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OxfordStudiesinPoliticalPhilosophy

OxfordStudiesin PoliticalPhilosophy

Volume7

ANDSTEVENWALL

GreatClarendonStreet,Oxford,OX26DP, UnitedKingdom

OxfordUniversityPressisadepartmentoftheUniversityofOxford. ItfurtherstheUniversity’sobjectiveofexcellenceinresearch,scholarship, andeducationbypublishingworldwide.Oxfordisaregisteredtrademarkof OxfordUniversityPressintheUKandincertainothercountries

©theseveralcontributors2021

Themoralrightsoftheauthorshavebeenasserted

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Allrightsreserved.Nopartofthispublicationmaybereproduced,storedin aretrievalsystem,ortransmitted,inanyformorbyanymeans,withoutthe priorpermissioninwritingofOxfordUniversityPress,orasexpresslypermitted bylaw,bylicenceorundertermsagreedwiththeappropriatereprographics rightsorganization.Enquiriesconcerningreproductionoutsidethescopeofthe aboveshouldbesenttotheRightsDepartment,OxfordUniversityPress,atthe addressabove

Youmustnotcirculatethisworkinanyotherform andyoumustimposethissameconditiononanyacquirer

PublishedintheUnitedStatesofAmericabyOxfordUniversityPress 198MadisonAvenue,NewYork,NY10016,UnitedStatesofAmerica

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Acknowledgments

AlmostallofthepapersinthisvolumewerepresentedattheWorkshop forOxfordStudiesinPoliticalPhilosophy,whichtookplaceatSyracuse Universityin2019.Wearegratefultotheauthors,andtothecommentatorsatthatevent,formakingitastimulatingandproductiveexchange ofideas.Wearealsoverygrateful,asalways,tothemembersofour EditorialBoardwhoprovidedthehelpfulrefereeingofallthepapers.In addition,wewouldliketothankallthosewhohelpedputontheeventat Syracuse,includingRobertaHenniganandLisaFarnsworth.Alsothanks forhelpwiththeconferencetoTeresaBrunoand,again,forherfantastic conferenceartwork,NikkiFortier.

SpecialcongratulationstoHelenFrowe.Herpaperinthisvolume, “TheLimitedUseViewoftheDutytoSave,” wasawardedtheSanders PrizeinPoliticalPhilosophyin2019.

ThankstoSyracuse’sDeptofPhilosophyandtheCenterforthe PhilosophyofFreedomattheUniversityofArizonaforproviding fundingfortheworkshop.

Finally,wewanttotakeamomenttonotethattheabove-mentioned conferenceandthisvolumemarktheendofPeterVallentyne’ syearsas co-editorof OxfordStudiesinPoliticalPhilosophy.Thethreeofus,Peter, Steve,andI,startedupOSPPtogetherandPeter’sexperience,knowledge,energy,andorganizationhavebeencrucialinmakingOSPPbetter ineveryway.Wewillmisshimplayingthisrolewithus.

ListofContributors

KwameAnthonyAppiah,NewYorkUniversity

HelenFrowe,UniversityofStockholm

SallyHaslanger,MassachusettsInstituteofTechnology

BrianKogelmann,UniversityofMaryland

SimonCăbuleaMay,FloridaStateUniversity

StephenG.W.Stich,YaleLawSchool

CollisTahzib,UniversityofOxford

JonathanTurner,UniversityofOxford

JamesLindleyWilson,UniversityofChicago

1

ThePhilosophyofWork

Myaimsinthischapteraremodest:Iwanttosuggestthatthereisa field thathasnotreceivedsufficientattentioninrecentphilosophicalwriting. Iwillcallthat field “thephilosophyofwork.” Andthereare,Ithink,at leastthreemainphilosophicalclustersofissuesthatdeservemorestudy. The firstclusterisasetofquestionsinsocialontology.Whatiswork? Ajob?Aprofession?Avocation?Ithinktheanswertothesequestions requiresthesortofgenealogicalinvestigationthatisoftenrequiredin socialontology.How,forexample,didthesocialworldandourconcepts developinadialecticalrelationwithoneanothertoproducethecontemporaryideaofthejob?

Asecondclusterofproblemsisethical.Howdoesworkorajob fitinto thegoodlife?Attheheartoftheissuesraisedbythisquestion,Iamgoing toargue,isahardproblem.Thisproblemis,inessence,thatworkhas cometomatterinaseriesofinterdependentdimensionsofsocialand individuallife,andthatitisnotevidenthow,astechnologyandsociety developmovingforward,wecaneasilyconstructnewformsofsociallife thatwillsatisfyhumanbeingsinallthosedimensionsinthewaythatthe bestjobsdidanddo.TheriseoftherobotandofAIbotheliminateand reshapejobs,asweknow,inwaysthatbringcostsaswellasbenefitsfor human flourishing.Sodoestheglobalizationofproductionanddistributionofgoodsandservices.Theseareissuesonwhichmanypopular writersonthe “FourthIndustrialRevolution” andonglobalizationhave, ofcourse,writtenforsometime.¹Butwhat’slacking,Iclaim,isserious organizedreflectiononthenormativeissuesraisedbythesechallenges.

