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Contents

AbouttheAuthor

Preface

1APolicymakingFramework:DefiningProblemsandPortrayingSolutionsinUS Environmental Politics

TwoCriticalFeaturesofUS EnvironmentalPolicymaking

TheClashofValuesattheHeartofEnvironmentalPolicymaking HowActivistsDefineProblemsandCharacterizeTheirSolutionstoGainPoliticalSupport

MajorActorsinEnvironmentalPolicymaking

GovernmentDecisionMakers

ActorsOutsideofGovernment

TheEnvironmentalPolicymakingProcess

PolicyWindowsandMajorPolicyChange

TheRoleofPolicyEntrepreneursin“SofteningUp”and“Tipping”

TheImportanceofProcessandHistory

ChangingPolicyGradually

CaseSelection

RegulatingPolluters

History,ChangingValues,andNaturalResourceManagement

NewIssues,NewPolitics

GettingtheMostOutoftheCases

Notes

Part1RegulatingPolluters

2TheNationTacklesAirandWaterPollution:TheEnvironmentalProtectionAgencyandthe CleanAirandCleanWaterActs

Background

EarlyEffortstoAddressAirPollution

EarlyEffortstoAddressWaterPollution

TheCase

EnvironmentalismBecomesaPopularCause

CelebratingEarthDay1970

ThePollsConfirmaShiftinPublicOpinion

PoliticiansRespond

Implementation:IdealismTempered

The1977CleanAirandWaterActAmendments:RelaxingtheLaw

MoreSignificantChallengestotheEPAandtheCleanAirandCleanWaterActs Outcomes

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

3LoveCanal:HazardousWasteandthePoliticsofFear

Background

TheCase

TheCityofNiagaraFallsStonewalls

TheLocalMediaRaiseResidents’Concern Assessing(andAvoiding)Blame

TheNationalMediaExpandtheScopeoftheConflict

TheOuterRingResidentsAreLeftBehind ExpertsVersusCitizens

HealthStudiesBreedPanicandMorePublicity FiguringOutWhoWillPay TheFinalEvacuation

Outcomes

TheSuperfundLaw RemediationandResettlementofLoveCanal Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

4Ecosystem-BasedManagementintheChesapeakeBay

Background

TheCase

The1980sand1990s:HoldingtheLine 2000–2009:ANewBayAgreement,butNoImprovement Outcomes

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

5Market-BasedSolutions:AcidRainandtheCleanAirActAmendmentsof1990

Background

TheCase

TheEmergingScientificConsensusonAcidRain CraftingandDisseminatingaCompellingStoryAboutAcidRain ResistancetoAcidRainControlsintheReaganAdministration CongressionalDivisionsintheReaganYears AcidRain’sRisingSalience ProspectsforControlsImproveintheBushAdministration ImplementingtheAcidRainProvisions Outcomes

TheEconomicImpactsofTitleIV

TheEcologicalImpactsofTitleIV

NewResearchSpursCallsforMoreControls

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

Part2History,ChangingValues,andNaturalResourceManagement

6OilVersusWildernessintheArcticNationalWildlifeRefuge

Background

AHistoryofResourceExploitationinAlaska

TheTrans-AlaskaPipelineControversy

TheAlaskaNationalInterestLandsConservationAct(ANILCA)

TheCase

TheANWRCoalitions

TheBattletoFrametheProblem,1986–1992

ThePoliticalContest,1986–1992

ANWRProposalsontheQuiet,1993–1999

The2000PresidentialCampaignandPresidentBush’sEnergyPolicy Outcomes

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

7FederalGrazingPolicy:SomeThingsNeverChange

Background

IntroducingGrazingintheWest

TheOriginsofGrazingRegulation

GrazingPolicyControversies,1940ThroughtheLate1960s

TheCase

Environmentalists’Arguments

Ranchers’ResistancetoReform

TheFederalLandPolicyManagementAct

TheCarterAdministration,1977–1981

TheReaganAdministration,1981–1989

TheGeorgeH.W.BushAdministration,1989–1993

TheEarlyClintonYears,1993–1994

TheRepublicanCongressRetaliates,1995–1997

AdministrativePolicymakingRedux Outcomes

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

8JobsVersustheEnvironment:SavingtheNorthernSpottedOwl

Background

TheCase

LandManagersTrytoSolvetheProblemQuietly,Locally

TheEmergingScienceofOwlsandOld-GrowthForests

TheForestServiceRegion6Guide

PressureMountstoListtheOwlasEndangered

InterestGroupConfrontations:LawsuitsandPublicRelationsCampaigns

TheRegion’sElectedOfficialsGetInvolved

TheThomasCommitteeReport

TheArgumentShiftstoEconomicCosts

CongressTakesUptheIssue

TheCrisisEscalates

TheNorthwestForestPlan

TheTimberSalvageRider

TheBushAdministrationRelaxesTimberHarvestRestrictions

Outcomes

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

9PlaygroundorParadise?SnowmobilesinYellowstoneNationalPark

Background

TheOriginsofYellowstoneNationalPark

TheNationalParkServiceIsBorn

TheCase

AllowingSnowmobilesinYellowstone

TheOriginsoftheSnowmobileBan

CompetingtoDefinetheProblemintheSnowmobileDebate

MotorizedRecreationVersusProtection

TheEvolutionoftheSnowmobileBan

ANewIdeologyandaNewRule

LegalChallenges

Outcomes

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

10CrisisandRecoveryintheNewEnglandFisheries

Background

TheCase

Scientists’AssessmentsofNewEngland’sGroundfish Establishinga“Cooperative”ManagementRegime DevisingaMultispeciesGroundfishFisheryManagementPlan

TheConservationLawFoundationLawsuitandAmendment5

ScientistsIssueAnotherWarning andGroundfishStocksCrash Amendment7andContrastingDefinitionsoftheProblem

TheFocusShiftstoGulfofMaineCod Amendment9andaSecondLawsuit

AdoptingaSector-BasedApproach

Outcomes

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

11TheDeepwaterHorizonDisaster:TheHighCostofOffshoreOil Background

TheCase

DrillingandCementingtheMacondoWell

TheDisaster

RespondingtotheSpill

InvestigatingtheAccident,PointingFingers

Outcomes

PolicyandPoliticalConsequences

TheEcologicalImpacts

ImpactsonDeepwaterDrillingintheGulf andBP

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

Part3NewIssues,NewPolitics

12ClimateChange:TheChallengesofInternationalEnvironmentalPolicymaking Background

TheCase

InternationalConcernLeadstoanIntergovernmentalPanel

TheBushAdministrationDemurs

TheClintonAdministration:HopesforU.S.LeadershipandFade DefiningtheClimateChangeProblemintheUnitedStates

TheKyotoProtocol

PromotingtheKyotoProtocolBackHome

TheHague,2000

TheGeorgeW BushPresidency

ClimateChangeScienceSolidifies

WhiletheFederalGovernmentDithers,OthersStepIntotheBreach Outcomes

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

13CapeWind:IfNotHere,Where?IfNotNow,When?

