per a un regne nou. La ponent va cercar disposicions aprovades a les Corts per tal de veure quina fou la tasca que portaren a terme. La segona part del congrés versà sobre les relacions internacionals de Jaume I. Maria Teresa Ferrer, de la Institució Milà i Fontanals del CSIC i de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, exposà a la seva ponència el «Panorama general de les relacions internacionals de Jaume I», per tal d’interrelacionar els sectors tractats a les diferents ponències i comentar aspectes d’aquestes relacions que no havien pogut comptar amb una ponència. Afirmà que el llarg regnat de Jaume I suposà una ampliació molt notable de la política internacional practicada pels seus antecessors; continuà centrada en els veïns: Occitània, França, Anglaterra, Navarra, Castella, Portugal, els països musulmans de la Península i del Magrib, Pisa, Gènova, Sicília i la Santa Seu; però també amb països llunyans com Hongria, on cercà la seva segona muller. S’intensificaren els contactes amb l’Imperi bizantí i aparegueren els contactes oficials amb Egipte, responent als interessos comercials dels catalans, que tenien una presència creixent a la Mediterrània oriental; hi hagué, a més, contactes amb Armènia i amb els tàrtars. El rei abandonà el projecte d’expansió a Occitània, però

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assegurà la seva força a la Península mitjançant les conquestes de Mallorca i València. Recordà la importància per al futur del casament de l’infant Pere amb Constança de Hohenstaufen, filla del rei Manfred de Sicília. Aquesta aliança amb la branca siciliana de la família imperial alemanya arrossegà els catalans cap a l’enfrontament amb la Santa Seu, amb França i amb els Anjou, branca menor de la dinastia reial francesa, ja en el regnat de Pere el Gran, però permeté l’expansió vers la Mediterrània central. La ponència centrà la seva atenció especialment en les relacions comercials i polítiques amb les ciutats marítimes italianes, Gènova i Pisa, amb les quals foren signats tractats després de la conquesta de Mallorca (1229), per tal de mantenir la posició privilegiada que genovesos i pisans tenien a l’illa durant el domini islàmic. També foren pactades altres qüestions amb Gènova, algunes relacionades encara amb la conquesta de Tortosa, en la qual havia col· laborat, i l’any 1233 fou acordada la creació de consolats de genovesos a les ciutats marítimes dels dominis de Jaume I i consolats de catalans a Gènova, una institució nascuda per donar suport als mercaders en territori islàmic principalment. La fi de l’expansió occitana fou la ponència encarregada a Martí Aurell, de la Universitat de Poitiers. El ponent constatà l’evidència del desinterès del Conqueridor per Occitània, ja que a la joventut concentrà la seva activitat militar a la conquesta de Mallorca i de València i negligí els afers del Llenguadoc i de Provença, motiu pel qual fou criticat pels trobadors i, de fet, deixà que França s’apoderés del Llenguadoc. La seva diplomàcia fracassà a Provença, on no aconseguí que el comte Ramon Berenguer V, que s’havia educat amb ell a Montsó, li donés alguna oportunitat per a la successió (1245). Amb l’ajut del papat, Carles d’Anjou s’instal·là al comtat, des d’on inicià les seves conquestes a Itàlia i entrà en competència amb Pere el Gran. Aurell recordà que el tractat de Corbeil (1258) és ignorat pel Llibre dels Fets, com l’afer de la successió a Provença; el tractat tancà l’expansió occitana, que els comtes de Barcelona havien iniciat els anys 1067-1070, i Lluís IX concedí la independència feudal de Catalunya que, per a M. Aurell, tenia una importància simbòlica que no cal menystenir. Aurell analitzà també les possibles causes de l’abandó del projecte occità, una de les quals podria ésser la convicció que les forces en joc eren favorables a França i que la intervenció suposaria un enfrontament amb la Santa Seu, que el rei volia evitar de totes maneres. Manuel González Jiménez, de la Universitat de Sevilla, a la seva ponència «Jaime I el Conquistador y Alfonso X el Sabio: una compleja relación de encuentros y desencuentros», analitzà la història de la relació familiar i personal entre tots dos reis. Alfons X s’havia casat amb la filla de Jaume I, Violant, matrimoni que havia de restaurar les relacions entre la Confederació catalanoaragonesa i Castella, molt deteriorades després del fracàs del matrimoni del rei Jaume I amb Elionor, tia del rei Ferran III, i la pugna pel control polític de Navarra. De fet, però, el matrimoni no aconseguí reconduir les bones relacions fins molt més