¹Atypicalsurveycanbefoundin(Schwab,2016),wheretheExecutiveDirectoroftheWorld EconomicForumdrawstheproblemstotheattentionofglobalbusinessandpoliticalleaders. KwameAnthonyAppiah, ThePhilosophyofWork In: OxfordStudiesinPoliticalPhilosophyVolume7.Editedby: DavidSobel,PeterVallentyne,andStevenWall,OxfordUniversityPress(2021).©KwameAnthonyAppiah. DOI:10.1093/oso/9780192897480.003.0001

Weneedsolutions;butwealsoneedtodecidewhoseresponsibilityitis to findandtoshapethem.

Andthatleadstothethirdclusterofconcerns,whichisofespecial importanceforthereadersofthisbook:Howshouldlawandother sourcesofnormativeauthoritybeconfiguredtoallowworktocontribute tothe flourishingofworkers,andhowshouldtheopportunitiesand rewardsofworkbeshared?²

Mosthealthyadultstodayspend fivedaysoftheweekformuchoftheir livesdoingwhatwecall “ajob.” Theymaybeinfactoriesoroffices,orin carsorbuses,trainsorplanes;workinginorfromtheirownhomeorin someoneelse’s,orinahotel,restaurant,bar,factory,warehouse,hospital, school,college,ormilitarybase.TheU.S.BureauofLaborStatistics declares: “Allworkersareclassifiedintooneof867detailedoccupations accordingtotheiroccupationaldefinition.” I findmyself,likesomeof you,at “25-1126PhilosophyandReligionTeachers,Postsecondary.” Becausepeopletypicallyspendeighthoursormoreofeachweekdayat workandanothereightorsohourssleeping,itiswheretheyspendabout athirdoftheirwakinghours.Workisalso,asaresult,thesiteofagreat numberofourrelationships.Andifwe’relucky,ourjobisnotjusta sourceofadecentincome;wewillthinkwhatwedoworthdoing.We canalsohopetobeesteemedforachievementsatwork.So,wecantake prideinwhatwedo,anditmaybeasource,therefore,ofself-esteem. Thesearepossibilitiesforworkofeverykind:forthesupermarketbagger withDown’sSyndrome,whosecheerfulnessisappreciated andwhich sheknowsisappreciated bymanyoftheshopperssheseesregularlyas wellasforthelitigatorwhoseskillsarerecognizedinawardsfromher peers;fortheelementary-schoolteacherwhowatchesherprotégésgrow intosuccessfulyoungmenandwomenaswellasfortheNobellaureate ineconomicsormedicine.

²I’mgratefultoareaderforthisbookwhosecommentssuggestedtomeIshouldlayouta mapoftheterritoryhereatthestart.

Workcanalsobeasourceofidentity.Itmaygiveyouaprofession, conferringonyouthestatusofanautomechanic,abeautician,a journalist,anurse,alawyer,orateacher;often,alongwithwealth, education,andconnections,yourjobhelps fixyoursocialclass.

Havingstartedworkinginourlateteensorearlytwenties,we’relikely tocontinueworkingforanotherhalf-centuryormore.And,inretirement,whenwe’renolongerdoingpaidwork or,atanyrate,doing muchlessofit wemaysufferthelossofthesenseofpurposethatan occupationoncegaveusandfeelnostalgiaforthedailyrhythmsof ourjob.

Giventhiscentralityofworkinourlives,Ithinkitoddhowlittlespace ittakesupincontemporaryethicsandliberalpoliticalphilosophy.This silenceaboutworkechoesourlongsilenceaboutthefamily,which feministphilosophyhasremedied.Itwillbeimportanttokeeptrackof genderandfamilyinthinkingaboutworkaswell.

Wedo,ofcourse,regularlydiscusssomeofthe proceeds ofwork: incomeandwealthand,morerecently,esteemorrespect.Wethink abouttheallocationoftheseinpoliticalphilosophywhenwediscuss distributivejusticeandequality.Werecognizeinethicsandmoral philosophygenerallythatthecharacterofourrelationshipsmatters. Andthisthoughthascometobecentraltomorerecentthinkingabout politicalequality,too.Butthefocusofourinterestismorelikelytobeon relationswithourfellowcitizensgenerally onwhatitmeanstotreat eachotherasequals,forexample thanonhowweinteractwithothers intheworkplaceinparticular.