Background

TheCase

TheCapeWindProposal

OppositiontoCapeWindForms

CapeWind’sDefendersFightBack

TheTortuousPermittingProcessBegins

CapeWindGainsGroundDespiteSetbacks

ObtainingPermitsFromtheState

MovingTowardaFederalPermit

Outcomes

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

14FrackingWars:LocalandStateResponsestoUnconventionalShaleGasDevelopment

Background

TheCase

WeighingtheProsandConsofFrackinginNewYork EnactingaBaninDryden

TheStateEnactsaBanofItsOwn

Outcomes

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

15MakingTrade-Offs:UrbanSprawlandtheEvolvingSystemofGrowthManagementin Portland,Oregon

Background

TheCase

RegionalPlanninginthePortlandMetropolitanArea

TransportationPlanning DevelopmentRules

TheResultsofPlanning

InstitutionalizingCivicEngagementinPortland

TroubleinParadise:Measures7and37

Outcomes

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

16HurricaneKatrinaHitsNewOrleans:Disaster,Restoration,andResilience

Background

TheCase

DisasterStrikes

TheAftermath

WhatHappenedandWhy?

RebuildingandConflictingIdeasAboutRestoration

Outcomes

Conclusions

QuestionstoConsider

Notes

17Conclusions:Politics,Values,andEnvironmentalPolicyChange

TheStrengthoftheStatusQuo

LegislativePolicyChange

TheImportanceofBuildingCoalitions

TheCrucialRoleofLeadership

UsingInformationtoDefineProblems

AdministrativePolicyChange

TheCourts

Ecosystem-ScaleCollaborationandNonregulatoryApproaches

AcknowledgingtheRoleofValues

Notes

Index

AbouttheAuthor

JudithA Layzer

wasprofessorofenvironmentalpolicyintheDepartmentofUrbanStudiesandPlanningatthe MassachusettsInstituteofTechnology(MIT)untilherdeathin2015.SheearnedaPh.D.inpolitical scienceatMIT AfterfouryearsatMiddleburyCollegeinVermontshereturnedtoMIT,whereshe taughtcoursesinscienceandpoliticsinenvironmentalpolicymaking,ecosystem-basedmanagement, foodsystemsandtheenvironment,urbansustainability,energyandenvironmentalpolitics,andpublic policy

Layzer’sresearchfocusedonseveralaspectsofU.S.environmentalpolitics,includingtherolesof science,values,andstorytellinginenvironmentalpolitics,aswellasontheeffectivenessofdifferent approachestoenvironmentalplanningandmanagement Arecentprojectasked:Dourbansustainability initiativessignificantlyreducecities’ecologicalfootprints?Andwhichaspectsof“greencities”aremost effectiveatreducingcities’environmentalimpacts?InadditiontoTheEnvironmentalCase,Layzerwas theauthorofNaturalExperiments:Ecosystem-BasedManagementandtheEnvironment(2008)andOpen forBusiness:Conservatives’OppositiontoEnvironmentalRegulation(2012) Layzerwasanathleteaswellasascholar.InadditiontohavingfinishedfiveBostonmarathons,she sharedninenationalchampionshiptitlesandoneworldchampionshiptrophywithherteammateson LadyGodiva,formerlyBoston’spremierwomen’sUltimateFrisbeeteam JudithA.Layzer 1961–2015

WeatSAGEmarkthepassingofauthorJudithA Layzerwithsadness,butalsowithenormous gratitudeforhercontributiontothefieldofenvironmentalpolitics.Afinescholarandresearcher, ProfessorLayzerwasalsoaremarkableteacher,aqualitythatisperfectlyembodiedinherbook,The EnvironmentalCase,nowinitsfourthedition Thestrikinglydetailedandcompellingstoriesshetellsin thebookinstillinreadersthekindofurgencythatforceschangesinattitudesandbehaviors thevery effectthatpowerful,lastingbookscanandshouldhave

Preface

TheideaforthisbookwasbornwhenIwasagraduatestudentinpoliticalscienceattheMassachusetts InstituteofTechnology(MIT)inthemid-1990s Myadviser,StephenMeyer,andIweredevelopinganew undergraduatecourseinenvironmentalpoliticsandpolicy.Aftersearchingextensivelyformaterial,we realizedthat,althoughmanyinformativeandreadabletextsonthehistory,substance,andefficacyofvarious environmentalpolicieswereavailable,fewdescribedenvironmentalpoliticsinaction Moreover,hardlyany seemedtorecognizethefundamentaldisagreementsthatmakeenvironmentalcontroversiessointractableor todescribethepatternsthatemergeasonelooksatthepolicymakingprocessacrossabroadrangeofissues I setouttocraftasetofcasestudiesthatwouldsimultaneouslyconveythedramaofUS environmentalpolitics andfurnishusefulinsightsintothepolicymakingprocess.Myprimarygoal,then,wasnottoassessoutcomes fromanormativeperspectivebuttomakesomeprovocativeclaimsabouthowenvironmentalpoliciesevolve, fromthewaywedecidewhichproblemsareworthyofthegovernment’sattentiontothemechanismswe choosetoaddressthem.

TheorganizationofthebookemergedasIaddedcasesthatcapturednewaspectsofenvironmentalpoliticsor policy,suchasanewmatterofconcern wetlandsorspeciesextinction,forexample oranovelpolitical dynamic,suchaslandscape-scaleplanning.Thedivisionbetweenpollutioncontrolandnaturalresource managementwasanobviousone;thethirdcategory newissues,newpolitics waslessintuitivebutsought tocapturesomeofthemostimportantcontemporarypuzzlesintherealmofenvironmentalpolicymaking For thefourthedition,Iaddedtwonewcasesthatdeepenthebook’scoverageofenergy-relatedissues.Thecases thathavebeenremovedtomakewayfornewcasessincethefirsteditionareavailableinelectronicformatthe CQPresswebsite(http://customcqpresscom)

Inselectingwhichinformationtoincludeineachcase,Iviewedthematerialthroughaparticularlens thatof politicalscience.Morespecifically,Ifocusedontheimportanceofvalues,ideas,andinformation particularly astheyaffectproblemdefinitionandsolutioncharacterization inpolicymaking AlthoughIimposedaclear analyticstructure,Itriedtokeepeachnarrativesufficientlyself-explanatorysothateconomists,sociologists, historians,andothersinterestedinthebookwouldnotfeelconfinedbymyinterpretation.Moreover,Isought tomakethecasesaccessiblenotonlytostudentsandscholarsbutalsotoactivists,policymakers,journalists, andothersinterestedinenvironmentalpolitics Eachcaseintroducesthereadertofascinatingcharactersand eventsandprovidesafoundationformorein-depthstudyoftheissuesraised.Takenasawhole,thebook providesbothaportraitofandananalyticframeworkforUS environmentalpolicymaking,fromthelocal leveltotheinternationallevel,thatshouldbevaluabletoanyoneconcernedabouttheenvironment

