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Welshman, as was to be supposed from his name; that he was of good strain, as was also to be supposed; and that his father was a rich yeoman. The history further tells us that Captain Morgan was, upon his first coming to the Americas, sold for his passage, such being the customary manner of dealing with the steerage passengers of the day. Having served his time he went to Jamaica, where he entered into the service of one Mansvelt, a buccaneer of not a little note, and presently his name becomes famous in the nether history of the period.
Another history, not so picturesque as that written by Esquemeling, but perhaps more accurate, tells us of the great buccaneer’s having been commissioned by Sir Thomas Modyford, then Governor of Jamaica, to levy war upon Spain and other nationalites upon behalf of the King of England.
As was said before, the governors of the non-Spanish West India Islands were accustomed to issue such warrants to the buccaneer privateersmen, but during Sir Thomas Modyford’s time some effort was beginning to be made by the home governments to put a stop to this semi-legal piracy. Sir Thomas, who, it was said, shared in the gains of the freebooters, was carried as prisoner to England to answer for the assumption of his authority in having declared war against a nation with whom the country was then at peace. Nevertheless the latent sympathy of the Government was still on the side of the buccaneers, and it was on account of his attack upon Panama that Captain Morgan was created Sir Henry Morgan by his Majesty King Charles II.
In the historical records of Jamaica his name appears twice as Lieutenant-Governor: once during the time that Sir Thomas Modyford, who had granted him commission, was a State prisoner in the Tower—once, succeeding Charles Earl, of Carlisle, in 1680.
It was perhaps a part of the paradoxical management of State affairs that he was finally recalled to England in 1683 by order of the Secretary of State, for breaking the peace with the Spaniards, contrary to his Majesty’s express orders, and it seems a very fitting
epilogue to the comedy of fate that he should have died in the Tower of London for the very deeds for which he was knighted.
Such are the bald and meagre details of his life. Of his renown the world has heard more or less blatant blasts upon the trumpet of Fame for two hundred years and more, the notes whereof are not a little attuned to the history of his deeds written by honest John Esquemeling, the first English edition of which is here edited.
VII.
If, as some assert, the popularity of a book is to be estimated according to the number of editions through which it passes, the history of Captain Sir Henry Morgan has, at least in past few generations, been very dear to English-speaking people.
At least this is true of the Esquemeling history; the first English edition was printed under date of 1684—about the time that the hero of it was a State prisoner standing his trial for levying war against Spain, contrary to his Majesty’s express orders, and for the doing of those deeds of conquest for which he had once been honoured. Upon the title page of the quaint old volume is given briefly and concisely the bibliography of the history to its then condition. That it was originally written in Dutch, thence translated into Spanish by Alonso de Bonne-Maison, and now faithfully rendered into English for the first time.
More particularly, the Dutch history from which the Spanish translation was taken is a work published at Amsterdam in 1678, entitled, “De Americaensche Zee Roovers.” A number of other translations beside the Spanish and English accounts were made cotemporarily with other European languages, the best known of which is, perhaps, the French “Histoire des Aventuriers qui se sont signaley dans les Indies,” published originally in 1686. Another French edition, considerably enlarged and appearing in four volumes, was published in 1775.
In each new translation and each new edition the original narrative was expanded by additional matter. A year or two after the appearance of the earliest English edition—that of 1684—a second appeared in the same general form with the first, but with a supplement treating of the adventures of Captain Sharp, Sawkins, Coxon, and others on the coasts of the South Sea from the journal kept by Mr. Basil Ringrose. Both of these two editions are now of considerable rarity, and, being rather better printed than cotemporary volumes of the kind, and being, besides, well and interestingly illustrated by portraits of the more prominent freebooters, curious maps and quaint plates, they are in considerable esteem with collectors of old books. Of the two the second edition is the more valued because of the additional matter and maps, but for ordinary literary purposes the first edition is, perhaps, more preferable. The whole value of the history culminates and centres with Captain Morgan, and that part treating of the adventures of Captain Sparks and the others is not only dull, protracted, and prosy, but excessively tedious. Accordingly for the present purposes it has been deemed better to adhere to the scheme of the first edition, which is in reality a history of Captain Morgan’s expeditions, rather than to unnecessarily extend the volume upon the lines more usually followed.
From these two earlier editions has sprung a host of successors. The second—that containing the adventures of Captain Sharp, Sawkins, Coxon, and others—with some further additions was reprinted in Walker’s “British Classics” (12mo, 1810), besides which the history has appeared in a score of cheaper forms adapted to more popular reading and far too obscure and too numerous to trace and follow.