Indeed,atleastintheUnitedStates,wetakeitforgrantedthatatwork weare not equals.Mostworkisorganizedhierarchically:thereare managers,bosses,deans,andCEOs.Wehavespentagreatdealoftime inpoliticalphilosophyreflectingonhowthestateanditsagentscan derivetheauthoritytocommandthecitizen.Onlyrecently,Ithinkitis fairtosay,havephilosophersbeguntotakewithfullseriousnessquestionsaboutdemocracyintheworkplace.

Thereareexceptionstotherelativesilenceaboutworkasaphilosophicalproblem.ElizabethAnderson’ s PrivateGovernment:HowEmployers RuleOurLives(andWhyWeDon’tTalkaboutIt) (Anderson,2017)isan eminent,exemplary,andexcellentrecentexamplehere.AxelHonneth

(1996)hasconnectedworkwithimportantissuesofrecognitionin The StruggleforRecognition:TheMoralGrammarofSocialConflicts and someofhiswritingssince.HeisfollowinginthefootstepsofMarxand theMarxists,whothoughtagreatdealaboutwork,inwaysshapedby theirdebttoHegel.

Inthe1950s,HannahArendt,writingin TheHumanCondition, distinguished labor makingoracquiringfoodandshelter,anddoing alltheothernaturalthingsnecessarytosustainourbiologicallife from work,whichistheartificialshapingoftheworldtomakeproducts.(She hada finalcategory, action,whichinvolvedwhatwedowithone another.)Andherbook,which firstappearedin1958,alreadyaddresses thesignificanceofautomation.Weare,shewrote, “asocietyoflaborers whichisabouttobeliberatedfromthefettersoflabor,andthissociety doesnolongerknowofthoseotherhigherandmoremeaningfulactivitiesforthesakeofwhichthisfreedomwoulddeservetobewon” (Arendt,1998,p.4).

Thegeneralconsensussincethen,however,hasessentiallybeenthat Arendtneednothaveworried.Ourconceptionofwhatisvaluablein humanlifehasbeensoprofoundlyformedbytheplaceofworkfor peopletodaythatmanyjustassumewewill findnewwaysofmaking work,evenifthebiologicalneedsthatArendt’slaborwasmeanttomeet canallbemetbyintelligentmachines.

2.

ThejobscreatedbytheIndustrialRevolutiondidatleastfourimportant things.First,ofcourse,theyproducedgoodsinlargerquantitieswith increasingefficiency.Asecondthingtheydidwastoprovideemployees andshareholderswithincome.Theybuiltonthegeniusofcapitalismfor takingoneperson’ssavingsandcombiningthemwiththeindustryand ideasofotherstoproduceanincomeforthemall.

Athirdimportantconsequencewasthecreationofnewformsof community.Tradeunionscomewithunionpicnics,andfactoriesmay havesportsteamsandChristmasparties(McIntosh,2011).Atwork itself,too,atleastinthebestofjobs,one’sproductistheresultof

rewardingsocialprocesses,thecombinedeffectofthecoordinated interactionsofhumanbeingscollaborating,workingtogether.

The final,fourth,contributionwasthat,ifyouwerelucky,yourwork wasasourceofsignificance.TheWorkingMen’sAssociationsof nineteenth-centuryBritainwerereflectionsofagrowingprideinmanual labor.Peoplecametoappreciatethatthegoodstheyhelpedmakewere importanttotheircountryanditspeopleandwereoftenvaluedbyothers athomeandaroundtheworld.Writingaboutnineteenth-centurytrade unions,E.P.Thompsonsays(inhisclassicbookon TheMakingofthe EnglishWorkingClass), “Socialandmoralcriteria subsistence,selfrespect,prideincertainstandardsofworkmanship,customaryrewards fordifferentgradesofskill ...areasprominentinearlytradeunion disputesasstrictly ‘economic’ arguments” (Thompson,1966,p.236).

WilliamBlakemayhaveseeninthefactoriesoftheIndustrial Revolutiononly “dark,Satanicmills”:theirdenizensincreasinglysaw theworktheydidasasourceofpride,identity,andmeaning.Andthe associations,unions,andclubstheyformed inwhichpeoplewho workedtogether,playedtogether cametoperformarolenotjustin theirpoliticallivesbutintheirsociallivesaswell.

BythetimetheUniversalDeclarationofHumanRightswasformulated,justaftertheendoftheSecondWorldWar,Article23guaranteed “therighttowork,tofreeemployment,tojustandfavorableconditions ofworkandtoprotectionagainstunemployment.” ButArticle24immediatelyaddedthat, “Everyonehastherighttorestandleisure,including reasonablelimitationofworkinghoursandperiodicholidayswithpay.”