Acknowledgments

WritingthisbookwouldnothavebeenpossiblewithoutthesupportofMITandMiddleburyCollege.MIT fundedthedevelopmentofthefirstsetofcases;morerecently,theMITEnergyInitiative(MITEI)funded thedevelopmentofseveralnewcases Bothinstitutionsgenerouslyprovidedsupportforstudentresearch assistants,manyofwhomlaboredtobringthebooktofruition.AtMiddlebury,KatrinaO’Brien,Lee Rowland,SarahWeston,andJessWidayprovidedresearchassistanceforthefirstedition AsIrevised existingchaptersandwrotenewones,KellyCavazos(MIT),NicoleFenton(UniversityofVermont),Corey Ferguson(Bowdoin),JessieSchaffer(MIT),andAnitaYip(Wellesley)helpedwithdatacollectionandfact checking MITgraduatestudentscontributedtothisendeavoraswell XixiChenandKateVanTassel trackeddownsourcesandhelpedwithproofreading KimFoltzcollectedsourcematerial AbbieEmison cheerfullyhuntedforobscurereferencesandsearchedoutelusiveinformation.AndKateDineen(MIT)wasa carefulfactcheckerandfiguremaker

Iwouldalsoliketothankmycolleagues,whohavescrutinizedvariouschapters ColleaguesChristopher Bosso(NortheasternUniversity)andChristopherKlyza(MiddleburyCollege)readandmadeinsightful commentsontheintroductiontothefirstedition.Inaddition,reviewersGordonBennett(Universityof TexasatAustin),MarkLubell(FloridaStateUniversity),StuartShulman(DrakeUniversity),andStacy VanDeveer(UniversityofNewHampshire)provideddetailedandthoughtfulreviewsoftheoriginal manuscript.Iappreciatethefeedbackofthosewhocommentedonthestrengthsandweaknessesofthefirst editioninpreparationforthesecond:RichardAndrews(UniversityofNorthCarolinaatChapelHill),Tina L.Bertrand(McMurrayUniversity),BrianCook(ClarkUniversity),IrasemaCoronado(UniversityofTexas atElPaso),DavidL.Feldman(UniversityofTennessee),MaryHague(BucknellUniversity),Timothy Lehman(RockyMountainCollege),RobertJ Mason(TempleUniversity),JosephRish(King’sCollege),and FrederickVanGeest(DordtCollege).Inpreparationforthethirdedition,thefollowingpeoplerespondedto ourqueriesabouthowtheyusethebook:RobertBartlett(UniversityofVermont),RussellBrenneman (TrinityCollege),KristinCampbell(UniversityofBuffalo,SUNY),KarenMcCurdy(GeorgiaSouthern University),LeighRaymond(PurdueUniversity),andRustyRussell(TuftsUniversity).Andfinally,Robert Bartlett(UniversityofVermont),LeighRaymond(PurdueUniversity),andErikaWeinthal(Duke University)providedthoroughandhelpfulreviewsofthenewchaptersaddedforthethirdedition

Iamalsoextremelygratefultotheexpertswhoreadandgavemepointersonchaptersthatwereeitheradded orsubstantiallyrevisedforthefourthedition:JohnSterman,PeterIwanowiecz,andTomZellerJr.Theytried valiantlytospoterrors;thosethatremainaresolelymyresponsibility

AtSAGE,acquisitionseditorSarahCalabihashandledthebookwithgreatprofessionalism Shemanaged therevisionprocess andparticularlymypropensityforendlessediting withgreatdiplomacy.Noonecould askforamorededicated,scrupulous,andtolerantmanuscripteditorthanTinaHardy Productioneditor OliviaWeber-Stenisgraciouslyengineeredatightproductionschedule(again) AndkudostoJanetKieselfor thecoverdesign.

Inadditiontothosewhocontributeddirectly,mycolleagues,friends,andfamilyhelpedbymakingmylife wonderfulwhileIwasworkingoneacheditionofthisbook MycolleaguesatMiddleburyencouragedme throughouttheprocessofputtingtogethertheoriginalmanuscript,andDeborahStoneandJimMorone providedawonderfulsummerhiatusinBrooklinewhileIwrappedupthefirstedition.AtMIT,my colleagueshavebeenconsistentlysupportiveandhavemadetheDepartmentofUrbanStudiesandPlanning feellikehome.Inhisefforttomakemeaworld-classscholar,SteveMeyerwasmytoughestcriticanda valuablesourceofprofessionaladvice.IoweaspecialdebttotwopeoplewhoneversawTheEnvironmental Caseinprint:RichardMarius,withhisoutsizedpassion,taughtmetowritesparingly;mysister,Daryl Layzer,showedmethroughherowngraceanddignityhowtoliveeverydayandtakenothingforgranted.My othersiblings Carolyn,Emily,Jon,Mark,Nick,andPhil havebeenbothcheerleadersandsafetynets.To EmilyIoweaparticulardebtofgratitude Ihaveonceagaindedicatedthisbooktomyparents,whoinstilled inmeapassionforthinking,learning,andeducating.Butmostofall,TheEnvironmentalCaseisformynieces andnephews,Ian,Kyle,Bailey,andClara,andalsoforStella,whowillhavetolivewiththeconsequencesof ourenvironmentalpolicydecisions

SAGEPublicationswishestoacknowledgeSaraRinfret,UniversityofMontana,forhervaluable contributionstotheproductionofthisedition.

Chapter1APolicymakingFrameworkDefiningProblemsand

PortrayingSolutionsinU.S.EnvironmentalPolitics

Environmentalpoliticsconcerns“howhumanityorganizesitselftorelatetothenaturethatsustainsit”1 Becausehumanlifedependsonwell-functioningnaturalsystems,onemightthinkenvironmentalprotection wouldbeuncontroversial.Yetbitterdisputeshaveeruptedoverproposalstopreserveundevelopedland,save endangeredspecies,protectorrestoreecosystems,cleanuptoxicdumpsandspills,reduceairandwater pollution,conserveenergy,mitigatehuman-causedchangesintheglobalclimate,andensureanequitable distributionofenvironmentalhazards.TheseissueshavebecomeprominentinAmericanpolitics,takingtheir placealongsidemoreconventionalsocial,economic,andforeignpolicyconcerns,soitisessentialto understandtheirpoliticaldynamics Furthermore,althoughthepolicyprocesshasmanygenericfeatures, environmentalpolicymakinghasahostofdistinctattributesandthereforewarrantsitsownanalyticniche. Thegoalofthisbook,then,istoilluminatehowtheAmericanpoliticalsystemgrappleswiththeenvironment asaparticularobjectofpublicaction

Thisintroductorychapterbeginsbylayingoutthefollowingtwo-partargument:(1)environmentalpolicy conflictsalmostalwaysconcernfundamentaldifferencesinvalues,and(2)thewayproblemsaredefinedand solutionsdepictedplaysacentralroleinshapinghowthosevaluesgettranslatedintopolicies Thechapter goesontodescribethecontributionsofthesystem’smajoractors policymakers,advocates,experts,andthe media indefiningenvironmentalproblems,formulatingandcharacterizingsolutions,andultimatelymaking decisions Itthenintroducesanumberofconceptsthathelpexplaintheprocessbywhichenvironmental policyismade.Theresultisageneralframework,theelementsofwhicharetreatedingreaterdepthinthe casesthatfollow.Thechapterconcludesbyexplainingtherationalebehindtheselection,organization,and presentationofthevolume’ssixteencasestudies Eachofthecasesisinterestinginitsownright;in combinationtheyofferimportantlessonsforanyonewhowantstounderstandwhyenvironmentalpolicy controversiesturnoutthewaytheydo.

