ToKarim
Acknowledgements
ThisbookisanintellectualculminationofmyworkontheEuropeanResearch Council(ERC)StartingGrantProject ‘DiasporasandContestedSovereignty’ , whichIdirectedasaPrincipalInvestigatorattheUniversityofWarwick (2012–17).IamdeeplygratefultotheERCforthiswonderfulandrareopportunitytopursuearesearchprogrammethrough ‘bluesky’ research,tohireateam ofjuniorcolleaguesaspartofthisproject,andtobringtogetheracademicsfrom differentpartsoftheglobeonmultipleoccasions.Withoutthefundingfor massive fieldworkamongconflict-generateddiasporasinEurope,thisbook wouldnothavebeenpossible.Iconducted300interviewsinover40locations intheUK,Germany,Netherlands,France,Sweden,Armenia,andKosovo,andin BrusselsrelatedtoEuropeaninstitutions.ThePoliticsandInternationalStudies DepartmentattheUniversityofWarwicksponsoredmy fieldtriptoSwitzerland. IverymuchappreciatetheearlysupportoftheUniversityofAmsterdamtowin thisprojectandoftheUniversityofWarwicktoimplementit.
Thisresearchhasbenefitedfromthegeneroussupportofotheracademic institutions.Istartedthisjourneyasafellowinascholarlygroupatthe NetherlandsInstituteforAdvancedStudy.UppsalaUniversityanditsForumon Democracy,PeaceandJusticeprovidedasmallgrant,anaffiliation,andnetworks inSweden.IalsothanktheUniversityofMalmöforashortaffiliation.Istarted writingthebookduringaresearchfellowshipattheKrocInstitutefor InternationalPeaceStudiesattheUniversityofNotreDameinthe USA.I finisheditduringaresearchfellowshipattheCentreforGlobal CooperationResearchattheUniversityofDuisburg-EsseninGermany.My ideasripenedatdifferentvenuesoftheBritishInternationalStudiesAssociation anditsworkinggrouponthe ‘InternationalPoliticsofMigration,Refugeesand Diaspora’,theInternationalStudiesAssociation,AmericanPoliticalScience Association,EuropeanConsortiumforPoliticalResearch,CouncilofEuropean Studies,AssociationfortheStudyofNationalities,andtheEUJeanMonnet Network ‘BetweentheEUandRussia’.AbookconferenceattheUniversityof Warwickprovidedaprofoundintellectualexperience.
IcordiallythankJenniferBrinkerhoffforhergreatinspiration,interestinmy work,deepconversations,andsupportthroughoutmyjourneyofstudyingand analysingdiasporapolitics.NedLebowhasinspiredmeformanyyearstothink beyondthebeatenpathinInternationalRelations,andwithhisexcitingresearch onwar,peace,andcausality.Heprovidedexcellentcommentsonseveralofthe book’schapters.GaryGoertzcommandsmyadmirationasapeacescholarandan
outstandingmethodologistwhoseworkspanswitheaseanddepthqualitativeand quantitativeresearch.Hisintellectualinputhasbeeninvaluableforthedevelopmentofthetwo-leveltypologicaltheorywhenIwasaresearchfellowattheKroc Institute.WynGrantreadalmosteverychapterandsupportedandchallengedmy thinkingonlobbyingandinterestrepresentation.Itwasalsoexcitingtodiscuss diasporasandfootballdiplomacywithhim.
Manyothercolleaguesdeserveaspecialthankyoufortheirexcellentfeedback onspecificchaptersorduringpresentations.IthankFionaAdamsonforanearlier collaborationduringmySSRC/ESRCfellowshipintheUK,andforinteresting conversationsondiasporamobilizationsinLondonasaglobalcity.Atthe UniversityofWarwickIhadin-depthexchangesduringtheresearchandwriting ofco-authoredpaperswithPhilippeBlanchard,BenMargulies,Dzeneta Karabegovic,andOulaKadhum.Ibuildonthesepapersinthisbook.Aspecial mentiondeservesBenCliftforhiscareandcontributionforthebook’sevolution fromtheverybeginning.OzlemAtikcan,VincenzoBove,GwenCheve,Stuart Elden,JuanitaElias,BrionyJones,TomLong,CharlotteHeath-Kelley,Mohsin Hussain,ArzuKibris,GabrieleLynch,ShirinRai,andJessicadiSalvatoreprovided excellentfeedbackeitherduringthebookconferenceoronotheroccasionsrelated tomydiasporaresearch.IalsothankJackieClarke,RenskeDoorenspleet,Gary Fisher,ChrisHughes,ChrisMoran,EdPage,JillPavey,andNickVaughanWilliamsforsupportandadviceduringtheimplementationoftheabovementionedERCproject.
AttheKrocInstituteIhadfurtherinsightfulconversationsaboutsocialmovements,diasporas,andpeacewithNisaGöksel,BenjaminLaurence,GeorgeLopez, AsherKaufman,AnnMische,LaurieNathan,AtaliaOmer,GerardPowers,and GuillermoTrejo,andbenefitedimmenselyfromtheirconflictstudiesseminar.At theCentreforGlobalCooperationResearchinGermanyIenjoyedahighly supportiveandsimultaneouslyintellectuallychallengingenvironment.Volker Heins,MaryamDeloffre,andZeynepSahin-Mencutekprovidedexcellentindepthcommentsonseveralbookchapters.Itwasalsoapleasureexchanging ideaswithJanAartScholte,SigridQuack,KatjaFreistein,FrankGadinger,Jens Steffek,FlorianKuhn,TamiraceFakhouryandChristineUnrau.Iamespecially gratefultoJosipGlaudrich,GerasimosTsourapas,ArmanGrigoryan,Karin Borevi,andKacperSzuletskiforcarefulreadingandhelpfulfeedbackonthe KosovoAlbanian,Palestinian,andArmenianchapters,andthecomparativeand concludingchaptersrespectively.