Theworkingclasswasfollowinghereapathsetearlierbythemiddle classes.Throughthecourseofthenineteenthcenturyromanticism encouragedanidealofself-development,whichweseeinMatthew Arnold’scondemnationofPhilistinismin CultureandAnarchy (1869), andinJohnStuartMill’scelebration,inchapter3of OnLiberty (1859),of “individualityasoneoftheelementsofwell-being.” Playingandlistening tomusic,readingliterature,writingandrecitingpoetry,painting,sculpting,visitingartmuseums,learninghistoryandsocialscience,even followingthesciencesoftheirday:allcametobepartofwhatwas expectedofaneducatedmiddle-classmanorwoman.ThisiswhatMill meantwhenhetalkedaboutindividualdevelopment.

TheGermanscalledthisformofcultivation “Bildung,” andEuropean societieshadagrowingclasstheylatercalledtheBildungsbürgertum,the educatedbourgeoisie.³Oneofthecentralquestionsthatreceivedthe attentionofGermanphilosophers,beginningintheearlynineteenth century,waswhattheycalleddieSozialeFrage, the socialquestion:at itsheartwasthewelfareofthenewworkingclass,createdbyindustrialization,urbanization,andanexpandingpopulation.Eventually Bildungcametobepartofthestory;forBildungwasnowacomponent ofanormalhumanlife.Itwasnotjustforaleisuredaristocracyorforthe freetimeofamiddleclass.

Andso,startingattheendofthenineteenthcentury,inmanyplacesin EuropeandNorthAmerica,newinstitutionswerecreatedtoextendthe benefitsofBildungtoworkers.Beginninginthe1880s,thesettlement housemovementinBritainandtheUnitedStatesmovedmiddle-class “settlers” inalongsideworking-classfamilies,inpartsothattheformer couldsharetheir “culture” withthelatter.In1899,RuskinCollegewas foundedinOxfordtoofferatertiaryeducationtoworkingmenwho didnothaveaccesstoOxfordUniversity.Thisdemocratizationof learningbecameoneofthefoundingaimsoftheBritishBroadcasting Corporationin1922,undertheleadershipofJohnReith.Lessthanhalfa centurylater,LordReith’sidealswerereflectedinthefoundingofthe AmericanCorporationforPublicBroadcasting,whosestatedpurpose “is toprovideprogramsandservicesthatinform,educate,enlighten,and enrichthepublicandhelpinformcivildiscourseessentialtoAmerican society.”⁴

Amoderndemocracygavetheresponsibilityofchoosingwhowould governtothepeople,butthepeopleneededaneducationiftheywereto performthisgreatresponsibilitywell.Thevastexpansionofhigher educationaftertheSecondWorldWar,intheUnitedStates(andelsewhere),acceleratedherebytheG.I.Bill,wasguided,inpart,bythesame thought.Itwasalsotrue,however,thatthemorelucrativeopportunities inthemodernworkplaceweregoingtothosewithacollegeeducation.

³Theverb bilden canmeansimplyshapingormaking;liketheFrenchword formation, Bildungconnectstheideaofshapingapersonwiththeideaofapreparationforherlife.

⁴ https://www.cpb.org/aboutcpb/goals/goalsandobjectives.

WhattheBillopenedupwasthepossibilityofahugeincreaseinthe numbersofpeoplereceivingaliberaleducation:aneducation fitforfree menand,comingclosebehindthem,women.Othersocietieshave followed.Andtherewerethreedifferentpurposeswoventogetherin theideaofmoderneducation:asasourceofenrichmentforpeoplein theirprivatelives;asapreparationforcivicresponsibility;and,last, though,nodoubt,notleast,asapreparationfortheworldofwork.

Oneofthebasicsocialandeconomicchallengesofourtime,then,isto findwaysofinvolvingpeopleinmeaningfulactivitywhile,atthesame time,distributingthesocialproductfairly,givingeveryoneasatisfactory income,andproducingthegoodsandservicesweneed.Withorwithout work,weneednewwaysofprovidingthefourimportantthingsthat Isaidgoodjobsdidinindustrialsociety.Thisisanintellectualand imaginativechallengeasmuchasaninstitutionalone.Iamgoingtocall it(withapologiestomyfriendsinthephilosophyofmind)the “hard problem.” Thatwecanonlysolveitproperlytodayifwedosoinways thatareecologicallysustainableonlyaddstoitsdifficulty.

Thishardproblem,then,isto findwaystoproducethegoodsand servicesweneed,whileprovidingpeoplewithincome,sociability,and significance.Andamajorissueiswhetherwedothisbychangingthe waysweconstructandprovidejobs therouteofreimaginingwork or bymeetingtheseneedsformanyormostpeoplewithouttheirhaving jobs,asaself-styled “post-work” movementissuggesting.Andthe thoughtthereisnotjustthatworkmightdisappearformanybutthat theconceptofworkisanobstacletoprogress.