TwoCriticalFeaturesofU.S.EnvironmentalPolicymaking

Nearlyallenvironmentalpolicydisputesare,atheart,contestsovervalues.Tothecasualobserver,these conflictsmayappeartorevolvearoundarcanetechnicalissues,butinfactalmostalloftheminvolvea fundamentaldisagreementoverhowhumansoughttointeractwiththenaturalworld Eventhough environmentalpolicydisputesarerootedinconflictingbeliefs,theparticipantsinthosecontestsrarelymake value-basedarguments Instead,theydefineproblemsandcharacterizetheirsolutionsintermsofscience, economics,andrisk Becausevaluedifferencesdivideparticipants,however,environmentalpolicyconflictsare rarelyresolvedbyappealstoreason;noamountoftechnicalinformationislikelytoconvertadversariesinsuch disputes.2

TheClashofValuesattheHeartofEnvironmentalPolicymaking

Theparticipantsinenvironmentaldebatesfallintotwobroadcampsbasedonentrencheddifferencesintheir beliefsabouttheappropriaterelationshipbetweenhumansandthenaturalworld Althougheachside incorporatesawiderangeofperspectives,foranalyticpurposeswecancategorizethemasenvironmentalists andcornucopians.

Environmentalists.

Environmentalismisnotasinglephilosophybutacongeriesofbeliefswithseveralroots.Environmental values,inoneformoranother,havebeenpartofAmericancultureandpoliticssincebeforethearrivalof whitesettlersontheNorthAmericancontinent.Infact,somecontemporaryenvironmentaliststracetheir valuestothespiritualbeliefsofNativeAmericans 3 ButmosthistoriansdatetheoriginsofAmerican environmentalismtothelateeighteenth-andearlynineteenth-centuryRomanticsandTranscendentalists,an elitecommunityofartistsandwriterswhocelebratedwildnatureasasourceofspiritualrenewaland redemption Theybelievedthatonlybypreservinguntrammeledwildernesscouldthenationensurethatintact landscapesremainedtoreplenishthewearysoul.Inthe1830sGeorgeCatlin,apainterwhotraveled frequentlyintheWest,wasthefirsttopleadfortheestablishmentofanationalparktopreservelandinits “pristinebeautyandwildness”forfuturegenerations 4 Twentyyearslater,HenryDavidThoreaudeploredthe wholesaleclearingoflandforfarmingandmovedtoacabinatWaldenPondinsearchofamore“simple”and “natural”life.Thoreaualsoemphasizedtheimportanceofpreservingwildnatureforbuildingcharacter;inhis famousessay,“Walking,”hewrote,“Hopeandthefutureformearenotinlawnsandcultivatedfields,notin townsandcities,butintheimperviousandquakingswamps.”5 In1911JohnMuir,founderoftheSierraClub andanardentandprolificadvocateofwildernesspreservation,describednatureasa“windowopeninginto heaven,amirrorreflectingtheCreator”6 Ahalf-centurylater,thefederalgovernmentembeddedthe preservationistphilosophyinlawssuchastheWildernessPreservationAct(1964),theWildandScenic RiversAct(1968),andtheNationalTrailsAct(1968).

Asecondformofenvironmentalconcern,conservationism,accompaniedtheProgressivemovementthat emergedattheturnofthetwentiethcentury Unlikepreservationists,whowantedtosetasideswathsof undisturbednature,conservationistsadvocatedtheprudentuseofnaturalresources.AshistorianSamuelHays pointsout,conservationistsadheredtothe“gospelofefficiency.”7 Theywereintentonmanagingthenation’s coal,oil,timber,grassland,andwateraccordingtoscientificprinciplestoensuretheiravailabilityinthelong run (MostoftheappliedsciencedisciplinesthatemergedduringtheProgressiveEraweregearedtoward increasingnaturalresourceyields,notpreservingecosystemhealth 8)ConservationistslikeGiffordPinchot, forexample,deploredthewastefulcut-and-runloggingpracticesofprivatetimbercompaniesandfearedthat Americanindustrialistswouldappropriateandsquanderthenation’snaturalresourcesunlessgovernment steppedinandplannedfortheirorderlyexploitation Itwasthisconcernthatdrovethefederalgovernmentto setasideforestreservesand,in1905,createtheUS ForestServicetomanagethoselandsforthepublic benefit.

Althoughstrainsofpreservationistandconservationistthoughtpervadecontemporaryenvironmentaldebates, athirdstrandofenvironmentalismemergedafterWorldWarII onemoreconcernedwithfightingpollution andprotectingbiologicaldiversitythanwithpreservingpristinenaturalareasormanagingnaturalresources efficiently.Ideasabouttheinterdependenceofhumanbeingsandnaturederivedfromthescientificdiscipline ofecology,whichfocusesonthestudyoflivingorganismsandtheirenvironment,aretheprimarywellsprings ofmodernenvironmentalism 9 Inthelate1940snaturalistandforesterAldoLeopoldsowedtheseedsofthe contemporaryenvironmentalmovementwithhisbook,ASandCountyAlmanac,whichdevelopeda“land ethic”basedonprinciplesofinterrelatednessandstability.AccordingtoLeopold,“Allethics...restupona singlepremise:thattheindividualisamemberofacommunityofinterdependentparts”Therefore,“athing isrightwhenittendstopreservethestabilityandbeautyofthebioticcommunity Itiswrongwhenittends otherwise”10