Thecentralargumentofthisbookbenefitedsignificantlyfromtheengagementof otherscholars.RobertRotbergmadeexcellentsuggestionsaboutthelinkbetween diasporasandfragilestates.DuringmyinvitedpresentationatHarvard’sBelfer CenterforScienceandInternationalAffairsthecommentsofStevenMillerwere invaluableregardingaspectsof defacto statehood,aswasthesupportofSusan Lynch.IcannotthankKalypsoNikolaidisenoughforherexcellent,challenging,and
constructivecommentsduringandaftermypresentationatOxford’sStAntony’ s CollegeandtheirSEESOX-basedGreekDiasporaProject.Atthatvenueand duringnumerousotherconversationsregardingdiasporapolitics,Ireceiveda lotofhelpfulfeedbackalsofromOthonAnastasakis,FoteiniKalantzi,and ManolisPratsinakis.Theconcludingchapterwasatthecoreofmykeynote presentationattheDIASPOliticprojectinWarsaw,whereIreceivedfurther insightfulcommentsfromEvaOestergaard-Nielsen,MartaBivandErdal,and DanielaVintila.
DuringandintheaftermathoftheERCprojectIbenefitedsignificantlyfrom intellectualexchangeswithnumerousotherscholarsduringWarwick-based workshops,academicconferences,andotheracademicvenues.Iexpressgratitude especiallyto:YehonatanAbramson,KristinBakke,LiBennich-Björkman, KennethBenoit,PieterBevelander,KatrinaBurgess,DavidCarment,Feargal Cochrane,RobinCohen,CatherineCraven,ZsuzsaCsergo,Magdalena Dembinska,MaritaEastmond,TinaFreyburg,AlanGamlen,SarahGarding, AndrewGeddes,JustinGest,MarliesGlasius,MarieGodin,MatthewGodwin, EricGordy,RachelGuisselquist,HumaHaider,JonathanHall,JamesHollifield, CindyHorst,PatrickIreland,JulietJohnson,MichaelJones-Correa,NaujaKleist, RolandKostić,DenisaKostovicova,Jean-MichelLafleur,Marie-ZoelleZahar, NeophytosLoizides,LeonMalazogu,NadejdaMarinova,CovadongaMesseguer, DanaMoss,HarrisMylonas,AlitaNandi,DanielNaujoks,MilanaNikolko,Luicy Pedroza,CamillaOrjuela,LucindaPlatt,SzabolcsPogonyi,MariaPopova,Maja Povrzanovic-Frykman,JoannaQuinn,SharonQuinsaat,NoraRagab,Gwendolyn Sasse,CarstenSchneider,NadimShehadi,OxanaShevel,PaulStatham,Espen Stokke,LatifTas,ChrisTenove,EikoThielemann,AnnaTriandafyllidou,Nick vanHear,MyraWaterbury,andEricWiebelhaus-Brahm.
Thisbookwouldnothavebeenpossiblewithouttheinterest,time,insights,and involvementofnumerousdiasporaentrepreneurs,policy-makers,andotherintervieweeswhoremainanonymoustomaintaintheiranonymity.Toallofthem Iexpressmysincerethanks!Thankyoualsoforthevaluablesupportthatenabled metoaccessrespondentsand/orfortranslationsandtranscriptions,especiallyto SalahAbdulrahman,PrathimaAppaji,NaimDedushai,AvniDervishi,JosefaGlass, VjollcaHaidari,PerOlovHammargren,BlerinaHashani,AvetikIsahakyan, ArtonKrasniqi,JoshDarbyMacLellan,SreyaMukherjee,JocelynSiino,Sjir Shuett,PiaStrunz,XeniaTsitiridou,andYasmineZarhloule.Manythanks alsoforthecarefulanddiligentworkofmylinguisticeditorsAlisonAnderson andCharlesLauder,Jr.
IthasbeenapleasuretoworkwithDominicByattasCommissioningEditorfor PoliticsandInternationalRelationsatOxfordUniversityPress(OUP).Ivery muchappreciatehisbeliefinthepotentialofthisbookfromtheverybeginning andhisoutstandingprofessionalismduringtheeditorialprocess.Threeanonymousreviewersprovidedhighlyendorsingreviews.Thankyouverymuchforthese
constructivesuggestionstoimprovethemanuscript.Ialsoexpressgratitudeto OliviaWellsatOUPforherhelpfulnessinprocessingthebookmanuscript.
Myfamilyandclosefriendsdeservetruegratitudefortheiremotionalsupport inpersonorvirtuallyfromdifferentpartsoftheworld.Thankyouverymuch NedaBenova,LiubkaGeorgieva,MariaGeorgieva,ElisaPepe,andGergana Spassovaforallyourencouragement.KarimKhanipourhasbeenalovingand caringpartner.Thankyousomuchforyourrelentlesssupport,patience,and standingbymysideduringtheupsanddownsofthislongacademicjourney,for allyourtravelsacrossEurope,formeaningfulconversationsaboutdiasporas,and forreadingandcommentingonseveralbookchapters.Iamdelightedtodedicate thisbooktoyou.
Introduction
IndividualAgencyandSocio-spatialLinkagesof DiasporaEntrepreneurstoContestedStates
SittinginhisofficeindowntownPristinain2013,aKosovo-bornUKcitizen recalledreturningtoKosovoatthepeakofthe1999war: ‘Icouldnotjustsitin frontoftheTVandwatchhowtherestoftheworldwastryingtofreemycountry, whileIwasdoingnothingaboutit.IwantedtojointheKosovoLiberationArmy forawhile,buttherewasalwaysareasonthatstoppedme:study,job,myson.But atacertainmoment,whenIsawapictureofa4yearoldwhowastakeninto custodybytheSerbs,andIsawabulletinhishead,thenIstartedimaginingand comparingwithmy4-year-oldsonwhoknowsnothingaboutthis,butlivesin peaceinLondon.’¹ThenextdayheleftforKosovo.
ApoliticianofArmenianorigininSwedenfoundanotherwaytoexertpolitical influenceonhomelandaffairs: ‘WhenIstartedworkingintheparliament,the first billIwrotewasabouttheArmeniangenocide.ApersonofKurdishorigin suggested: “Whydon’tyouwriteabouttheArmeniangenocide,becausethe Frenchparliamenthasmadesuchamotionandadecisiontorecognizeit?”’² Adecadelater,in2010,theSwedishparliamentmovedtorecognizetheArmenian genocide.