Technologicalchangemeansthatfewerandfewerpeopleareneeded toproducethesamequantityofgoodsandservices.Theresultisthat therearemanypeoplewhoseonlyincomecomesfromthestateand privatephilanthropyorfromjobsthatlackthesatisfactions inincome, meaning,andsociability thatoncesecuredthestatusoftheindustrial workingclass.Iftheyhaveleftthelaborpoolaltogetherandarenolonger seekingemployment,itisnotjustbecausethereareliterallynojobs:

rather,theyhavegivenupon findingajobforwhichtheyarequalified andthatcanbeasourceofself-respect,or,ifnot,ofanincomelarge enoughtomakeupforthefactthattheworkitselfisnotasourceofselfrespect.

Leavingthelaborpoolmeans,ofcourse,thattheynolongerparticipateinthecommunityoftheworkplace.Butmanyofthenewjobsdon’t havemuchscopeforsociabilityeither.Withpeoplenowabletotelecommute,eventhosewho do haveemploymentmaynotgainthe experienceofcommunityfromtheirwork.IfyouworkasanUberor Lyftdriver,orinmanyotheroccupationsinthe “gigeconomy,” your assignmentsareorganizedwithouteverbringingyoutogetherwith otherswhoaredoingthesamejobforthesamecompany.

Worse,manymodernpeoplearedoingwhattheanthropologistDavid Graeberhasdubbeda “bullshitjob,” definedas “onesocompletely pointless,unnecessary,orperniciousthateventheemployeecannotjustify itsexistence” (Graeber,2018a,p.3).HecitestheresultofaBritishYouGov pollthatasked, “Doesyourjob ‘makeameaningfulcontributiontothe world?’”

Astonishingly,morethanathird 37percent saidtheybelievedthat itdidnot(whereas50percentsaiditdid,and13percentwere uncertain).(Graeber,2018a,p.xxiv)⁵

Graeberclaimsthatpeopleoftenconflate “bullshitjobs” withsomething else ...whathecalls “shitjobs.”

...but[hesays]they’renotthesamething.Badjobsarebadbecause they’rehardortheyhaveterribleconditionsorthepaysucks,butoften thesejobsareveryuseful.(Graeber,2018b)

⁵ Herearethe fivemajorcategoriesofsuchoccupations: flunkies,whosejobitistomake otherpeoplelookgood;goons,liketelemarketers,whosejobisonlynecessarybecausethereare otherpeoplelikethem;ducttapers,whocleanuptheresultsof flawsofinstitutionaldesign, exemplified,asGraebertoldthe DailyBeast,bythe “poorguyatmyuniversitywhoseentirejob seemedtobeapologizingforwhythecarpentercouldnotcomeand fixthebookshelvesinmy office ”;box-tickers,whodowhatyou’dexpect;and,lastbutbynomeansleast,taskmasters,who “typicallyprovideunnecessarysupervision” (Graeber,2018c).

Bothkindsofjobsraiseethicalproblems,ofcourse.Evenifyourecognize yourjobisuseful,there’snoguaranteethatitwillcontributetoyour satisfactionifthepayorworkingconditionsareawful.Increasingly,then, onesourceofmeaninginhumanlives thejob,thecareer,andits sociabilityanditsachievements isgoingaway.And,thoughthisproblemhasdeveloped firstintheindustrializeddemocracies,itwillsurely eventuallyspreadeverywhere.

Itiscertainlygoodthatmachinescanbeturnedtodoingandmaking usefulthingsthatitisnofunforpeopletomakeortodo.Wherepossible, whatGraebercalls “shitjobs” needtobeeliminated(perhapsbyimprovingpayandconditionsorbymakingthemeasierwithrobotsorAI).It mayalsobegoodwhentheefficiencyofproductiongrows,inthesense thatittakesfewerandfewerpeopletomakethings;thoughweshould giveamoment’sthoughttothepossibilitythatthereareautomatable tasksthathumanbeingsmightenjoydoingandreceivingtheresultsof.

Butourautomatedeconomystillmakesthethingsthatwereatthe coreofproductionintheoldeconomy;indeed,wearemakingmoreand betterthings.That,though,canleaveincome,sociability,andsignificanceunattendedto.Youcouldsolvetheproblemofthedisappearance ofthewagebyestablishingabasicincomeguaranteedtoallcitizens.But that,too,wouldn’thelpyouwiththelossofcommunityandthelossof meaning.Conversely,inasocietylikeourswherenoonecanprovidefor theirbasicneedswithoutmoneyorexpensiveland,alifeofsociability andmeaningwithoutaccesstoanincomeisnolongerpossible.Thatis whytheproblemishard.

4.