Anotherfoundationofpostwarenvironmentalismisthelimits-to-growththesisespousedbyMassachusetts InstituteofTechnology(MIT)biophysicistDonellaMeadowsandhercoauthorsin1972.Basedonanew mathematicalmethodcalledsystemdynamics,thisperspectiverecognizedtheimportanceofrelationshipsand feedbackloopsincomplexsystems 11 Accordingtothelimits-to-growthargument,thehumanpopulationis outrunningtheearth’scapacitytosupportit Forsome,recognitionoftheearth’slimitedcarryingcapacityled toskepticismabouteconomicgrowthandinterestinasteady-stateeconomy 12 Otheradherentsofthisview arenotopposedtoeconomicgrowthaltogether,butrathertheyadvocategrowththatis“sustainable”and thereforedoesnotcomeattheexpenseoffuturegenerations Theypointout,however,thatanunregulated marketsysteminvariablyleadstounsustainablelevelsofproductionandconsumption Althoughithascommonorigins,thecontemporaryenvironmentalmovementisfarfrommonolithic.For example,deepecologistsdistinguishthemselvesfrommainstreamenvironmentalists,whoseenvironmental beliefstheyregardassuperficial Deepecologyisecocentric:whereasanthropocentricperspectivestreat humansasmorallysuperiortootherformsoflifeonthebasisofourcapacityforlanguageandcomplex thought,ecocentricperspectivestreattheworldas“anintrinsicallydynamic,interconnectedwebofrelations inwhichtherearenoabsolutelydiscreteentitiesandnoabsolutedividinglinesbetweenthelivingandthe nonliving,theanimateandtheinanimate,orthehumanandthenonhuman”13 Asthisquotemakesclear, deepecologyrestsonapremiseof“biosphericalegalitarianism” thatis,theinherentandequalvalueofall livingthings.Moreover,deepecologistsbelievethathumanqualityoflifedependsonmaintainingadeep connectionto,ratherthansimplyarespectfulrelationshipwith,otherformsoflife Itisworthnotingthat deepecologyisnotlogicallyderivedfromecology,nordoesitdependforsubstantiationontheresultsof scientificinvestigation.Instead,asphilosopherArneNaessexplains,“Totheecologicalfieldworker,theequal righttoliveandblossomisanintuitivelyclearandobviousvalueaxiom.”14

Evenamongmoremainstreamenvironmentaliststherearemajordifferences,asthecasesthatfollowmake abundantlyclear Inparticular,pragmaticenvironmentalistsseektopromotetheadoptionofnewtechnologies thatwillreducetheoverallenvironmentalimpactofhumansocietybutdolittletochangetheoverallstructure oftheglobaleconomy.Bycontrast,moreidealisticenvironmentalistsbelievethatattainingsustainability requiresacompletepoliticalandeconomictransformation Theyemphasizechangesinbehavior,notjust

technology,toproduceamorejustandenvironmentallyrobustpolitical-economicsystem.

Cornucopians.

Unlikeenvironmentalists,cornucopians(orPrometheans)placeapreeminentvalueoneconomicgrowth.15 In sharpcontrasttoenvironmentalism,thetermcornucopiansuggestsabundance,evenlimitlessness Adherents ofthisperspectivebelievethatenvironmentalrestrictionsthreatentheireconomicwell-beingortheeconomic healthoftheircommunity.Theyalsofearthatsuchrestrictionsentailunacceptablelimitsbygovernmenton individualfreedom

Cornucopianshaveboundlessconfidenceinhumans’abilitytodevisetechnologicalsolutionstoresource shortages 16 BestknownamongthecornucopiansareeconomistsJulianSimonandHermanKahn,whosay, “Weareconfidentthatthenatureofthephysicalworldpermitscontinuedimprovementinhumankind’s economiclotinthelongrun,indefinitely”17 Athemeofthecornucopianliteratureisthatthekindsof doomsdayforecastsmadebyenvironmentalistsnevercometopass.Resourceshortagesmayariseintheshort run,butthelessonofhistory,accordingtoSimonandKahn,isthat“thenatureoftheworld’sphysical conditionsandtheresilienceinawell-functioningeconomicandsocialsystemenableustoovercomesuch problems,andthesolutionsusuallyleaveusbetteroffthaniftheproblemhadneverarisen”18

Inadditiontobeingtechnologicaloptimists,cornucopiansplaceenormousvalueonindividualliberty definedasthefreedomtodoasonewisheswithoutinterference.Someproponentsofthisphilosophycontend thatenvironmentalistsareactuallySocialistsdisguisingtheirrejectionofmarketsandpreferencefor governmentcontroloverthemeansofproductionasconcernabouttheenvironment 19 Cornucopianscriticize environmentalregulationsnotonlyforlimitingindividualfreedombutalsofortakingoutoftheeconomy resourcesthatwouldotherwisebeusedproductively.Reasoningthataffluenceleadstodemandsforbetter healthandacleanerenvironment,theyproposethatthebestwaytoprotecttheenvironmentistoensurethat individualscanpursuematerialprosperity.20 Accordingtosomewhoholdthisworldview,theroleof governmentistoassignpropertyrightsintheearth’sresourcesandletthemarketdictateallocationsofthe goodsandservicesthatflowfromtheseresources aphilosophyknownasfree-marketenvironmentalism.

Cornucopiansregardtheirperspectiveaslogical,rational,andoptimistic;bycontrast,theysee environmentalistsassentimentalandirrationallypessimistic Theyparticularlyeschewecocentricphilosophies thatelevateplants,animals,andevennonlivingentitiestothelevelofhumans Instead,theyadoptaviewof theworldinwhich“peoplemaynotsitaboveanimalsandplantsinanymetaphysicalsense,butclearlyare superiorintheirplacementinthenaturalorder”Therefore,“decentmaterialconditionsmustbeprovidedfor alloftheformerbeforetherecanbelong-termassuranceofprotectionforthelatter”21

Inshort,theschismbetweenenvironmentalistsandcornucopiansarisesoutofdifferentworldviews Thatsaid, environmentalistsareadiverselot,rangingfromthosewhobelievethatalllifehasvaluetothosewhoyearn forsimpler,lessharriedtimestothosewithpracticalconcernsabouttheimpactofpollutiononhumanhealth orqualityoflife Thereissimilarvariationamongcornucopians:someplaceahighervalueoneconomic

growththantheydoontheaestheticormoralimportanceofthenaturalworld;othersareavidoutdoor enthusiastswhosimplyhavemorefaithinindividuals’thaningovernment’sabilitytoprotectnatural amenities.Buttheheterogeneityofenvironmentalismandcornucopianismshouldnotobscurethe fundamentalvaluedifferencesthatunderpinenvironmentalcontroversies.Onlybyrecognizingsuchprofound disagreementscanweunderstandwhyenvironmentalpolicymakingisrarelyastraightforwardtechnicalmatter ofacknowledgingaproblemanddevisinganappropriatesolution.Moreover,theextenttowhichparticipants’ fundamentalvaluesdivergeisthebestcluetohowintractableaconflictwillbe:controversiesthatinvolve moreconsensualvalueslikehumanhealtharetypicallylesspolarizedthandisputesoverbiodiversity conservation,wherevaluedifferencesareoftenvastandsometimesirreconcilable.