AnactivistofPalestinianoriginintheNetherlandsfoundathirdwaytoengage withhomelandaffairs.Afterthe1993OsloAccords,whichgrantedthePalestinian Authoritylimitedself-governanceintheWestBankandGaza,hefoundthat manypeopleinthediasporabecamedisenchantedwithhowPalestinianstatehood hasbeenarranged.Itbecameimportantforthemto ‘letthePalestinianAuthority talkaboutstates ...whilewePalestiniansinEuropedecidedtofocusonissues whichwereleft[outoftheOsloAccords],forexample:therefugees’.³They becameinvolvedwithprotestsandlobbyingsimultaneously.
Thesediasporapoliticalentrepreneurswerewellintegratedintotheirhostsocieties.Theyheldhost-landcitizenship,spokethedominantlanguagewell,and hadfriendsbeyondtheirowncommunities.Theyneverthelesschosedifferent trajectorieswhenbecomingpoliticallyactivetowardstheircountriesoforigin:
¹R1/2013,Kosovo.Toprotecttheanonymityofrespondents,referencedinterviewsdonotmention wheretheinterviewtookplace,onlythecountry.
²R2/2013,Sweden.³R3/2013,Netherlands.
2
contentiousactionsuchasreturningto fightortakingpartinhomelandconflicts, protests,andboycotts;non-contentiouspetitioningandlobbyingofparliaments, governments,andinternationalorganizations;oramixtureofthesestrategies. Theirbehaviourschallengeprevalentnotionsthatitisthelittleintegratedand disenchantedpopulationswhobecomecontentiouslyinvolvedinhomelandpoliticalaffairs.
Understandingwhy,how,andwherediasporasmobilizeinonepartofthe globeforpoliticaleventsandprocessesinanotherisimportantinlightofrapidly growingmigrationsfromconflictzones.Theseconflictsmayberesolvedand manyrefugeesmayreturnhome,butmanyothersremainintheircountriesof settlement.Suchdiasporasarepronetodevelopingatraumaticidentity, ‘frozen’ in distantlocations,maintainingadesiretoreturntoarealorimaginedhomeland, andengaginginwhatAnderson(1998)calls ‘long-distance-nationalism’ . ⁴ Their mobilizationscouldchallengepeaceinitiativesandconflictreconstructionbutalso contributetopeace-building,state-building,anddevelopment.Moreover,diasporarolesaregrowinginworldpolitics,withawarenessamongstatesand internationalorganizationsthatmigrantsanddiasporasneedtobebetterengaged ininternationalandgovernanceprocesses.Itisthereforeimportantforboth academicsandpolicy-makerstotakeacloserlookathowactivediasporaindividualsratherthanunitarygroupsbecomeinvolvedinsuchlong-distanceprocessesandhowtheiractionsareshapedbythecontextsinwhichtheyare embedded.
Thisbookseekstoanswertwomajorquestions:whydoconflict-generated diasporasmobilizeincontentiousandnon-contentiousways,oruseamixed approach,towardscountriesoforiginexperiencingcontestedsovereignty?Why dotheyseektochanneltheirhomeland-orientedgoalsthroughhost-states, transnationalnetworks,orinternationalorganizations?How context shapesdiasporamobilizationiscrucial.Thisbookchallengesstatisttheoriesanalysingdiasporasinconflictprocessesprimarilythroughinteractionsbetweendiasporas, host-states,andhome-states,andoffersinsteada socio-spatial perspectiveabout diasporamobilizationsintransnationalsocial fields,beyonddiasporasasgroups. Itfocusesonthe individual levelofdiasporaentrepreneursandhowtheyare simultaneouslylinkedtodifferentglobalcontexts.
Contestedstatesanddiasporaentrepreneursconnectedtothemareofcore concernhere.Thesestates’ internationalsovereigntyischallengedbycontested bordersorlimitedinternationalrecognition,andtheirdomesticsovereigntyby weakinstitutions,populationsdeeplydividedonethnicorsectarianbases,and limitedeffectivegovernance.⁵ Ilookcloselyintoconflict-generateddiasporas linkedtothe defacto statesKosovo,Nagorno-Karabakh,andPalestineatdifferent ⁴ Anderson1998. ⁵ Krasner1999.
stagesofrecognition,intheBalkans,Caucasus,andMiddleEast,respectively. IalsomentionothermobilizeddiasporasinEurope Bosnian,Iraqi,Kurdish, Tamil,Somali,Syrian,andUkrainian linkedtoweakcontestedstatesinthe Europeanneighbourhoodandbeyond.
The keyargument ofthisbookisthatindividualdiasporaentrepreneursoperate intransnationalsocial fieldsthataffecttheirmobilizationsbeyonddynamics confinedtohost-statesandoriginalhome-states.Thereare fourtypes ofdiaspora entrepreneurs Broker,Local,Distant,andReserved dependingontherelative strengthoftheir socio-spatiallinkages tothese fields’ contexts:host-land,original homeland,orothergloballocations.A two-leveltypologicaltheory capturesnine causalpathwaysunravellinghowthesocio-spatiallinkagesofthesediaspora entrepreneursinteractwithexternalfactors.Suchpathwaysproducemobilization trajectoriesthatvaryintheirlevelofcontentionandmethodofchannelling homeland-orientedgoals.
Diasporaentrepreneursareprimarilyconsiderednotbypersonalcharacteristics age,gender,education,oremploymentstatus butby relativestrengthand weaknessoftheirlinkagestodifferentcontexts.Theseindividualscanbepartof thesamediasporagroupinthesamehost-landbutconnectedtoitindifferent ways.TheBrokerhasstronglinkagestothehost-land,ontheonehand,andto theoriginalhomelandandothergloballocations,ontheother.TheLocalhas relativelystronglinkagestothehost-landbutweakeronestotheiroriginal homelandandothercontexts.TheDistanthasstrongerlinkagestoanoriginal homelandandotherglobalcontextsthantothehost-land,evenifphysicallyliving there.TheReservedhasweaklinkagestothehost-land,homeland,andother globallocations.