In the edition here presented some few changes have been made, some of the long and tedious bits of description have been omitted, but as a whole the history of Captain Morgan and his fellow buccaneers stands almost exactly as originally told by the English
translation of the Spanish translation of the Dutch Buccaneer Pirate Story.
VIII.
It was about 1680-5 that the English Government, as was shown in the case of Sir Henry Morgan and others, seriously took in hand the suppression of freebooting. Morgan was only one of many punished for having at one time or another levied private war upon Spain. Then came the Peace of Ryswick between France and Spain, which gave the finishing blow to buccaneering as a semi-legal venture; henceforth nothing remained but open piracy to those bold spirits, too active in the ferment of their passions to be contained by the bottle of law. Both France and England joined in stamping out freebooting, and for a little while it seemed as if they had succeeded —but it was only for a little while.
Filibustering and semi-piracy had become too much a part of the life of the West Indies, and was too thoroughly congenial to those who sought escape from the restraints of civilization to be thus easily put an end to. It was only the stem of buccaneering that had been lopped away by the sword of the law; from the roots sprung a new and more vigorous offshoot—the flower of Piracy itself. Under the new order it was no longer Spain alone that suffered, but the lawful commerce of all nations that became the prey of these ocean wolves. During the early eighteenth century the Spanish main and adjacent waters swarmed with pirate crafts, and the fame of their deeds forms a chapter of popular history that may almost take rank with that which tells of Robin Hood, Friar Rush, Schinderhannes, and other worthies of the like kidney of a more or less apocryphal nature.
Who has not heard tell of Black-beard? Who does not know of the name of the renowned Captain Kid? Who has not heard the famous ballad which tells of his deeds of wickedness?—a rhythmical chant
such as has from the beginning of time been most taking to the popular ear:—
“Oh! my name is Captain Kid, As I sailed, As I sailed, Oh! my name is Captain Kid, As I sailed, Oh! my name is Captain Kid, And God’s laws I did forbid, And right wickedly I did As I sailed.”
So far as the knowledge of the editor of this work extends no such ballad has been written concerning the doings of that other famous knight of the black flag whose name is no less renowned in the history of his kind—Captain Edward Teach, better known as Black-beard. But, though so far as ballad fame is concerned he is at a disadvantage with the other, Captain Teach stands par excellentin an unique personality of his own. Perhaps there are few figures so picturesque as that suggested in the description of his get-up upon the occasions of public appearances—the plaited beard, the face smeared black with gunpowder, the lighted matches thrust under his hat brim, the burning sparks thereof hanging down about his face. The fiendish grimness of that figure has made fully as much impression upon the clay of the past as even that of Captain Kid, in spite of the celebrated song that emphasizes his fame. But the two together stand head and shoulders above all others of their kidney as the best-known pirates of the early eighteenth century. Even to this day it is safe to say that nowhere along the Atlantic coast of the whole United States, from Maine to Florida, are their names unknown, and that in all that stretch of sea-board there is hardly a lonesome sandy beach but is reputed to have held treasure hidden by the one or the other of them. Each is the hero of half a hundred legends and fantastically exaggerated tales, and it was Captain Kid
who buried the treasure that Poe discovered in the delightful romance of “The Gold Bug.”
But, nevertheless, though the fame of these two worthies is so pre-eminent, there are others only second to them in renown— others whose names and deeds have also been chronicled by Captain Johnson, the famous historian of scoundreldom. Captain Bartholomew Roberts, for instance, if he may not have had the fortune to be so famous as the two above-mentioned worthies, yet, in his marvellous escapes and deeds of daring, he well deserves to stand upon the same pedestal of renown. And Captain Avery, though his history is, perhaps, more apochryphal in its nature, nevertheless there is sufficient stamina of trust in the account of his exploits to grant him also place with his more famous brothers, for the four together—Black-beard, Kid, Roberts, and Avery—form a galaxy the like of which is indeed hard to match in its own peculiar brilliancy.
IX.
Through circumstances the hunter name of buccaneers was given to the seventeenth-century pirates and freebooters; the term “marooners” was bestowed upon those who followed the same trade in the century succeeding. The name has in itself a terrible significance. The dictionary tells us that to maroon is to put ashore as upon a desert island, and it was from this that the title was derived.
These later pirates—the marooners—not being under the protection of the West Indian governors, and having no such harbour for retreat as that, for instance, of Port Royal, were compelled to adopt some means for the disposal of prisoners captured with their prizes other than taking them into a friendly port.
Occasionally such unhappy captives were set adrift in the ship’s boats—with or without provisions, as the case might be. A method of disposing of them maybe more convenient, certainly more often used, was to set them ashore upon some desert coast or
uninhabited island, with a supply of water perhaps, and perhaps a gun, a pinch of powder, and a few bullets—there to meet their fate, either in the slim chance of a passing vessel or more probably in death.