HowActivistsDefineProblemsandCharacterizeTheirSolutionstoGain PoliticalSupport

Becausethevaluesofactivistsonbothsidesareentrenched,environmentalpoliticsconsistslargelyoftryingto gainthesupportoftheunawareorundecidedratherthantryingtoconvertthealreadycommitted Aspolitical scientistE E Schattschneiderobserved,“Theoutcomeofeveryconflictisdeterminedbytheextenttowhich theaudiencebecomesinvolvedinit”22 Toattractsympathizers,advocatesdefineproblemsstrategicallyin waystheythinkwillresonatewithamajorityofthepublic 23 Definingaprobleminpoliticsisawayof simplifyingacomplexreality;itinvolvesframinginformationtodrawattentiontosomeelementsofaproblem whileobscuringorminimizingothers 24 Problemdefinitionalsoentailsexplainingcauseandeffect, identifyingvictimsandvillains,andassigningresponsibilityforremediation 25

Bychangingwhichaspectofaproblemthepublicfocuseson,advocatescanraise(orlower)itsvisibilityand therebygetitonto(orkeepitoffof)thepoliticalagenda 26 Participantsinanenvironmentalpolicy controversycompeteferociouslytoprovidetheauthoritativeexplanationforaproblembecause“causalstories areessentialpoliticalinstrumentsforshapingalliancesandforsettlingthedistributionofbenefitsand costs”27 Participantsalsocompetetopredictaproblem’sconsequencesbecausetheyknowthatfearoflossor harmislikelytogalvanizethepublic Finally,byauthoritativelydefiningaproblem,advocatescanlimitthe rangeandtypeofsolutionsthepublicandpolicymakersarelikelytoregardasplausible.And,as Schattschneideralsopointedout,“Thedefinitionofthealternativesisthesupremeinstrumentofpower.”28

Whenpolled,alargemajorityofAmericansprofesstheirsupportforthegoalsoftheenvironmental movement.29 Thesepollnumbersmakebaldlyantienvironmentalrhetoricgenerallyunacceptableinpolitical discourse.30 Duringtheearly1980sandagaininthe1990s,conservativeRepublicansexperimentedwith antienvironmentalrhetoric,butdoingsobackfired,provokingaproenvironmentalbacklash Therefore, cornucopiansknowtheymustdefineenvironmentalproblemsinwaysthatmaketheirpointsinasubtleand indirectmanner,ratherthanovertlydenyingtheimportanceofenvironmentalproblems.(Aprominent exceptiontothisgeneralruleisclimatechange SeeChapter12)Thecompetitionbetweenenvironmentalists andcornucopianstodefineanenvironmentalproblemthusrevolvesaroundthreeattributes:thescientific understandingoftheproblem,theeconomiccostsandbenefitsofproposedsolutions,andtherisksassociated withactionorinaction Becauseeachoftheseisspeculative,advocatescanchooseassessmentsandprojections thataremostconsistentwiththeirvalues Theythenframethatinformation usingsymboliclanguageand numbers,aswellasstrategicallycraftedcausalstories toemphasizeeitherenvironmentaloreconomicrisk, dependingontheirpolicyobjectives TranslatingScientificExplanationsIntoCausalStories.

Theprimarybattlegroundinanyenvironmentalcontroversyisthescientificdepictionofthecause, consequences,andmagnitudeofaproblem Scientistsareoftenthefirsttoidentifyenvironmentalproblemsor tocertifytheirseriousness.Furthermore,scientificclaimscarryparticularweightbecausesciencehas

enormousculturalauthorityintheUnitedStates Ratherthanprovidingaclearandauthoritativeexplanation, however,scienceleavesconsiderablelatitudeforframingbecause,asageneralrule,thescientific understandingofanenvironmentalproblemisuncertain.Mostscientificresearchonnaturalsystemsinvolves practitionersinmultipledisciplines,manyofwhicharerelativelynew,workingatthefrontiersofscientific knowledge Moreover,scientists’abilitytomeasurethecausesandconsequencesofenvironmentalphenomena islimited,bothtechnologicallyandfinancially,and,inthecaseofhumanhealtheffects,byethical considerations.Mostimportant,fewenvironmentalproblemscanbesimulatedinlaboratoryexperiments:they involvecomplexinteractionsamongfactorsforwhichitisdifficultorimpossibletocontrol Intheearlystages ofresearch,therefore,awiderangeofuncertaintysurroundsexplanationsofaproblem’scauses,consequences, andmagnitude.Overtime,evenasadditionalresearchopensupfurtherlinesofinquiryandexposesnew uncertainties,theboundariesoftheoriginaluncertaintytendtonarrow

Anexampleoftheprocessofbuildingscientificknowledgeaboutanenvironmentalproblemisthewaythat understandingofatmosphericozonedepletionadvanced,beginninginthe1970s.Thestratosphericozone layerabsorbsUV-Bradiation,therebyregulatingtheearth’stemperatureandprotectingplants,animals,and peoplefromexcessiveradiation Duringthe1970sscientistsdevelopedseveraltheoriestoexplaintheobserved reductioninstratosphericozoneoverthepoles.Somescientistswereconcernedaboutaircraftemissionsof nitrogenoxides;otherssuggestedthatnitrogen-basedfertilizersorfalloutfromnuclearweaponstestsmight betheprimaryculprits In1974chemistsSherwoodRowlandandMarioMolinaproposedthatchlorinecontainingcompounds,suchaschlorofluorocarbons,destroytheozonelayerthroughaseriesofcomplex, solar-inducedchemicalreactions Overtimethistheorysupersededitsrivalsandgainedbroadacceptance becauseitwasconsistentwithevidencegatheredusingavarietyoftechniques Subsequently,asresearchers learnedmoreaboutstratosphericchemistry,estimatesofozonelossbecamemoreaccurateandthe mechanismsbywhichitoccursmoreaccuratelyspecified.31

Unfortunately,thetimeperiodwithinwhichscientistsconvergeonandrefineanexplanationisusually considerablylongerthanthetimeavailabletopolicymakersforchoosingasolution Thereasonisthatthe identificationofapotentialproblembyscientistsalmostinvariablypromptsthemobilizationofintereststhat areconcernedaboutitanddemandanimmediategovernmentresponse.Thenormsofscientificinvestigation particularlythoseofdeliberateandthoroughstudy,rigorouspeerreviewandcriticism,andforthright expressionofuncertainty createopportunitiesforproponentsofnewpolicies,aswellasfordefendersofthe statusquo,toportraytheprobleminwaysthatarecompatiblewiththeirownvaluesandpolicypreferences.In mostcases,advocatesofmoreprotectiveenvironmentalpoliciespublicizetheworst-casescenarios hypothesizedbyscientists,overstatethecertaintyofscientificknowledge,andpressforanearlyandstringent orprecautionary policyresponsetoavertcatastrophe.Bycontrast,opponentsofsuchpoliciestypically emphasizetheuncertainstateofcurrentknowledgeor,ifthereisastrongscientificconsensusthatan environmentalproblemisgenuine,highlightdissentingviewswithinthescientificcommunityastoits magnitude,causes,orconsequences 32