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tard. Les topades foren nombroses; la primera, el 1244, a causa de l’intent d’Alfons d’apoderar-se de Xàtiva, contra el que s’havia estipulat al tractat de Cazola, que havia situat a Biar la frontera del regne de València que Jaume I estava conquerint llavors. Més endavant per l’aliança anglocastellana del 1254, dirigida contra Navarra, que determinà l’aliança de Jaume I amb aquest regne i una certa bel·licositat a la frontera, i més endavant la complicitat, limitada, de Jaume I amb una revolta nobiliària castellana, mentre que Alfons X de Castella donava pas lliure a al-Azraq, el famós cavaller musulmà que es revoltà tantes vegades contra Jaume I. Les aspiracions imperials d’Alfons el Savi també preocuparen Jaume I per la idea d’Alfons d’usar el títol per imposar la supremacia de Castella a la Península. M. González afirma que quan Alfons s’acostà a les posicions güelfes, Jaume I respongué aliant-se amb Manfred de Sicília, un Hohenstaufen, i pactant el matrimoni de la filla d’aquest, Constança de Sicília, amb el seu fill l’infant Pere (1260), cosa que indignà Alfons el Savi. En canvi, Jaume I conquerí Múrcia per al seu gendre el 1265-1266, sense cap recompensa, i l’acollí als seus regnes amb grans honors quan hi passà per anar a reclamar l’ajut papal per a la seva reivindicació de l’Imperi. L’anàlisi de les relacions amb Navarra anà a càrrec de Juan Carrasco, de la Universidad Pública de Navarra, a la ponència «El reino de Navarra y la Corona de Aragón en tiempos de Jaime I el Conquistador (1208-1276)». Assenyalà que, durant els primers quinze anys del regnat de Sanç VII de Navarra (1194-1234), les seves relacions amb la confederació catalanoaragonesa experimentaren una alternança d’hostilitat i pau a causa dels acords de repartiment del regne entre els reis de Castella i els de la Corona d’Aragó. Poc abans del naixement de Jaume I, el 1208, totes dues parts s’aproximaren i el rei de Navarra deixà diners al rei Pere el Catòlic, que passava greus dificultats econòmiques. Anys després, el 1231, el rei Sanç, que havia arribat als setanta anys sense tenir descendència legítima, escollí el rei Jaume, un jove de vint-i-tres anys, com a successor seu al regne de Navarra mitjançant la fórmula de l’afillament mutu. Després el rei navarrès trencà l’acord i, a la seva mort (1234), els navarresos escolliren com a rei el seu nebot Teobald I de Xampanya, aprofitant que l’amenaça castellana s’havia esvaït. Jaume I hagué de conformar-se a la nova situació i signà treves amb Teobald I. Carrasco assenyalà que les tensions de Navarra amb Castella es reproduïren a la mort del monarca navarrès (1253), que havia nomenat tutor del seu hereu el rei Jaume I, el qual s’esforçà a emparar-lo. Recordà que una nova crisi successòria a Navarra, el 1274, fou aprofitada per Jaume I per intervenir militarment en aquest regne, on imposà l’infant Pere com a regent i va prometre una filla del monarca difunt amb el fill gran de l’infant Pere, amb el compromís de preservar la independència de Navarra. Malgrat que l’infant Pere fou acceptat com a rei a la cort d’Olite del 1274, les revoltes nobiliàries a Aragó i a Catalunya impediren que aquest projecte pogués consolidar-se. Les relacions amb els països islàmics foren analitzades