Nor was marooning the fate alone of the wretched captives of their piracy; sometimes it was resorted to as a punishment among themselves. Many a mutinous pirate sailor and not a few pirate captains have been left to the horrors of such a fate, either to die under the shrivelling glare of the tropical sun upon some naked sandspit or to consume in the burning of a tropical fever amid the rank wilderness of mangroves upon some desert coast.
Hence the name marooners.
X.
As the marooners followed the buccaneers in actual fact, so should they follow them in the history that treats of West Indian freebooters.
Nor is it merely a matter of correctness of form to add the more unusual histories the four famous pirates here incorporated. There is another, a deeper, a more humanitarian reason for such a sequel. For is not the history of the savage outlawry of the marooners a verisemblance of the degeneration, the quick disintegration of humanity the moment that the laws of God and man are lifted? The Tudor sea-captains were little else than legalized pirates, and in them we may see that first small step that leads so quickly into the smooth downward path. The buccaneers, in their semi-legalized piracy, succeeded them as effect follows cause. Then as the ultimate result followed the marooners—fierce, bloody, rapacious, human wild beasts lusting for blood and plunder, godless, lawless, the enemy of all men but their own wicked kind.
Is there not a profitable lesson to be learned in the history of such a human extreme of evil—all the more wicked from being the
rebound from civilization?
Thus, in the present volume, it has been deemed best to add as a sequel to the redoubtable narrative of the honest Dutchman Esquemeling, the history, first of Captain Kid—who stood upon a sort of middle ground between the buccaneers and the marooners proper and then the story of the lives of Black-beard, Roberts, and Avery: roaring, ranting, raving pirates perse.
As a rule it is generally difficult to find any actual data, any tangible history of the popular villain-hero. Now and then the curious collector of such ephemeral trifles gathers together a few chap-book histories of such, but as a rule any positive material passes quickly away and is lost in the oblivion of past things. Their deeds and actions are usually of small moment in the policy of nations, and it is only in popular romance and fiction that their name and fame is embalmed and preserved. But in the case of Kid and of Black-beard, however, and the more famous pirates and notorious rogues of their generation—both land-thieves and water-thieves, land-rats and water-rats—a Pliny has arisen, who has handed down their names and the history of their deeds to the present time—Captain Charles Johnson, who, in the earlier half of the eighteenth century collected and edited numberless chap-book histories of famous pirates and highwaymen.
As in the case of “The History of the Buccaneers,” Johnson’s works have gone through numberless editions, so that if by the quantity of books we measure the popular regard, Black-beard and Kid and Avery with their land-types—Duval, Shepherd, and Jonathan Wild—have a very dear place in the hearts of the people.
The first of these collected histories appeared under place and date, London, 1724, 8vo. It was entitled, “General History of the Pyrates of the New Providence,” &c., and appeared again in a second edition of two volumes in 1727. In this history, most quaint and rare, appear the lives both of Black-beard and Kid, and it is now numbered among the more interesting and curious of Americana.
In 1734 was published in folio form “The History of Highwaymen and Pirates,” &c.; but although the history of Black-beard appears in this edition, that of Captain Kid is, for some reason, omitted. In 1742 followed a second edition of this same history, printed from the original plates. Both this and the first edition (some of the copies of which bear the date 1736) are now grown quite rare and curious, being not often met with outside the libraries of the book-collector. From them so numerous a progeny had sprung that, as in the case of “The History of the Buccaneers,” it is almost an impossible task to follow and particularize them. One of the more notable reprints appeared in 1839, another with additions by C. Whitehead in 1840, and again in 1853. These are but a few of a numerous tribe of the grand family in which these popular heroes act their life under the gaze of our far-away time.
To them the reader must turn if he would seek further in the dark passages of such lives as are here presented in the most notorious examples, perhaps, of all.
WILMINGTON, DELAWARE, November,1890.
HOWARD PYLE.
T H E T R A N S L A T O R
TO THE READER (OF 1684).