Thesefourtypesofdiasporaentrepreneursdonotcausemobilizationtrajectoriesbythemselves.Theyinteractwithfactorsrelevanttothemintheirpolitical environment.The typologicaltheory demonstrateshowthesetypescombinein causalpathwayswithexternalfactors (a)host-landforeignpolicy,(b)engagementofhomelandgovernments,parties,andnon-stateactors,and(c)critical juncturesandtransformativeevents orhowtheyactmoreautonomouslywhen affectedonlybylimitedglobalinfluences.Thetypologicaltheoryisusefulagainsta backdropofliteraturedominatedbycasestudiesandonlyrecentlyincorporating comparisons.Itoffersforthe firsttimeacoherentframeworkincludingtypesof actorsontheindividuallevelandexogenousfactorsfromdifferentglobalcontexts. Therebyitsystematicallyintegratesinsightsfromliteraturesnotpreviouslyin conversationwitheachother.Also,itstwo-levelanalysisoffersanovelwayof thinkingaboutboth contention and channellingofinterest asoutcomesofmobilizationinthesametheoreticalframework.
Themostcontentiouspathwaysoccurwhenthereareviolentcriticaljunctures andtransformativeevents,mostnotablywhentheDistanttypeispresent.These areassociatedwithprotests,boycotts,sit-ins,hungerstrikes,andarmingto fight
4
intheoriginalhomeland.Non-contentioustrajectoriesaremostcommonwhen host-landforeignpolicyconvergeswiththehomeland-orientedgoalsofdiaspora entrepreneurs,whendiasporaentrepreneurscanactautonomously,andwhenthe LocalandReservedtypesarepresent.Themobilizationoutcomehererelatesto petitioning,lobbying,publicdiplomacy,andothercooperativebehaviours. Trajectoriescombiningcontentionandnon-contention,whichIcall ‘dualprongedcontention’,rangesignificantlyinthefactorscausingthem.Theyoften occurwhenhost-landforeignpolicyisstrategicallydivergentfromdiasporagoals; whenthereisinvolvementofhomelandgovernments,parties,andnon-state actors;andwhentheBroker,Local,andDistanttypesarepresent.Onsuch trajectoriesdiasporaentrepreneursstrategizehowtosimultaneouslyresistand cooperatewithstakeholderstheyseektoinfluence.Amixedstrategiestrajectory demonstratesnuancesmuchneededtounderstandthegreyareasofdiaspora politics.
Thefourtypesofdiasporaentrepreneursarealsoimportantinthepursuitof homeland-orientedgoalsthroughspecificchannellingofinterest.TheBroker engageswithhost-state,transnational,andsupranationalchannels,andisadept atreachingouttointernationalorganizations.TheLocaloftenengages host-stateinstitutionsandcivilsociety,whiletheDistantchannelsactivities primarilytransnationally,throughcivilsociety,solidarity,andothernetworks. TheReservedengagesprimarilyinthehost-landethnonationalcommunity. Table1.1summarizestheserelationships.
Thisperspectiveonindividualdiasporaentrepreneurshipwouldnothavebeen possiblewithoutmassiveimmersionincontextandmulti-sitedresearch,characterizingtheempiricalevidenceofthisbook.In2012–17Iconductedmorethan 300interviewsinmorethan40locationsintheUK,Sweden,Germany,France, theNetherlands,Armenia,BrusselsinBelgium,Kosovo,andSwitzerland.⁶ Understandingofcontextisthusbasedoninsightsfromrealpeople.Therich multi-sited fieldworkmakesthisbookthe firsttodevelopmid-rangegeneralizationsaboutdiasporapoliticsinInternationalRelations(IR)theoryonsuch alargescale.
Althoughempiricalexamplesareconsideredfromaroundtheglobe,themain focushereisondiasporamobilizationin fiveEUcountries theUK,Sweden, Germany,theNetherlands,andFrance vis-à-vispolitiesexperiencingcontested sovereigntyintheEuropeanneighbourhood.Thesecountrieswereselectedfor theirdifferentcitizenshipandmigrationincorporationregimes:theUKand Franceforbeinghistoricallymore ‘liberal’,Germanymore ‘restrictive’,andthe
⁶ IexpressgratitudeforthegenerousfundingoftheEuropeanResearchCouncilStartingGrant ‘DiasporasandContestedSovereignty’,whichIledasaPrincipalInvestigatorin2012–17.Inthedataset thatunderpinsthisbookIalsore-codedafewrelevantinterviewsconcerningtheUK,gatheredduring myESRC-SSRCfellowship,partofcollaborationwithFionaAdamsonatSOAS(2009–10).
Table1.1 DiasporaEntrepreneurs,Contention,andChannellingofInterest
Typeof Diaspora Entrepreneur
PresenceonPathwaysof Contention
WaysofChannellingofInterest
BrokerAllpathwaysHost-land;transnationally; supranationally
LocalAllpathwaysPrimarilythroughhost-stateand civilsociety
DistantEspeciallycontentiouspathways andofdual-prongedcontention
ReservedEspeciallynon-contentious pathwaysandcontentiousin responsetoviolenceinthe originalhomeland.
Primarilytransnationally
Primarilythroughthediaspora communityinthehost-landand privatenetworksabroad
NetherlandsandSwedenforhavingtakenamiddleground.⁷ Theirpolicieshave undergonechangesinrecentyearsinamoreliberalizingdirection,emphasizing anindividual’scivicintegration.IalsoincludeSwitzerland,importantspecifically forthemobilizationsoftheAlbaniandiaspora.