Therearethreerecognizablyphilosophicaltaskshere,asIsaidatthe start.The firstistoexploretheconceptsofworkandjob.Thatproject, thoughinasenseamatterofconceptualanalysis,isnot,ofcourse,a priori.Forworkdevelopsalongwithtechnologiesandinstitutions,sothe inquiryisinparthistoricalbecauseworkandtheconceptofwork developtogether.IanHackingremarks,inthesecondchapterof HistoricalOntology,that “Foucault’sbooksaremostlyaboutpractices

andhowtheyaffectandareaffectedbythetalkinwhichweembedthem. Theupshotislessafascinationwithwordsthanwithpeopleand institutions,withwhatwedoforpeopleandtopeople” (Hacking, 2002,p.47).Iremember,asanundergraduate,hearingHackingintroduceFoucault’smethodsattheMoralScience’sClubatCambridge.It tookmeawhiletoknowwhattodowiththoseideas.ButI findthisbasic thoughtisnowanessentialphilosophicaltool.

Oncewehaveunderstoodwhatworkis,thatquestioninsocial ontology,thereis,next,thatethicalinquiryIsketchedinmyintroduction:howdoeswork fitintomakingagoodlife,advanceeudaimonia, helphumans flourish?Here,too,theinquirystrikesmeasnecessarily historical;butitalsorequiresustodrawonourownsocialexperience andonreports inhistory,sociology,anthropology,andimaginative literature oftheexperiencesofothers.Idon’tmeanthattheconceptual inquiryissharplyboundedfromtheethicalinquiry:ourunderstanding ofthemeaningandthevalueofworkdevelopshistoricallywiththe economy,withtheinstitutionsandtechnologiesweengageinourwork. Andtheconceptualinquiryisalreadyanormativeinquiry,aswehave seen,becauseyoucannotunderstandwhatajobiswithoutunderstandingtheideaofagoodjob.

Whichbringsustothatthirdsetofquestionsinpoliticalandsocial philosophy:Howshouldworkbeconstrainedorconstructedbylawand othersocialnorms,andhowshouldopportunitiesandrewardsforwork bedistributed?Wehavemodelsforthinkingabouttheseissues,of course.OneistheRawlsianprogram,inwhichweaskhowwewould respondtothesequestionsifwedidn’tknowwhatopportunitieswe ourselveswouldhave.ButthequestiononlyarisesforRawlsbecause societyandthestateareimmenseandvaluablecooperativeenterprises whosebenefitsandburdensmustbefairlyshared.Thebasicstructureof society thefamily,thelaw,theeconomy, “themainpoliticalandsocial institutionsandthewaythey fittogetherasoneschemeofcooperation,” asheputitonce mustbe(ashealsoputit) “afairsystemofsocial cooperationovertimefromonegenerationtothenext” (Rawls,2001, pp.4,5).NowRawls’sprogramisofferedasacontributiontoideal theory.Itisworkedoutforan “orderedsociety,” whosemembersand whoseinstitutionsareknownbyalltomeettwoconditions:theyhavea

sharedcommitmenttoanidealofjusticeandtheirinstitutionsmoreor lessrealizeit.

MuchcanbelearnedbyaskingthequestionsRawls’ sway.⁶ Butthereis alsoagreatdealtobelearnedfromanapproachIassociatewiththat mostphilosophicalofeconomists,AmartyaSen.Wedon’tbeginwitha pictureofajustsociety,notbecausethatpictureidealizestoomuch,but becauseitmisunderstandstheepistemologyofourmoralknowledge aboutpolitics.Thegeneralpoint,whichSenhasrightlymadecentralto histhinking,isthatyoucanjudgesocialoptionAbetterthansocial optionBwithoutstartingwithaviewofthebestsocietyandasking whetherhavingAorhavingBbringsyouclosertoit...justasyoucan tellthataRembrandtisbetterthanaRuysdaelwithoutanyideaofwhat thebestpaintingwouldlooklike.Ithinkthispoint,thoughsimple,isa deepandimportantone.Youdon’tneedtoknowwhattheheavensare liketoknowwhichwayisup.

Thisinsight fitswithanother.Ourcollectivemorallearningdoesn’t requirethedevelopmentofapictureofanidealsociety.Itstartsmost oftenwiththerejectionofsomecurrentactualpracticeorstructure, whichwecometoseeaswrong.Youlearntobeinfavorofequalityby noticingwhatiswrongwiththeunequaltreatmentofblacks,orwomen, orworking-classorlower-casteorLGBTQpeople.Youlearntobein favoroffreedombyseeingwhatiswronginthelifeofserfsorthe enslavedorofwomeninpurdah(Patterson,1992).