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per Carles Vela, de la Universitat de Girona, que destacà que, durant el regnat de Jaume I, la Corona catalanoaragonesa començà a tenir relacions amb la major part dels estats islàmics coetanis. Assenyalà que la política inicial del rei Jaume I envers els senyors valencians musulmans mantingué els trets d’ingerència en els conflictes interns i de protecció a canvi de tribut que caracteritzaven les relacions dels anteriors comtes de Barcelona i comtes reis d’Aragó. De la mateixa manera, la conquesta militar no fou tampoc l’única manera de sotmetre els regnes de Mallorca i València, políticament molt fragmentats: no solament el protectorat sobre Menorca, sinó els diferents pactes amb senyors valencians (pactes amb al-Azraq o amb Xàtiva de la dècada del 1240) mostren maneres diverses d’estendre el control sobre els musulmans. La presència catalana al nord d’Àfrica també presenta elements de continuïtat respecte a l’època anterior, per exemple en relació amb les milícies cristianes presents als diferents estats del Magrib. Vela afegí que cal preguntar-se si la política de Jaume I envers aquests països a partir del 1240 realment innova o si, simplement, és la pràctica inexistència de sèries documentals anteriors a aquests anys que ens dóna la imatge de Jaume I construint una nova manera de relacionar-se amb els països islàmics basada en la protecció del comerç català, bé que aquest comerç, segurament, ja era present a la zona abans de les primeres constatacions de relacions diplomàtiques entre Jaume I i Tunis, Tremissèn o Ceuta. Finalment, destacà que l’ampliació de relacions —amb el Caire i altres monarquies orientals, no necessàriament musulmanes— i l’episodi de la fallida croada contra Terra Santa sí que singularitzen el regnat de Jaume I respecte als dels seus avantpassats. L’anàlisi de la croada a Terra Santa del 1269, a càrrec d’Ernest Marcos, de la Universitat de Barcelona, figurava en el programa del congrés a l’apartat de la guerra i de la flota per dificultats d’agenda del ponent, però la recondueixo ara al seu lloc perquè, a més d’ésser una expedició militar, implicava les relacions amb els estats de la Mediterrània oriental. Marcos assenyalà que, a desgrat de les crítiques d’alguns dels seus contemporanis i de l’opinió negativa de molts historiadors posteriors, la croada a Terra Santa del rei Jaume I, el 1269, no fou una iniciativa mancada de realisme, ans la culminació d’una línia innovadora de la política internacional del Conqueridor iniciada vers el 1260 amb l’aliança amb el rei Manfred de Sicília, el cap del partit gibel·lí, i el casament de la filla d’aquest, Constança, amb l’infant Pere. Aquesta decisió significava l’abandó de la tradició güelfa de la casa de Barcelona; Jaume I no la canvià després de la desfeta i mort del seu consogre Manfred, el 1266, davant les tropes franceses de Carles d’Anjou. Davant els plans de conquesta dels estats croats d’ultramar del sultà mameluc Baibars d’Egipte, hi hagué un moviment per organitzar una croada de socors; Jaume I s’oferí a prendre la creu, però el papa l’invità a integrar-se a la croada que preparava Lluís IX de França i que finalment anà contra Tunis. El rei català es desentengué del pla francès i s’involucrà en una iniciativa paral·lela que no te-

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Maria Teresa Ferrer

nia la benedicció papal: el projecte de croada antimameluca que preconitzaven l’il-khan mongol Abaqa de Pèrsia i el seu sogre, l’emperador bizantí Miquel VIII Paleòleg, juntament amb altres potències cristianes d’Orient. Marcos assenyalà que la croada era no solament antiangevina, per l’enemistat entre Carles d’Anjou, rei de Sicília, i l’emperador bizantí, sinó que, a més, transgredia la frontera ideològica que dificultava l’entesa dels monarques cristians amb pagans i heretges. Afegí que el fracàs de l’empresa militar, més degut a factors conjunturals que no pas a defectes de planificació, no resta valor ni interès a l’únic cas d’aliança militar ofensiva entre potències occidentals i orientals. Jaume I encara intentà convèncer el Concili de Lió (1274) de la bondat del seu projecte, però llavors ja era massa gran i malalt per a una empresa d’aquesta mena. Les relacions de Jaume I amb la Santa Seu foren analitzades per Damian Smith, de la Saint Louis University dels Estats Units. Assenyalà diverses etapes en les relacions amb el papat durant el seu regnat: una primera etapa de protecció envers el rei nen durant els pontificats d’Innocenci III i d’Honori III. D’Innocenci III, el rei en tingué un alt concepte: era per a ell el millor papa de l’Església, era l’home que l’havia tornat als seus regnes i que, a través del cardenal llegat Pietro de Benevento, vigilà que els seus drets fossin respectats. Honori III continuà protegint-lo, bé que també l’amenaçà amb una croada contra els seus regnes si el comte Sanç i el seu fill no abandonaven l’actitud bel·ligerant contra els croats francesos. Quan el rei arribà a la majoria d’edat, s’obrí una etapa de col·laboració amb el papat, especialment durant el pontificat de Gregori IX. Després de les grans conquestes de Jaume I, que li donaren un gran prestigi internacional, fou més l’Església que necessità el monarca que no pas el monarca l’Església. Finalment, una darrera etapa d’enfrontament s’obrí a partir del 1260, quan el rei decidí portar a terme una aliança dinàstica amb el rei Manfred de Sicília, cap del gibel· linisme italià, mitjançant el matrimoni de l’infant Pere amb la filla de Manfred, Constança; la vida privada del rei escandalitzà el papa Climent IV, que tampoc no aprovà el seu projecte de croada del 1269. Smith assenyala la dificultat de l’estudi de les relacions de Jaume I amb la Santa Seu, ja que coincidí amb el pontificat d’onze papes i amb l’actuació de més de cent cardenals, alguns dels quals tingueren un paper molt important en aquestes relacions. Després de l’exposició d’aquesta darrera ponència, el congrés es clogué amb unes paraules del vicepresident de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans, senyor Antoni Riera. Cal assenyalar que la celebració del centenari de Jaume I continua amb altres congressos. Del 14 al 16 de maig, un congrés a càrrec de la Institución Fernando el Católico se celebra a Saragossa amb el tema «La societat a Aragó i a Catalunya en temps de Jaume I», en el qual participen tant aragonesos com catalans. A Lleida, del 16 al 19 de setembre de 2008, la Secció Històrico-Arqueològica de l’Institut d’Estudis Catalans organitza un altre congrés amb la col·laboració de l’Institut d’Estudis Ilerdencs, que en portarà l’organització