Theintellectualcontributionsofthisbookfocusonthefollowing:
(1)Macro-foundationsof socio-spatialpositionality consideringdiaspora entrepreneurs’ linkagestoglobalcontexts,notsimplytohost-statesand home-states;
(2)Micro-foundationsofdiasporaentrepreneurs’ individualagency froma relationalperspective;
(3)The firstsystematicexaminationofdiasporaentrepreneurs’ socio-spatial linkagestopolitiesexperiencing contestedsovereignty,specifically defacto states;
(4)A two-leveltypologicaltheory thatcombinesconfigurationsofsocio-spatial linkageswithexternalfactorsleadingtodifferentmobilizationtrajectories;
(5) Integrated scholarshiponmigrationincorporationandtransnationalism withthestudyofcontestedstatehood;and
(6)The firstsystematicandlarge-scalecomparativeanalysistoshedlighton thelittle-exploreddimensionsof diasporalobbyinginEurope
InthenextsectionsIwillhighlightthesecontributionsinrelationshipto existingliteratureandthechaptersthatfollow.
⁷ ClassificationoriginallybasedonHoward2009.
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WhyStudyDiasporaEntrepreneursfromaSocio-spatial Perspective?
Studiesofexilepoliticsanddiasporashavealonghistoryinanthropology, literature,andculturalstudies,yetIRhastakenaparticularinterestonlyrecently. Early2000strendsbroughtattentiontodiasporasasrisingnon-stateactors inworldpolitics,alongsidecorporations,non-governmentalorganizations,and globalsocialmovements.TheterroristattacksinNewYorkandWashington, DCin2001,Madridin2004,andLondonin2005raisedawarenessandattached thelabel ‘homegrown’ terrorismrightlyorwronglytotheword ‘diaspora’ . Individualsofforeigndescent,borninorwithlong-termtiestoahost-country, wereconsideredtobeadangertosecurity.Influentialpolicy-relevantstudies discussedlinksbetweendiasporas,terrorism,andradicalization.⁸ Focuson diasporasaspotentiallyviolentactorshasnotsubsided.Continuingterrorist attacks,especiallyacrossEurope Parisin2015;Brussels,Nice,andBerlinin 2016;London,Manchester,Stockholm,andBarcelonain2017 hasensured continued fixation.
Formorethanadecadeaftertheearly2000s,scholarshipwasdominatedbytwo waysofthinkingaboutdiasporasasnon-stateactors:asagentsofeitherconflictor peace.Seeingdiasporasasconflict-proneactors,aninfluentialWorldBankstudy showedthatifpolitiesundergoingpost-conflictreconstructionarelinkedtolarge diasporasintheUS,theyarelikelytoslidebackintoviolence.⁹ Othersarrivedat similarconclusionswhenstudyingindividualcases.Diasporas evenifnotmajor agentsofwarfare couldsustainconflictsfromafar,fundraiseforradicalfactions, draw fightersfromamongtheirranks,lobbyforeigngovernments,andprotestat distantlocations.¹⁰ Theycanbelinkedtoconflictsinweakandfragilestatesas diverseasArmenia,Bosnia-Herzegovina,Ethiopia,Kosovo,NorthernIreland, Kurdishareas,Libya,Palestine,Somaliland,SriLanka,andSyria.¹¹Otherscholars sawdiasporasfromapeace-buildingperspective,¹²capableofreframingconflictgeneratedidentities;¹³sendingremittances;¹⁴ becomingagentsofdemocratization;¹⁵ leadersintransitioningandpost-conflictsocieties;¹⁶ andmonitoringhomeland
⁸ Bymanetal.2001,Hoffmanetal.2007. ⁹ CollierandHoeffler2000.
¹⁰ SeeKingandMelvin1999/2000,Kaldor2001,Østergaard-Nielsen2003,Lyons2006,Adamson andDemetriou2007,SmithandStares2007,Orjuela2008,Kleist2008,Cochraneetal.2009, Brinkerhoff2011a,Koinova2011,Hammond2012,LyonsandMandaville2012,Horst2013,Tas 2014,Baser2015,Cochrane2015,Feron2017.
¹¹Iusetheterms ‘weakand/orfragilestates’ toindicatedifferentdegreesofstatefragility,although theboundariesbetween ‘weak’ and ‘fragile’ statehoodarediffuse.Detailedmeasurementsofstate fragilityarepresentedthroughtheFragileStatesIndex,concerningtheKosovo,Palestinianand ArmeniancasesinChapters4,6and8respectively.
¹²SmithandStares2007,Lyons2006,Orjuela2008,BaserandSwain2008,Hall2015.
¹³Lyons2004:12.¹⁴ Kapur2003.
¹⁵ Shain1999,Koinova2009,Kapur2010,Pérez-ArmendárizandCrow2010.
¹⁶ VanHear2003,Brinkerhoff2016.
elections,overseasvoting,referendums,andpartypolitics.¹⁷ Severalcollective projectswerelaunchedtolookdeeperintodiasporasinlightofconflictandpeace.¹⁸
Morerecently,scholarshaveproblematizedadichotomousviewofdiasporasas ‘peace-makers’ and ‘peace-wreckers’,showingtheneedtodelvedeeperinto contexts.¹⁹ Yet,despitethewelcomeexceptionofBettsandJones(2016),² ⁰ who studydiasporamobilizationtowardsZimbabweandRwandainmultipleenvironments,comparativeanalysesarestillnarrow,analysingonediasporainoneor twohost-states,withminimalreferencetoglobaldynamics.Criticismofthis dichotomyrecentlymadeitapparentthatdiasporamobilizationscanbeanalysed fromasocio-spatialperspective.Diasporasmobilizenotsimplyinhost-landsbut online,andincities,refugeecamps,supranationalorganizations,sitesofglobal visibility,andspacescontiguoustoordistantfromthehomeland.²¹Eveninthis newscholarlytrend,adeepimmersionintheindividualdimensionofdiaspora entrepreneursismissing.
Moreanalyticalrigorisneededtocapturetheintersectionofdiasporaindividualagencyandcontext.AwelcomeexceptionisBrinkerhoff ’s(2016)bookon diasporasandinstitutionalreform.²²Sheviewsdiasporaentrepreneursfroma leadershipperspectiveandfocusesprimarilyonUS-baseddiasporasandtheir influenceontheircountriesoforigin.ShainandBarth(2003)considereddiaspora subgroups,suchas ‘coremembers,passivemembersandsilentmembers’.²³They limitedtheirfocustothesesubgroups’ levelofinvolvementinpolitics,notgoing furtherintoindividualorcontextualdimensions.Constructivistsespeciallyhave madeitclearthatdiasporasarenotmonolithicentities,andtheyareeither constructedorcomprisedofsubgroups.²⁴ However,withtheexceptionofBetts andJoneswhomention ‘animators’,oragentsinternalorexternaltothediaspora, whoprovideresourcestomobiliseitasanidentitygroup²⁵,constructivistshave notpaidattentiontotheroleoftheindividualdiasporaentrepreneurs.