THE present Volume, both for its Curiosity and Ingenuity, I dare recommend unto the perusal of our English Nation, whose glorious actions it containeth. What relateth unto the curiosity hereof, this Piece, both of Natural and Humane History, was no sooner published in the Dutch Original, than it was snatch’t up for themostcuriousLibrary’s ofHolland; itwas TranslatedintoSpanish (twoimpressions thereof being sent into Spain in one year); it was taken notice of by the learned Academy of Paris; and finally recommendedasworthyouresteem,bytheingeniousAuthorofthe Weekly Memorials for the Ingenious, printed here at London about twoyearsago. Neitherallthisundeservedly, seeingitenlargethour acquaintanceofNaturalHistory, somuchprizedandenquiredfor, by theLearnedofthispresentAge,withseveralobservationsnoteasily to be found in other accounts already received from America: and besides, it informeth us (with huge novelty) of as great and bold attempts, in point of Military conduct and valour , as ever were performed by mankind; without excepting, here, either Alexander the Great, orJulius Cæsar, ortherestoftheNine Worthy’s of Fame. Of all which actions, as we cannot confess ourselves to have been ignorant hitherto(thevery name ofBucaniers being, asyet, known but unto few of the Ingenious; as their Lives, Laws, and Conversation, are in a manner unto none) so can they not choose but be admired, out of this ingenuous Author , by whosoever is curioustolearnthevariousrevolutionsofhumaneaffairs.But,more especially by our English Nation; as unto whom thesethings more narrowly do appertain. We having here more than half the Book
filledwiththeunparallel’d,ifnot inimitable,adventures andHeroick exploits ofour ownCountry-men, andRelations;whoseundaunted, andexemplarycourage, whencalledupon by ourKingandCountry, weoughttoemulate.
From whence it hath proceeded, that nothing of this kind was ever, asyet,publishedinEngland, Icannoteasilydetermine;except, as some will say, from some secret Ragion di Stato. Let the reason be as t’will; this iscertain, so much the more we are obliged unto thispresentAuthor , whothoughastrangeruntoourNation,yetwith that Candour and Fidelity hath recorded our Actions, as to render the Metal of our true English Valour to be the more believed and fearedabroad,thanifthesethingshadbeendivulgedby our selves athome.FromhenceperadventurewillotherNationslearn,thatthe English people are of their Genius more inclinable to act than to write;seeingas welltheyas we have livedunacquaintedwiththese actions of our Nation, until such time as a Foreign Author to our Countrycametotellthem.
Besides the merits of this Piece for its curiosity, anotherpoint of no less esteem, is the truth and sincerity wherewith everything seemeth to be penned. No greater ornament or dignity can be added unto History, either humane or natural, than truth. All other embellishments,ifthisbefailing,areoflittleornoesteem;ifthisbe delivered, are either needless or superfluous. What concerneth this requisite in our Author , his lines do every-where declare the faithfulnessandsincerityofhismind.Hewritethnotbyhearsay, but wasaneyewitness,ashesomewheretellethyou,untoallandevery one of the bold and hazardous attempts which he relateth. And these he delivereth with such candour of stile, such ingenuity of mind,suchplainnessofwords,suchconcisenessofperiods,somuch divested of Rhetorical Hyperboles, or the least flourishes of Eloquence,sohugelyvoidofPassionor nationalReflections,as that hestronglyperswadethall-along tothecreditofwhathesaith;yea, raiseth the mind of the Reader to believe these things far greater than what he hath said; and having read him, leaveth onely this scruple or concern behind, that you can read him no longer . In a
word, such are hisdeserts, that some persons peradventure would not stickle to compare him to the Father of Historians, Philip de Comines; atleastthusmuchmay besaid,withalltruthimaginable, that he resembleth that great Author in many of his excellent qualities.
I know some persons have objected against the greatness of these prodigious Adventures, intimating that the resistance our Bucaniers found in America, was every-where but small. For the Spaniards, say they, in the West Indies, are become of late years nothingless,butrathermuchmoredegeneratethaninEurope. The continual Peace they have enjoyed in those parts, the defect of Military Discipline, and European Souldiers for their Commanders, muchcontributinghereunto. Butmoreespecially, andaboveallother reasons, theveryluxuryoftheSoilandRiches,theextreme heatof those Countries, and influence of the Stars being such, as totally inclineth their bodies unto an infinite effeminacy and cowardize of minds.