So,ratherthaninvokingidealsocieties,I’dliketoaskwhetherwecan moveouractualnorms,ourlawsandotherinstitutions,towardthe provisionforeveryoneoftheresourcesforamoredignifiedhuman life.Thisisaquestionthatarisesfromwithinasocietythatisupand running.Andthecritiqueofcurrentinstitutionsandpracticesdevelops becausewediscoverthroughwhatMillcalled “experimentsofliving” thatfeaturesofourcurrentlifedamageorenhancethepossibilitiesfor human flourishing.Westart,forexample,withgendernormsastheyare anddiscoverthattheyaredisablingfortranspeople,andsoneed revision.Noneedtothinkabstractlyaboutthebiologicalsignificance

⁶ ThereisalongerdiscussionofRawlsianidealtheoryinchapter3of(Appiah,2017).

ofsexualdifferenceandimaginewithoutpresuppositions painting,asit were,onanemptycanvas whatwouldbethebestwayofdevelopinga setofideasandpracticesaroundgender.

Becausewhatmakesalifeofdignitycandependonlocalcultural understandings,theideaofadignifiedlifeisnotexternaltosocial arrangements.Itisnot,thatis,somethingwebringtoourquestion howtoremaketheworldtoenableadignifiedlifeforeveryone from theoutside.Wecanonlyaskthesequestionsaboutequalityanddignity fromwithinasocietyanditssocialunderstandings.Evenwhenweask themaboutanothersociety aswemay wedosobybringingour understandingsofequalityanddignityandseeingwhetherand,ifso, howtheyareexpressedelsewhere.Andbothwhatisdignifiedandhowto relateasequalsaremattersofongoingethicalevolution.Inthathistorical development,thereisakindofdialecticalrelationshipbetweeninstitutionalandtechnologicalchangeandnormativeunderstandings,ofthe sortthatisevidentinthechangingconceptionsofwhatitisforworkto berewardingandhowit fitsintotheprojectofmakingalife.

5.

TheLudditeswereconvincedthatthemechanizationofexistingformsof laborwoulddestroyjobs.Andsoitdid,ofcourse.Butitalsocreated them.TheeconomistRiccardoZagohastaughtmeabouttheeconomic mechanismhereinavarietyofcases.Take, first,themechanizationof agriculture,whichhascertainlyreducedthenumberofagricultural workers.Italsoloweredfoodpricesandsoincreaseddemand,however, creatingnewjobsinthetransportation,distribution,andpreparationof foods.AsZagopointsout, “itisnotacoincidencethattheMeatpacking districtsofNewYork” andothercities “hugelydevelopedinthesame periodsinwhichmechanizationoccurred” (Zago,2019).Similarly,the morerecentspreadofATMsdisplacedbanktellers,butincreasedthe profitsofbanks,allowingthemtoopenmorebranches,where,asyou mayhavenoticed,theyhiredmoreworkerstodomanagerialtasksand customercare,jobswherepeoplestillhaveacomparativeadvantageover machines(Zago,2019,citingBessen,2016).

OnecurrentproblemintheUnitedStates,then,isnotsomucha consequenceofanetlossofjobsasofthehumancostsassociatedwith thetransitionfromoneregimeofjobstoanother.Thesortsofadjustmentsthatoccurredinthemechanizationofagricultureandthespread oftheATMtaketime.Theliteratureinlaboreconomicssuggeststhe recentroundofjobdisplacements asaresultofautomationandofthe transferofjobstolower-costlabormarketselsewhere hasbeenaccompaniedbyveryslowimprovementsinemployment(Zago,2019,citing Autoretal.,2013andAcemoglu&Restrepo,2017).And,byanimprovement,Imeanthereplacementoflostjobswithonesthatarebetter.

Newjobsinanautomatingeconomyareusuallygoingtorequirenew skills.Findingortrainingworkerswiththeseskillscantaketime. Adisplacedworker’sinitialvalueinthenewlabormarketmaybe lowerthanhervalueintheoldone;itmaytakehertimeormoneyto acquirethenecessaryhumancapital.OnesourceofthegrowthofhighschooleducationintheearlytwentiethcenturyintheUnitedStateswas thegovernment’srecognitionthatthechildrenoftheworkersdisplaced frompre-mechanicalagricultureneededpreparationfornewformsof employment(Zago,2019,citingGoldin&Katz,2018).And, finally,the newjobsmaybeinnewplaces,andsomeonehastobearthesecostsof internalmigration.

Thesetraditionaldifficultiesseemtobeaccentuatedinthecurrent economybyfourthings.First,progressininformationtechnologyhas contributedtoincreasingpolarizationinthelabormarket:ITdisplaces manymiddle-classjobs,likethoseinthecarindustry,thatrequire moderatelevelsoftrainingandskill,andthenewjobsareeitherhighskillhigh-wageorlow-skilllow-wagejobs,contributingtothehollowing outofthemiddleclassthatissofrequentatopicofdiscussion.