¹⁷ CollyerandVathi2007,Koinova2009,Collyer2014,Paalberg2017,Østergaard-Nielsenand Ciornei2019.
¹⁸ Fivemajorprojectshaveengagedsofarwithissuesofdiasporas,conflict,andpeace:(1)ESRCfundedproject ‘DiasporaMobilizationsinInternationalSecurity’ (2007–9)focusedondiasporasand conflictdynamics;(2)EU-fundedDIASPEACE(2008–11)regardingspecificallyEuropeandtheHorn ofAfrica;(3) ‘GlobalMigrationandTransnationalPolitics’ (2007–10),sponsoredbytheMacArthur Foundation,onglobalpoliticaldynamicsandtransnationalsocialnetworks;(4)TheOxfordDiasporas Programme(2011–15),sponsoredbyLeverhulmeTrust,incorporatedelevenprojectsanalysingsocial, economic,political,andculturaldynamicsanddiasporaimpactsfromtheglobalNorthandSouth;(5) TheERC-funded ‘DiasporasandContestedSovereignty’ Project(2012–17)focusedonmobilizationof conflict-generateddiasporasinEuropespecificallyrelatedtopolitieswithcontestedstatehoodinthe Balkans,Caucasus,andMiddleEast.ThisbookisanintellectualproductofthisERCproject.
¹⁹ SmithandStares2007,Orjuela2008,Koinova2017.²⁰ BettsandJones2016.
²¹Brinkerhoff2009,Koinova2012,AdamsonandKoinova2013,Adamson2016,Koinovaand Karabegovic2017,GabiamandFiddian-Qasmiyeh2016,VanHearandCohen2016.
²²Brinkerhoff2016.²³ShainandBarth2003:452.
²⁴ Sökefeld2006,AdamsonandDemetriou2007,Abramson2017.
²⁵ BettsandJones2016:27.
8
Thepresentbooktheorizesinanovelwayaboutdiasporaindividualagency fromasocio-spatialperspectivebyprioritizinglinkagestoglobalcontextsover personalcharacteristics.²⁶ Italsobringstheresultsofalarge-scalecomparative analysisinEuropeanditsneighbourhood.Asocio-spatialperspectivethattakes individualagencyintoconsiderationisimportantformovingtheanalysisbeyond statistparadigms.Astatistlensseesdiasporaswithinstates.Asocio-spatial perspectiveseesdiasporaentrepreneurslinkeddifferentlytovariouspeopleacross theglobe,withdifferentbondstodifferentplaces,withtheirownspecificsand capacitiestoshapebehaviour.Also,asocio-spatialperspectiveproblematizesa notionthatanindividual’spersonalcharacteristicsareessentialforpredicting behaviour.Individualsofthesameethnicbackgroundandeducationcanbe positionedclosertoahomelandthanahost-landduringwarfareiftheyfrequently interactwiththathomeland.Yet,somediasporaindividualscanenduppositionallydifferenttothesamehomelandafterwarfareendsandbuildthickerlinkages withthehost-land.Therearenumerousexamplesfromthecasesdiscussedhere, asdetailedfurtherinChapter2andtheempiricalchapters(4–9).Thusanalysis needstoconsiderhowbothlinkagesandcontextsshapeone’sbehaviour.
Asocio-spatialperspectiveondiasporaentrepreneursuniquelyshiftsthefocus from absolute individualcharacteristicsto relational aspectsofhowsuchindividualsconnecttopeopleindifferentplaces.Theargumentsspeaktoa clusterof relationaltheories emerginginIR.²⁷ Thesetheoriesconsiderthatrelationships amongpeople,repeatedovertime,formdurableIRstructures,enablingand constrainingindividualbehaviour.Thisbooklookscloselyathowsuchstructures becomeassociatedwithdifferenttypesofdiasporaentrepreneurs.Mostnotably, suchtypesareformedonthebasisof differentconfigurationsofrelativelystrong andweaklinkages,notsimplytopeople, buttopeopleincontext.Thisperspective isnovelforbothIRandInternationalPoliticalSociology.
Theseconfigurationsofsocio-spatiallinkagesofdiasporaentrepreneurs becomepartofatwo-leveltypologicaltheory,anothermajorcontributionof thisbook.AsGeorgeandBennett(2005)pointout,theformulationoftypologies isacommonactivityinthesocialsciences,butthedevelopmentoftypological
²⁶ MariaKoinova,BenMargulies,andPhilippeBlancharddevelopeda2016papertocapturethe evolutionofqualitativetoquantitativeanalysisintheERCProject ‘DiasporasandContested Sovereignty’.Therevisedpaperultimatelyconsideredtheindividualdimension,analysingasample of40interviewsthroughCorrespondenceAnalysis,andidentifyingdiasporaentrepreneur ‘ profiles’ : ‘constrained’ , ‘contented’ , ‘enabled,’ and ‘discontented’,basedonacombinationofpersonalcharacteristics,contextualfactors,andwaysofmobilization.TheseprofilesbroadlycorrespondtotheLocal, Reserved,Broker,andDistantcategoriesinthisbook.However,thelatterarepreciseas ‘types’ inusing only linkagestocontext asatheoreticaldimension.Theabove2016papersetthestagetounpackthe relationshipbetweendiasporaentrepreneurs,ontheoneside,andcontextsandtheirwaysofmobilization,ontheother,whichbecamethecoreofthisbook.