Unto these Reasons I shallonly answer in brief. ThisHistory will convince them to bemanifestly false. For as to the continual Peace here alleadged, we know that no Peace could ever be established beyond the Line, sincethefirstpossessionoftheWest-Indies bythe Spaniards, till theburning of Panama. At thattime, or few months before,Sir William Godolphin byhisprudentnegotiationinqualityof EmbassadourforourmostGraciousMonarch,didconcludeatMadrid a peace to be observed even beyond the Line, and through the whole extent of the Spanish Dominions in the West-Indies. This transactiongavetheSpaniardsnewcausesofcomplaintsagainstour proceedings,thatno sooner a Peace hadbeenestablishedfor those parts of America, but our forces had taken and burnt both Chagre, St. Catherine, and Panama. But our reply was convincing. That whereas eight or ten months of time had been allowed by Articles for the publishing of the said Peace through all the Dominions of both Monarchies in America, those Hostilities had been committed, notonelywithoutordersfromhisMajestyofEngland, butalsowithin thespaceofthesaideightortenmonthsoftime.Untilthattimethe
SpanishInhabitantsofAmerica being,asitwere,inaperpetualWar withEurope, certain it is thatno Coasts norKingdoms in theWorld havebeenmorefrequentlyinfestednoralarm’dwiththeinvasionsof several Nations than theirs. Thus from the very beginning of their Conquests in America, both English, French, Dutch, Portuguese, Swedes, Danes, Curlanders, and all other nations that navigate the Ocean, have frequented the West-Indies, and filled them with their Robberies and Assaults. From these occasions have they been in continualwatchandward,andkepttheirMilitia inconstantexercise, as also their Garrisons pretty well provided and paid; as fearing every sail they discovered at Sea, to be Pirats of one Nation or another . Butmuchmoreespecially, sincethatCurasao, Tortuga, and Jamaica have been inhabited by English, French, and Dutch, and bred up that race of Hunts-men, than which, no other ever was more desperate, nor more mortal enemies to theSpaniards, called Bucaniers. Now shall we say, that these People, through too long continuation of Peace, have utterly abolished the exercises of War, havingbeenall-alongincessantlyvexedwiththeTumultsandAlarms thereof?
In like manner is it false, to accuse their defect of Military Disciplinefor wantofEuropean Commanders.For whoknowethnot thatallplaces,bothMilitaryandCivil,throughthosevastdominions of the West-Indies, are provided out of Spain? And those of the Militia most commonly given unto expert Commanders, trained up from their infancy in the Wars of Europe, either in Africa, Milan, Sicily, Naples, or Flanders, fighting against either English, French, Dutch, Portuguese, orMoors?Yea,theirveryGarrisons,ifyousearch themin thoseparts, willperadventure befoundto bestock’dthree parts to four with Souldiers both born and bred in the Kingdom of Spain.
FromtheseConsiderationsitmaybeinferr’d,whatlittledifference ought to be allowed betwixt the Spanish Souldiers, Inhabitants of the West-Indies, and those of Europe. And how little the Soil or Climate hath influenced or caused their Courage to degenerate towards cowardize or baseness of mind. As if the very same
Argument,deducedfrom thenature ofthatClimate,didnotequally militate against the valour of our famous Bucaniers, and represent thistobeofasdegenerateMetalastheirs.
Butnothingcanbemoreclearlyevinced,thanistheValourofthe American Spaniards, either Souldiers or Officers, by the sequel of this History. What men ever fought more desperately than the Garrison ofChagre? Theirnumber being314, andofallthese,only thirty remaining; ofwhichnumberscarce tenwere unwounded;and among them,not one officerfoundalive?Were not 600killedupon the spot at Panama, 500 at Gibraltar, almost as many more at Puerto del Principe, all dying with their Arms in their hands, and facing bravely the Enemy for the defence of their Country and private Concerns? Did not those of the Town of San Pedro both fortifie themselves,layseveralAmbuscades,andlastlyselltheirlives as dearas any European Souldiercoulddo;Lolonoisbeing forcedto gainstepbystephisadvanceuntotheTown,withhugelossbothof bloudandmen?Manyotherinstancesmightbeproducedoutofthis compendious Volume, of the generous resistance the Spaniards madeinseveralplaces,thoughFortunefavourednottheirArms.