Asthescientificconsensusaroundtheexplanationforanenvironmentalproblemgrows,opponentsof protectivepoliciesturntoeconomicarguments Inparticular,cornucopiansemphasize(andenvironmentalists downplay)theeconomiccostsofpoliciestoaddresstheproblem.Likescientificexplanationsofcauseand effect,thecostsofregulationarehighlyuncertain,andprojectionsvarywidelydependingontheassumptions usedandthetimehorizonconsidered Forexample,analystsdisagreeonthenumberofjobslikelytobelostas thedirectresultofanenvironmentalregulationanddivergeevenmoredramaticallyonthenumberof collateraljobs inrestaurants,banks,andotherserviceindustries thatwilldisappear.Theymakedifferent assumptionsaboutfuturelevelsofeconomicgrowth,theextentandpaceoftechnologicaladaptationtoa regulation,andthelikelihoodandextentofoffsettingeffects,suchastheestablishmentorgrowthofnew industries.Asistrueofscientists,givenachoiceamongequallydefensibleassumptions,economistsselect premisesthatreflecttheirworldviews,soitisnotsurprisingthatindustryprojectionsofcostsassociatedwitha regulationtendtobemuchhigherthanprojectionsmadebyenvironmentalists,withgovernmentestimates typicallyinthemiddle 33

Inadditiontodebatingprojectionsofthecostofenvironmentalpolicies,competingpartiesdisagreeoverthe desirabilityofcost-benefitanalysisasadecision-makingtool Cost-benefitanalysisentailsdeterminingthe ratioofmonetarybenefitstocostsofaddressingaproblem;byimplication,governmentshouldundertakea programonlyifitsbenefitsoutweighitscosts thatis,iftheratioofbenefitstocostsisgreaterthanone. Economistshavedevelopedahostofsophisticatedtechniquesforassessingthecostsandbenefitsof environmentalpolicies,butcriticsneverthelesscontendthatcost-benefitanalysisismerelyapoliticaldevice forslowingthegrowthofregulation,notagenuineanalytictool.Theypointoutthatestimatesofthe prospectivecostsandbenefitsofenvironmentalpoliciesareinherentlybiasedagainstenvironmentalprotection becausejudgmentsaboutbenefits,suchasthevalueofsavingwildernessorreducingthelikelihoodorseverity ofasthmaattacksamongsensitivepopulations,aredifficult ifnotimpossible toquantify,whereas immediateandtangiblecostsareeasilyfigured Moreover,theyargue,usingcost-benefitanalysisasadecision ruleeliminatesethicalandmoralconsiderationsfromthepoliticalcalculus.34 Regardlessofhowitisderived orhowaccuratelyitreflectsaprogram’svalue,thenumbergeneratedbyacost-benefitanalysisconstitutesa powerfulframebecause,asDeborahStoneobserves,numbershaveanauraofcredibilityandtechnical neutralityandthereforecarryagreatdealofpoliticalweight 35

DramatizingtheRisksofActionorInaction.

Finally,likescientificknowledgeaboutaproblemandtheeconomiccostsofaddressingit,perceptionsofthe riskassociatedwithactionorinactionaresubjecttoframing.Ordinarypeopledonotassessriskbasedon objectiveanalysisofstatisticalevidence;rather,theyemployheuristics,orinferentialrules whatpolitical scientistHowardMargoliscalls“habitsofmind”36 Psychologistshaveidentifiedsomeinferentialrulesthey believeshapetheaverageperson’sperceptionofrisks Usingthe“availability”heuristic,forexample,people judgeaneventaslikelyorfrequentifinstancesofitareeasytorecall.Therefore,theyoverestimatetheriskof dramaticandsensationaleventssuchasairplanecrashes,whichtendtogetabundantmediacoverage,while underestimatingtheriskofunspectaculareventslikecaraccidents 37 Psychologistsalsopointoutthatthe

publicincorporatesfactorsbesidesexpecteddamages themeasureusedbyexperts intotheirassessmentof risk Amongthosefactorsare:whethertheriskistakenvoluntarily,itsimmediacy,itsfamiliarity,theextentof controlonehasovertheriskysituation,theseverityofthepossibleconsequences,andthelevelofdreadthe riskevokes.38 Thepublic’ssensitivitytothesefactorsexplainswhyenvironmentalistsaremoresuccessfulat drawingattentiontoproblemswhoseeffectsappearimmediateandcatastrophicthantothosewhoseimpacts aremoreremoteandmundane

Psychologistshavefoundthatotheraspectsofthewayriskisframedcanhaveadramaticimpactonrisk perceptionsaswell.First,peoplevaluethesamegainsdifferently,dependingonthereferencepoint.For instance,theyvaluetheincrementfrom$10to$20morehighlythantheincreasefrom$110to$120 Second, peoplearemoreconcernedaboutlossesthanaboutgainsofthesamemagnitude;thatis,theyfearlosing$10 morethantheyvaluegaining$10.Third,peopletendtooverweightlowprobabilitiesandunderweight moderateandhighprobabilities,sotheyworrymoreaboutrareoccurrences(majoroilspills)thancommon events(routineleakageofoilfrompipelinesandtankers).39 Recognizingtheimportanceoftheseelementsof framingtothewaythepublicperceivesrisk,bothsidesinanenvironmentalcontestdefineaproblemasaloss fromanalreadylowstatusquoandoverstatethelikelihoodoflowprobabilitybutpotentiallydisastrous outcomes.Thedifferenceisthatenvironmentaliststendtoemphasizetheenvironmentalorhuman-health risksofinaction,whereascornucopiansminimizeenvironmentalrisksandfocusonapolicy’spotential economiccosts.

Insum,thehallmarkofasuccessfulenvironmentalpolicycampaignistheabilityofitsorganizerstodefinea problemandcharacterizeitssolutioninacompellingway,intermsofthescientificexplanation,thecostsof regulation,andtherisksassociatedwithactionorinaction Thesidethatsucceedsincraftingtheauthoritative problemdefinitionhasanenormousadvantagebecausethewaypeoplethinkandtalkaboutapolicyproblem determineswhichsolutionstheyarelikelytoembrace Inotherwords,thosewhofurnishtheprevailing problemdefinitionarewell-positionedtotranslatetheirvaluesintopolicy

MajorActorsinEnvironmentalPolicymaking

Thequestion,then,iswhydoestheframingcontestplayoutthewayitdoes?Actorsbothinsideandoutside governmentinfluencethefateofcompetingproblemdefinitionsandsolutions Governmentofficialsmust choosewhethertoaddressanenvironmentalproblemand,ifso,howtheywilldoit Advocatesonbothsides trytoinfluencethatdecision,adjustingtheirtacticstobeconsistentwiththeincentivesandconstraintsofthe institutionmakingthedecision Theirsuccessdependsheavilyonthesupportofexpertsandthemedia’s coverageoftheissue

GovernmentDecisionMakers

Thedecisionmakersinthenationalenvironmentalpolicymakingprocessarethepresidentandmembersof Congresswhoformulatelegislation,theexecutivebranchofficialswhointerpretandadministerthelaws,and thejudgeswhoreviewtheirimplementationbyagencies Invariouscombinationstheseactorsdetermine whether,inresponsetoachallengelaunchedbyadvocates,environmentalpolicybecomesmoreprotectiveor morepermissiveorremainsthesame Inmakingthesedecisions,policymakersarenotonlyinfluencedbytheir valuesbutalsoareresponsivetotheincentivesandconstraintsinherentintheirinstitutionalsettings

LegislativeActors.