²⁷ Thisbook’sapproachaboutconfigurationsofrelationshipsisclosesttoStaniland2014;Other worksonrelationaldynamics:Nexon2009,McDonald2014,Goddard2010,Stroschein2012,Koinova 2013a,andothers.
theoriesisnot.²⁸ Mytypologicaltheorybelongstoafamilyoftheoriesthatuse configurationalanalysistoexplainoutcomes.Ittakesthefourtypesofdiaspora entrepreneurs,whichinfactarenotsimplypersonalitiesbutindividualsthat embodyconfigurationsoflinkagestodifferentglobalcontexts,andfollowshow theseconfigurationsareimpactedbyexternalfactorsfromapoliticallyrelevant environment.Theseincludehost-stateforeignpolicies,originalhomelandinfluencesthroughgovernments,transnationalizedpartiesandnon-stateactors,and criticaljuncturesandtransformativeevents.Thisisatwo-leveltheoryinlinewith Goertz(2006),asitseekstoexplainbothcontentionandthechannellingof interestinthesameframework.²⁹ Imentionmoreaboutthetypologicaltheory shortlyandatmorelengthinChapter3.
OtherIntellectualContributionsofThisBook
Thisbookisthe firstsystematicexaminationofdiasporaentrepreneurs’ linkages toweakandfragilestates,especiallyunrecognized defacto states.International recognitionof defacto statesisalongstruggle;therefore,intermediatestepsand goalsmustbedefinedandredefined,³⁰ includingbydiasporaentrepreneurs.Such intermediategoalsarediscussedatlengthinChapter2andtheempiricalchapters (4–9).Hereitsufficestosaythatcontentious,non-contentious,anddual-pronged contentiousmobilizations,pursuedthroughdifferentchannels,arespecificto concretelong-termandintermediatehomeland-orientedgoals.Forexample, KosovarssoughtNATO’s1999militaryinterventionasanintermediarygoalto stateindependence,whentheywerebeingsegregatedinSerbiaduringthe1990s. Palestiniansseekmembershipinvariousinternationalorganizationstoadvance thecauseofPalestinianstatehood.Armeniansseekanendorsementofmoreopen financialaidpoliciesfromtheEuropeanUnionasapreliminarysteptowards widerrecognitionofNagorno-Karabakhasa defacto state.
Anothercontributionofthisvolumeisthe integration ofscholarshipon migrationincorporationandtransnationalismwiththestudyofcontestedstatehood.Idiscussinconclusivedebatesaboutwhethermigrantswhoaremoreorless integratedintotheirhost-societiesaremorepronetopoliticaltransnationalism.³¹ ChaudharyandGuarnizomakeavalidrecommendation:itisbecomingincreasinglynecessarytomovefromsimplyanalysingstatepoliciesofincorporation.³² Itaketheirappealfartherandcomparativelydisaggregateindividualdiaspora
²⁸ GeorgeandBennett2005.²⁹ Goertz2006.
³⁰ IthankStevenMillerforthiscomment,Cambridge,MA,3May2018.
³¹Onmoreintegrationleadingtopoliticaltransnationalism:Guarnizoetal.2003,Mügge2010, Lewis2010;lessintegrationleadingtotransnationalism:Ireland1994,Koopmansetal.2005;Itzigsohn andSaucedo2002.
³²ChaudharyandGuarnizo2016:1029.
relationshipstocontextsbeyondthehost-state,especiallytopolitiesexperiencing contestedsovereignty.Chapter10discussesindepthhowmigrationincorporation regimesplayaroleinshapingdiasporaentrepreneurs’ integrationandtheir mobilizationtrajectories.
Thisbookpresentscomprehensivecomparativeanalysisofdiasporaentrepreneurs ’ lobbyinginEurope.HereIengagewithdebatesonlobbyinginforeign policy-making,primarilybasedonevidencefromtheUS,³³andfocusonthelittleexploredcontextofEurope.Isystematicallyexaminethelobbyingoffourtypesof diasporaentrepreneurs(Broker,Local,Distant,Reserved),fromthreediaspora groups(Albanian,Armenian,Palestinian),and fivestatesintheEU(theUK, Germany,Sweden,France,theNetherlands),alongwithSwitzerlandregardingthe KosovoAlbanians.Inthe pluralist interestgrouprepresentationsystemoftheUS, ethnicgroupswithaffluentresourcescouldeasilybuildlobbiesonKStreetin Washington,DC,andbeinabetterpositiontoinfluencetheUSHouseandSenate thantheirethnicandreligiouskininEurope,operatingindiversesystemsof interestrepresentation.Thestudiedcountriesinthisbookhavetheirownsystems ofinterestrepresentation,thoughnotdirectlycomparabletothatoftheUS.They rangefromthatwithsome pluralist elementsintheUKtomorecorporatist in Sweden,asdiscussedinChapter10.Sincethesestateshavebeenalsopartofthe EU,alsountilrecentlytheUK,anotherlayerisaddedforlobbyingopportunities onthesupranationallevel.Therefore,Iincludealsoseveralinterviewsconducted inBrussels.
DefiningConcepts
Migration,security,andcivilwarstudieshaveanalysedthemobilizationof diasporasformedbyforceddisplacement.Theseareconsidered ‘ conflictgenerated’ diasporas,andopposedtothosestemmingfromvoluntaryoreconomic migration.Whilethedefinitionof ‘diaspora’ hastriggerednumerousinconclusive debates,scholarshaveoutlinedsimilarcomponentssuchasdispersalfromoriginalhomeland,orientationtowardhomelandanditsterritory,maintenanceof transnationallinks,andseparateidentityfromthehost-landmajority.³⁴ Dependingonmethodologicalconcernsand ‘ontologicalpolitics’,³⁵ diasporas canbeconsideredunitaryactorsinquantitativestudies,³⁶ ormultipleactorsin qualitativestudies,evenasconstructedthroughmobilization.³⁷
³³SeeDeLaGarza1987,HaneyandVanderbush1999,Shain1999,Smith2000,Rubenzer2008, Saideman,JenneandCunningham2011,Marinova2017.
³⁴ Safran1991,Cohen1997,Tölölyan2000,Shain1999,Sheffer2003,Brubaker2005.
³⁵ Ragazzi2012.³⁶ CollierandHoeffler2000,Salehyanetal.2011.SeeKoinova2010.
³⁷ ShainandBarth2003,Sökefeld2006,Ragazzi2009,Adamson2013,Abramson2017.