Next, as to the personal Valour of many of their Commanders, Whatman ever behavedhimselfmorebrisklythantheGovernour of Gibraltar, than the Governour of Puerto del Principe, bothdying for thedefenceoftheirTowns;thanDonAlonsodelCampo, andothers? Or whatexamples can easilyparallel thedesperate courage of the Governour of Chagre? who, though the Palizada’s were fired, the Terraplenswere sunkinto the Ditch,the Breacheswere entred,the Houses all burnt above him, the whole Castle taken, his men all killed; yet would not admit of any quarter , but chose rather to die underhisArms,beingshotintothebrain,thansurrenderhimselfas a Prisoner unto the Bucaniers. What Lion ever fought to the last gasp more obstinately than the Governour of Puerto Velo? who, seeing the Town enter’d by surprizal in the night, one chief Castle blownup intotheAir , alltheotherFortsandCastlestaken, hisown assaulted several ways, both Religious men and women placed at the front of the Enemy to fix the Ladders against the Walls; yet
sparednottokillas many ofthesaidReligiouspersons as hecould. Andatlast,thewallsbeingscaled,theCastleenter’dandtaken, all hisown men overcome by fire andsmoke, whohadcastdowntheir Arms,andbeggedmercy from theEnemy;yetwouldadmitofnone for his own life. Yea, with his own hands killed several of his Souldiers,toforcethemtostandtotheirArms,thoughallwerelost. Yea, though his own Wife andDaughterbegged of himupon their knees that he would save his life by craving quarter , though the Enemydesiredofhimthesamething;yetwouldhearkentonocries norperswasions,buttheywereforcedtokillhim,combatingwithhis Armsinhishands,beingnototherwiseabletotake himPrisoner , as theywere desirous to do. Shallthese men besaid to beinfluenced withCowardize, whothusactedto thevery lastScene oftheirown Tragedies?OrshallwerathersaythattheywantednotCourage,but Fortune?Itbeingcertainlytrue,thathewhoiskilledinaBattle,may be equally couragious with him that killeth. And that whosoever derogateth from the Valour of the Spaniards in the West-Indies, diminisheth in like manner the Courage of the Bucaniers, his own Country-men, who have seemed to act beyond mortal men in America.
Now, to say something concerning John Esquemeling, the first AuthorofthisHistory. ItakehimtobeaDutch-man, oratleastborn in Flanders, notwithstanding that the Spanish Translation representethhimtobeNativeoftheKingdomofFrance. Hisprinting thisHistoryoriginally in Dutch, which doubtless must be his native Tongue, whootherwisewas butan illiterateman,togetherwiththe very soundofhisname, convincingme thereunto. True itis,heset sail from France, and was some years at Tortuga; but neither of these two Arguments, drawn from the History, are prevalent. For were hetobea French-man born, howcame hetolearntheDutch language so perfectlyas toprefer it to hisown?Especiallythatnot beingspokenatTortuga norJamaica,whereheresidedallthewhile.
IhopeIhavemadethisEnglishTranslationsomethingmoreplain and correct than the Spanish. Some few notorious faults either of the Printer or the Interpreter, I am sure I have redressed. But the
Spanish Translatorcomplaining much of theintricacy of Stile in the Original(asflowing from a person who, as hath beensaid, was no Scholar) as he was pardonable, being in great haste, for not rendring his own Version so distinct and elaborate as he could desire; so mustIbeexcusedfrom theone, thatistosay, Elegancy, ifIhavecautiouslydeclinedtheother,ImeanConfusion.
THE HISTORY OF THE BUCCANEERS OF AMERICA.
CHAPTER I.
The introduction The author sets forth for the Western Islands, in the service of the West-India Company of France They meet with an English frigate, and arrive at the Island of Tortuga.
E set sail from Havre-de-Grace in France, from whence we set sail in the ship called St.John, May 2, 1666. Our vessel was equipped with twenty-eight guns, twenty mariners, and two hundred and twenty passengers, including those whom the company sent as free passengers. Soon after we came to an anchor under the Cape of Barfleur, there to join seven other ships of the same West-India company, which were to come from Diep, under convoy of a man-ofwar, mounted with thirty-seven guns, and two hundred and fifty men. Of these ships two were bound for Senegal, five for the Caribbee islands, and ours for Tortuga. Here gathered to us about twenty sail of other ships, bound for Newfoundland, with some Dutch vessels going for Nantz, Rochel, and St. Martin’s, so that in all we made thirty sail. Here we put ourselves in a posture of defence, having noticed that four English frigates, of sixty guns each, waited for us near Aldernay. Our admiral, the Chevalier Sourdis, having given necessary orders, we sailed thence with a favourable gale, and some mists arising, totally impeded the English frigates from discovering our fleet. We steered our course as near as we could to the coast of France, for fear of the enemy. As we sailed along, we
met a vessel of Ostend, who complained to our admiral, that a French privateer had robbed him that very morning; whereupon we endeavoured to pursue the said pirate; but our labour was in vain, not being able to overtake him.
Our fleet, as we sailed, caused no small fears and alarms to the inhabitants of the coasts of France, these judging us to be English, and that we sought some convenient place for landing. To allay their fright, we hung out our colours; but they would not trust us. After this we came to an anchor in the bay of Conquet in Brittany, near Ushant, there to take in water. Having stored ourselves with fresh provisions here, we prosecuted our voyage, designing to pass by the Ras of Fontenau, and not expose ourselves to the Sorlingues, fearing the English that were cruising thereabouts. The river Ras is of a current very strong and rapid, which, rolling over many rocks, disgorges itself into the sea, on the coast of France, in 48 deg. 10 min. latitude; so that this passage is very dangerous, all the rocks, as yet, being not thoroughly known.