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La celebració del vuitè centenari del naixement de Jaume I...

directa, i que tractarà sobre l’Església en temps de Jaume I. A Mallorca, del 13 al 15 d’octubre, amb la col·laboració del Consell Insular de Mallorca i de l’Institut Europeu de la Mediterrània, organitzem un congrés que girarà sobre tres temes: l’expansió territorial vers les illes, és a dir, la conquesta, repoblació i organització de Mallorca; l’economia comercial i marítima, que tractarà de l’expansió comercial i de la navegació, els consolats, i també de la manufactura, la política successòria de Jaume I i la creació del regne de Mallorca, i, finalment, la figura de Jaume I en el seu temps i en la cultura moderna i contemporània. A Gandia, amb la col·laboració del Centre Alfons el

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Vell d’aquesta ciutat, farem un congrés els dies 27 i 28 de novembre de 2008 sobre dos temes: el món de la cultura a l’època de Jaume I, amb ponències sobre art, coneixements científics i literatura i llengua, per una banda, i, d’altra banda, l’estudi de l’expansió territorial a València, és a dir, la conquesta de València, la repoblació i organització del regne i la conquesta de Múrcia. Les activitats acadèmiques del centenari es clouran amb un congrés a Girona, els dies 1 i 2 de desembre de 2008, que serà patrocinat pel Departament d’Obres Públiques de la Generalitat. Aquest congrés tindrà dos temes: «L’economia rural i l’articulació urbana a Catalunya» i «La família reial, la cort i la cultura cortesana».

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Catalan Historical Review

Catalan Historical Review Number 1 / 2008

Free online access via http://revistes.iec.cat/chr/

Cob. Catalan 1.indd 2

GUIDELINES FOR AUTHORS

1 issue will appear in 2008. The annual subscription fee (including handling charges) is 40.00 € (VAT not included).

1. Title of the article, containing keywords pertaining to the subject matter. No abbreviations should be used in the title.

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James I Valencia, 1427 Authors: Jaume Mateu and Gonçal Peris Sarrià Tempera on wood 56.5 x 45 x 4 cm Reproduced with permission from the Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya (MNAC)

Printed in Catalonia

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Institut d’Estudis Catalans, Barcelona

Contents

Number 1

2008

Presentation

Antoni Riera

James I and his Era. Brief Analysis of a Major Political and Cultural Inheritance

Josep Tarrús

La Draga (Banyoles, Catalonia), an Early Neolithic Lakeside Village in Mediterranean Europe

Tomàs de Montagut

Barcelona, a Society and its Law: 11th-13th Centuries

Josep Maria Ruiz, Albert Soler

Ramon Llull in his Historical Context

Eulàlia Duran

The Borja Family: Historiography, Legend and Literature

Eva Serra

The Treaty of the Pyrenees, 350 Years Later

Santiago Riera

101

The Mechanical Engineering Industry in Catalonia

Francesc Fontbona

113

The Modernist Visual and Plastic Arts in the Catalan-speaking Lands

Conxita Mir

133

The Francoist Repression in the Catalan Countries

Maria Teresa Ferrer

149

Commemoration of the Eighth Centenary of the Birth of James I: Conference Organized by the History and Archeology Section of the Institut d’Estudis Catalans in Barcelona

157

Catalan Version

1 Cob. Catalan 1.indd 1

Catalan Historical Review Number 1 / 2008

2008

Salvador Giner

Catalan Historical Review

Institvt d’Estvdis Catalans • Barcelona • Catalonia

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