Second,intheUnitedStates,theshareofGDPgoingtoworkershas beensteadilydeclining.Third,theincreasingconcentrationof “ superstar” firmsincertainsectorsmeansthattheycanerectbarrierstoentry thatreducecompetition,inwaysthatlimitthebargainingpowerofboth workersandcustomers(Zago,2019,citingAutoretal.,2017).And, fourth,onefactorinthecreationofthemodernprecariatisthefact thatpeoplewithintheUnitedStatesarelesslikelythanyoumighthave expectedtogotowherethejobsare:andonecausehereistheincreasing

disparitybetweenthecostsoflivinginruralareasandsmalltowns,on theonehand,andthemostproductivemetropolises,ontheother ...just asanotheristhepolarizationofvaluesbetweenthesmalltownandthe cosmopolitancity.

Thepoliciesthathavebeenconsideredtomeetthesedifficultiesaim, ineffect,tostrengthenthepositionofworkers,inoneoffourways.First, byincreasingtheirskills,througheducationandtraining.Second,by assistingtheminidentifyingnewopportunities.Third,throughacommitmentbythegovernmenttobeanemployeroflastresort,guaranteeingpeopleameaningfuljobconsistentwiththeirdevelopedcapacities. Andfourth,byguaranteeingabasicincome,whichallowspeopleto refusejobsthatarenotsufficientlyrewardinginincome,esteem,sociability,orsignificance.

The firstthreeofthesepossibilitiestreattheproblemasamatterof reformingthenatureofwork.Butthelastentertainsthepossibilityof sharingthesocialproductinwaysthatmovebeyondtheideaofworkas thetemporalandeudemoniccenterofourlives.This,then,isthepostworkoption;andonepossiblesuchoptionistoguaranteeeveryonea basicincome.

6.

ThesociologistDavidFraynehastaughtmeaboutmanyproblemswith andatworkintheNorthAtlanticworldexploredinthesociological literature.LetmeaddjustafewtothoseIhavealreadymentioned:the currentlabormarketleavesmanypeoplewithoutincomesadequatefora decentlife;lifewithoutworkisstigmatized, “overshadowingthevalueof noninstrumentalactivitieslikecare,leisure,play,orlearningforitsown sake”;toomanyimportantsocialcontributionsarenotrecognizedatall, “particularlycareworkanddomesticlabor,whichareunrecognized, unremuneratedandunequallydistributed” (Frayne,2019).Ifworkis servingussomanyofussopoorly,itisanaturalthoughtthatwemight takethegreatwealthproducedbyourautomatedsocietyandusesomethingotherthanthelabormarkettoshareit.That’sonereasonwehave

seenincreasingsupportfortheproposalsforauniversalbasicincome thatImentionedjustnow.

It’sworthpointingoutonekeyfeatureofaworldinwhichthe distributionofthesocialproductisnotdoneonlybythelabormarket. Wagesandtheotherbenefitsofworkaredifferentialtodayinlarge measurebecausetheychannelpeopleintotaskswhoseproducts (whethergoodsorservices)meetademandthatismeasuredbya price.Asanyeconomistwilltellyou,theresultisthatwages,likeprices, integrateandreflectagreatdealofinformationbothaboutwhatpeople wanttohaveandaboutwhattheywanttodo.Aworldinwhicheveryone hadanequalreliablebasicincomewouldbeaworldinwhichnoone wouldhavetoworktomeettheirbasicneeds.Likecurrentwork,such employmentastherewasinsuchaworldwouldhavetobeincentivized: theincentiveswouldinclude,astheydofordecentjobstoday,the sociabilityandsignificanceoftheworkworldaswellas financialrewards. Wecouldrewardthesociallynecessarytasksthatcannotbeautomated andthatpeopledonot findintrinsicallyrewardingwithlargehourly wagesand,especiallyifwecombinedthemwithshorterhours,asignificantpartofthepopulationcouldincreasetheirincomeswithafewhours ofthiswork,whilebearingasmallershareofthecostsinunpleasantness, which,intoday’seconomy,areconcentratedintheworkinglivesofa few.Butmanypeoplewouldbemakingadditionalincomeinother ways asartists,say,butalsobysellingthingssuchaswoolandvegetableslikeMarx’spart-timefarmers.Auniversalbasicincomewould reshapetheeconomy,butbydefinitionitwouldn’tproduceaworld withoutmoney.Andsoitwouldcontinuetoproducetheunequalwealth andincomethatareboundtobeafeatureofanymarketeconomy.What theresultsofallthiswouldbeishard,Ithink,toimagine:andsincethe universalbasicincomewouldhavetobefundedsomehow,theactual effectswoulddependverymuchonthingsliketheprogressivityofthe incometaxsystem,andwhetherornotthereweretaxesoncapitalandon inheritances,andsoon.So,normativequestionsaboutincomeinequality wouldremain,evenifoneofthechallengesofthepresentworld the factthattoomanypeopledonothaveenoughforadignifiedhuman life weresolved.

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