Here I shall mention the ceremony, which, at this passage, and some other places, is used by the mariners, and by them called baptism, though it may seem little to our purpose. The master’s mate clothed himself with a ridiculous sort of garment, that reached to his feet, and on his head he put a suitable cap, made very burlesque; in his right hand he had a naked wooden sword, and in his left a pot full of ink: his face was horribly blacked with soot, and his neck adorned with a collar of many little pieces of wood. Thus apparelled, he commanded every one to be called who had never passed through that dangerous place before; and then, causing them to kneel down, he made the sign of the cross on their foreheads, with ink, and gave every one a stroke on the shoulders with his wooden sword. Meanwhile, the standers-by cast a bucket of water upon each man’s head; and so ended the ceremony. But that done, each of the baptized must give a bottle of brandy, placing it nigh the main-mast, without speaking a word; even those who have no such liquor not being excused. If the vessel never passed that way before, the captain is obliged to distribute some wine among
the mariners and passengers; but as for other gifts, which the newly-baptized frequently offer, they are divided among the old seamen, and of them they make a banquet among themselves.
The Hollanders likewise, not only at this passage, but also at the rocks called Berlingues, nigh the coast of Portugal, in 39 deg. 40 min. (being a passage very dangerous, especially by night, when, in the dark, the rocks are not distinguishable, the land being very high) they use some such ceremony: but their manner of baptizing is very different from that of the French; for he that is to be baptized is fastened, and hoisted up thrice, at the main-yard’s end, as if he were a criminal. If he be hoisted the fourth time, in the name of the Prince of Orange, or of the captain of the vessel, his honour is more than ordinary. Thus every one is dipped several times in the main ocean; but he that is dipped first has the honour of being saluted with a gun. Such as are not willing to fall, must pay twelve pence for ransom; if he be an officer, two shillings; and if a passenger, at their own pleasure. If the ship never passed that way before, the captain is to give a small rundlet of wine, which, if he denies, the mariners may cut off the stem of the vessel. All the profit accruing by this ceremony is kept by the master’s mate, who, after reaching their port, usually lays it out in wine, which is drank amongst the ancient seamen. Some say this ceremony was instituted by the Emperor Charles V. though it is not amongst his laws. But here I leave these sea customs, and return to our voyage.
Having passed the Ras, we had very good weather, till we came to Cape Finis Terræ: here a sudden tempest surprised us, and separated our ship from the rest that were in our company. This storm continued eight days; in which time it would move compassion to see how miserably the passengers were tumbled to and fro, on all sides of the ship; insomuch, that the mariners, in the performance of their duty, were compelled to tread upon them. This boisterous weather being over, we had very favourable gales again, till we came to the tropic of Cancer. This tropic is an imaginary circle, which astronomers have invented in the heavens, limiting the progress of the sun towards the north pole. It is placed in the latitude of 23 deg.
30 min. Here we were baptized a second time, as before. The French always perform this ceremony at the tropic of Cancer, as also under the tropic of Capricorn. In this part of the world we had very favourable weather, at which we were very glad, because of our great want of water; for that element was so scarce with us, that we were stinted to two half pints a man every day.
About the latitude of Barbadoes, we met an English frigate, or privateer, who first began to give us chase; but finding herself not to exceed us in force, presently got away: hereupon, we pursued her, firing several guns, eight-pounders, at her; but at length she escaped, and we returned to our course. Soon after, we came within sight of Martinico. We were bent to the coast of the isle of St. Peter, but were frustrated by a storm, which took us hereabouts. Hence we resolved to steer to Gaudaloupe, yet we could not reach this island, by reason of the said storm; so that we directed our course to the isle of Tortuga, being the very same land we were bound to. We passed along the coast of Punta Rica, which is extremely agreeable and delightful to the sight, being adorned with beautiful woods, even to the tops of the mountains. Then we discovered Hispaniola (of which I shall give a description), and we coasted about it till we came to Tortuga, our desired port. Here we anchored, July 7, in the same year, not having lost one man in the voyage. We landed the goods that belonged to the West-India company, and, soon after, the ship was sent to Cal de Sac with some passengers.
CHAPTER II.
A description of Tortuga—The fruits and plants there How the French first settled there, at two several times, and forced out the Spaniards—The author twice sold in the said island.