Legislativeactors,thepresidentandCongress,decidewhichproblemsgovernmentwilladdressandestablish thebasicgoalsofpublicpolicy.Inreachingtheirdecisions,membersofCongresswanttomakegoodpublic policyandattaintherespectoftheirpeers.40 Buttheyarealsodeeplyconcernedwiththeviewsoftheir constituents,because,whethertheyareenvironmentalistsorcornucopiansatheart,theymustbereelectedif theyhopetopursuetheirpolicygoals Reelectionconcernspromptlegislatorstosupportpoliciesthat distributebenefitstotheirconstituentsandopposepoliciesthatthreatentoimposedirect,visiblecosts. Electoralconsiderationsalsocreateincentivesforlegislatorstoavoidpositionslikelytoprovokecontroversy andtotakepositionstheyexpectwillgarnerthemcredit 41

Unlikerank-and-filemembersofCongress,thepresidentandcongressionalleadershavepowerfulincentives totakeonpublicpolicyissuesofnational,ratherthansimplydistrict-orstate-level,concern.Presidents, becausetheyareelectedbyanationalconstituencyandwanttoestablishlegacies,areattentivetobroadpublic policygoals TheycaninitiateactiontoaddressaproblembysendingbillstoCongress,byusingthebully pulpittoconvincethepublic (Theycanalsopreventactionbyvetoinglegislationorsimplyfailingtosignalits importance.)Similarly,legislativeleaders(andaspirants)seekopportunitiestodemonstratetheirstewardship; inaddition,theirvisibilitybothamongthepublicandthepoliticalelitetendstoelicitasenseofresponsibility forpublicaffairs 42 Legislativeleadershavenotonlythemotivationbutthepoliticalresourcestobringabout policychange:theycanenhanceabill’sprospectsbyforginglegislativecoalitionsandorchestrating negotiationsaswellasbymobilizingthepublic.

Theprimaryconstraintonbothleadersandrank-and-filelegislatorswhowanttoaddressanissueisitssalience thatis,theextenttowhichthepubliccaresaboutit.43 Evenifthepresidentandcongressionalleadersthink anissueisimportant,theyarenotlikelytoexpendpoliticalresourcesonitunlesstheyperceiveittobewidely salient Similarly,tocalculatetheirwiggleroomonanissue,rank-and-filelegislatorsmustascertainits salienceamongtheirconstituents.Anissue’ssaliencecanbedifficulttodiscern,butonestraightforward indicatorispollingdata (AccordingtosociologistRileyDunlap,“themereexpressionofsupportiveopinion inascientificsurveyorinformalpoll canbeavitalresource”forgroupshopingtobringaboutorblock policychange 44)Althoughsurveyevidencecanconveybroadpublicpreferences,itcanalsobemisleading becausethewordingofquestionsandtheorderinwhichtheyareaskedcanyielddifferentresponses.In

addition,pollingresultsoftencontaininternalcontradictions;forexample,asinglepollmayshow overwhelmingsupportforenvironmentalpreserves,suchaswildernessareasandwild-and-scenicrivers,while simultaneouslyrevealingaferociousmistrustofgovernment 45 Moreover,district-andstate-levelpollingon individualissuesisrarelyavailable.Mostimportant,however,surveyshavedifficultydetectinghowmuch peopleactuallycareaboutaproblem(theintensityoftheirconcern),theirwillingnesstotradeoffonevalue foranother,ortheextenttowhichabstractvaluestranslateintosupportforconcreteproposals.46

Giventheunreliabilityofsurveydata,politiciansrelyonahostofotherindicatorsofanissue’ssalience Becausetheygarnermediacoverage,ralliesandprotestshavebeenamainstayofpoliticalactivists;suchpublic demonstrationsarethesimplestandmostdirectwayforpeoplewithfewpoliticalresourcestotransmittheir concernstoelectedofficials.Otheractivitiessuchasphoning,writingletters,sendinge-mails,andposting Facebookmessagesandtweetsalsoconveysalience Note,however,thatcreatingtheperceptionthatanissue issalientisnotaone-waystreetthatrunsfromthepublictopoliticians;legislatorswhowanttopromotea particularpolicyshapetheirconstituents’viewsusinglanguagethatiscraftedtogeneratepublicsupport 47

Administrators.

Althoughlessvisiblethanlegislators,administratorsplayacriticalroleinenvironmentalpolicymakingbecause theyimplementthelawspassedbyCongress Doingsoinvolveschoosingthescientificandeconomicmodels andprojectionsthatunderpinadministrativeregulations,craftingthewordingofthoserulesandthe implementationguidelinesthataccompanythem,andmonitoringandenforcingcompliance.Throughoutthis process,administratorshavesubstantialdiscretiontomodifypolicygoals 48 Inexercisingtheirdiscretion,they bringamplepoliticalresourcestobear,includingtheirlongevity,expertise,andestablishedrelationshipswith organizedinterestsandmembersofCongress

Atthesametime,whethertheyareenvironmentalistsorcornucopians,administrators’abilitytopursuetheir preferredgoalsisconstrainedinseveralways.Oneinstitutionalfeaturethatlimitsadministrators’flexibilityis theagency’smissionandorganizationalculture.49 Anagency’smissionisitsoriginalmandate,andits organizationalcultureconsistsofthenormsandstandardoperatingproceduresthathaveevolvedovertime Forexample,someagencies,suchastheForestServiceandtheBureauofLandManagement,werefounded toconservenaturalresourcesforhumanconsumption.Foralongtime,thenaturalresourcemanagement agencieswerestaffedbyprofessionals,suchasforestersandrangemanagers,whoseexpertiselayin maximizingnaturalresourceyields Asaresult,theseagencies’standardoperatingproceduresemphasized resourceextraction oftenattheexpenseofenvironmentalprotection.Ontheotherhand,theEnvironmental ProtectionAgency(EPA)wascreatedtopreventandcleanuppollution,andtheorientationofits professionalsaswellasitsstandardoperatingproceduresreflectthisdisposition Asaresult,theEPA’s decisionstendtoberelativelyprotectiveandoftenimposesubstantialcostsonindustry.

Administratorsdonotsimplyactaccordingtotheirmissionsandorganizationalcultures,however.The preferencesofafederalagency’sorganizedclientele,thenatureandextentofitscongressionaloversight,and thedirectiongivenbythepresidentandhispoliticalappointeesalsocircumscribebureaucraticchoices 50 For

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