THE island of Tortuga is situate on the north side of Hispaniola, in 20 deg. 30 min. latitude; its just extent is threescore leagues about. The Spaniards, who gave name to this island, called it so from the shape of the land, in some manner resembling a great seatortoise, called by them Tortuga-de-mar. The country is very mountainous, and full of rocks, and yet thick of lofty trees, that grow upon the hardest of those rocks, without partaking of a softer soil. Hence it comes that their roots, for the greatest part, are seen naked, entangled among the rocks like the branching of ivy against our walls. That part of this island which stretches to the north is totally uninhabited: the reason is, first, because it is incommodious, and unhealthy: and, secondly, for the ruggedness of the coast, that gives no access to the shore, unless among rocks almost inaccessible: for this cause it is peopled only on the south part, which hath only one port indifferently good: yet this harbour has two entries, or channels, which afford passage to ships of seventy guns; the port itself being without danger, and capable of receiving a great number of vessels. The inhabited parts, of which the first is called the Low-Lands, or Low-Country: this is the chief among the rest, because it contains the port aforesaid. The town is called Cayona, and here live the chiefest and richest planters of the island. The second part is called the Middle Plantation: its soil is yet almost new, being only known to be good for tobacco. The third is named Ringot, and is situate towards the west part of the island. The fourth and last is called the Mountain, in which place were made the first plantations upon this island.
As to the wood that grows here, we have already said that the trees are exceeding tall, and pleasing to the sight; whence no man will doubt, but they may be applied to several uses. Such is the yellow saunder, which by the inhabitants is called bois de chandel, or, in English, candle-wood, because it burns like a candle, and serves them with light while they fish by night. Here grows, also, lignum sanctum, or guiacum: its virtues are very well known, more especially to those who observe not the Seventh Commandment, and are given to impure copulations!—physicians drawing hence, in several compositions, the greatest antidote for venereal diseases; as also for cold and viscous humours. The trees, likewise, which afford gummi elemi, grow here in great abundance; as doth radix Chinæ, or China root: yet this is not so good as that of other parts of the western world. It is very white and soft, and serves for pleasant food to the wild boars, when they can find nothing else. This island, also, is not deficient in aloes, nor an infinite number of the other medicinal herbs, which may please the curiosity of such as are given to their contemplation: moreover, for building of ships, or any other sort of architecture, here are found several sorts of timber. The fruits, likewise, which grow here abundantly, are nothing inferior, in quantity or quality, to what other islands produce. I shall name only some of the most ordinary and common: such are magniot, potatoes, Abajou apples, yannas, bacones, paquays, carosoles, mamayns, annananes, and divers other sorts, which I omit to specify. Here grow likewise, in great numbers, those trees called palmitoes, or palmites, whence is drawn a certain juice which serves the inhabitants instead of wine, and whose leaves cover their houses instead of tiles.
In this island aboundeth, also, the wild boar. The governor hath prohibited the hunting of them with dogs, fearing lest, the island being but small, the whole race of them, in a short time, should be destroyed. The reason why he thought convenient to preserve these wild beasts was, that, in case of any invasion, the inhabitants might sustain themselves with their food, especially were they once constrained to retire to the woods and mountains. Yet this sort of
game is almost impeded by itself, by reason of the many rocks and precipices, which, for the greatest part, are covered with little shrubs, very green, and thick; whence the huntsmen have oftentimes fallen, and left us the sad remembrance of many a memorable disaster.
At a certain time of the year there resort to Tortuga large flocks of wild pigeons, and then the inhabitants feed on them very plentifully, having more than they can consume, and leaving totally to their repose all other sorts of fowl, both wild and tame; that so, in the absence of the pigeons, these may supply their place. But as nothing in the universe, though never so pleasant, can be found, but what hath something of bitterness with it; the very symbol of this truth we see in the aforesaid pigeons: for these, the season being past, can scarce be touched with the tongue, they become so extremely lean, and bitter even to admiration. The reason of this bitterness is attributed to a certain seed which they eat about that time, even as bitter as gall. About the sea-shores, everywhere, are found great multitudes of crabs, both of land and sea, and both sorts very big. These are good to feed servants and slaves, whose palates they please, but are very hurtful to the sight: besides, being eaten too often, they cause great giddiness in the head, with much weakness of the brain; so that, very frequently, they are deprived of sight for a quarter of an hour.
The French having settled in the isle of St. Christopher, planted there a sort of trees, of which, at present, there possibly may be greater quantities; with the timber whereof they made long-boats, and hoys, which they sent thence westward, well manned and victualled, to discover other islands. These setting sail from St. Christopher, came within sight of Hispaniola, where they arrived with abundance of joy. Having landed, they marched into the country, where they found large quantities of cattle; such as cows, bulls, horses, and wild boars: but finding no great profit in these animals, unless they could enclose them, and knowing, likewise, the island to be pretty well peopled by the Spaniards, they thought it convenient to enter upon and seize the island of Tortuga. This they performed