Withoutaspiringtoresolvethesedebates,Ibasemyunderstandingof diaspora onthatofAdamsonandDemetriou(2007),sincetheirdefinitionemphasizes connectivities: ‘asocialcollectivitythatexistsacrossstatebordersandthathas succeededovertimeto:(1)sustainacollectivenational,cultural,orreligious identitythroughasenseofinternalcohesionandsustainedtieswitharealor imaginedhomelandand(2)displayanabilitytoaddressthecollectiveinterestsof membersofthesocialcollectivitythroughadevelopedinternalorganizational frameworkandtransnationallinks’.³⁸ Iuseittodesignatenon-homogeneous socialcollectivitiesofmigrationwaves,generations,socialstrata,andactiveor inactivemembers.Diasporaslivinginadjacentareascanbeconsideredtransnationalethnickin,³⁹ andinremoteareasconsidered ‘long-distantnationalists’ . ⁴⁰
Diasporaentrepreneur isanotherkeyterminthisbook.Iuseittodesignate formalandinformalleadersinadiasporacommunity,associatedwithmigrant, religious,andotheridentity-basedinstitutions,butalsothoseactingautonomouslyasactivists,businessmen,politicians,andotherswhoactivelymakepublic claimswithahomeland-orientedgoal.Thesearepoliticalandsocialentrepreneurs,evenifsomeofthemmayhaveabusinessbackground.Whatunitesthemis astrongcommitmenttoacauserelatedtotheiroriginalhomeland.Diaspora entrepreneursbearsomeresemblancewithnormentrepreneurs,featuredintheIR literature,whoexertnormativepressureinternationallytoaffectchangebyinvokinghumanrightsinliberalterms. ⁴¹Yetdiasporaentrepreneurs’ claimsmostoften reflectparticularisticratherthanuniversalisticandcosmopolitanidentitiesand projects.⁴²Besidesconsideringnorms,diasporaentrepreneursoperatealso throughinterest-basedandstrategicrationales.Theymobilizeothersandare notsimply ‘activists’,theyareconsideredthosewhoworkthroughgrassrootsto challengeasystemfrom ‘below’ butcanalsoworkonchangesfrom ‘above’ .
AsBrinkerhoff(2016)argues,diasporaentrepreneursaredriveninternally toachieveavision,pursuevaluesandbeliefs,andbecomeresourcefulin engagingresources,opportunities,andsocialactorsfromdifferentnetworks.⁴³ Diasporaentrepreneursarealsonotnecessarilyengagedinactivitiesthatcanbe seenasundesirablebythehost-land.⁴⁴ Rather,theystrategizehowtocollaborate andchallengepoliticalagentswithwhomtheyinteractinhost-lands,internationalorganizations,andNGOs,oftentimesthroughinnovativeactions.
‘Entrepreneurship’ relatedtodiasporahasbeenassociatedwithseekingbusiness opportunities⁴⁵ andinstitutionalreforminthecountryoforigin.⁴⁶ Myfocushere
³⁸ AdamsonandDemetriou2007:497.
³⁹ SalehyanandGleditsch2006,Salehyan2007,SaidemanandAyres2008,Cedermanetal.2013.
⁴⁰ Anderson1998,Glick-SchillerandFouron,2001.
⁴¹KeckandSikkink1998,Risseetal1999. ⁴²Adamson2002,Koinova2009.
⁴³Brinkerhoff2016:17–21.
⁴⁴ IthankRobertRotbergforthiscomment,Cambridge,MA,2May2018.
⁴⁵ NewlandandTanaka2010. ⁴⁶ Brinkerhoff2016.
isprimarilyonpoliticalandsocialentrepreneurialactivitytowardslong-term goalsinvolvingaspectsofstatehood,suchasrecognitionfor defacto states,that requiresustainedefforttochangeforeignandotherpoliciesdomesticallyand internationally.
Thefourtypesofdiasporaentrepreneurshavedifferentcapacitiestocreatenew kindsofengagementforthepursuitofahomeland-orientedgoal.Havingstrong linkagestobothhost-landandotherglobalcontexts,theBrokerbridgesideasand resourcesthatemergefromdifferentlocations.TheLocal,linkedmorestronglyto theirhost-land, findsnewwaysofovercomingbarrierstoaccesspolicy-makersor developingorganizationalstructuresthatdidnotexistbefore.Ampleexamples fromAlbanianandArmeniandiasporasarediscussedinChapters5and9.The Distant,linkedmorestronglytransnationally,developsprojectstoadvancea homeland-orientedgoalbylinkingnetworksthataremoreactivethemselves transnationally.Chapter7onthePalestiniandiasporaprovidesfurtherexamples onsuchengagementwithsolidarityandreligiousnetworks.TheReservedis entrepreneurialonamuchsmallerscale,astheirlinkagestobothhost-landand othercontextsarerelativelyweak.Ineverydaylife,theReservedisentrepreneurial throughactionsthatdidnotexistpreviously.Forexample,hanginga flagof a defacto stateintheclassroomwhereoneteachesservesasaneverydayactivity, asshowninChapter5.Allfourtypesofdiasporaentrepreneurcancreateinitiativesororganizations,dismantlethemwhentheydonotservethehomelandorientedgoalanymore,andcreatenewonesmoresuitedtochangingpolitical circumstances.
Theconceptof socio-spatiallinkages iscrucialhere.Itdesignatesconnections diasporaentrepreneurshavetopeopleandplacesindifferentglobalcontextsand hastwocomponents.The firstis sociallinkages.Diasporaentrepreneurshave relativelystrongsociallinkagesiftheyareabletoconnectwithpeopleofrelative powerwhocanbeinstrumentalinpursuingahomeland-orientedgoal.Thesecan bediplomats,politicians,bureaucrats,tradeunionleaders,orciviland ‘uncivil’ societygroups.Anentrepreneurwhosimplyhasrelationstofamilyorkininother places,orfriendswhocannottranslatepoliticalclaimsintospeci ficaction,has relativelyweaklinkages.
The spatial dimensionisinnovativehere,asitunpackswhatitmeanstohave spatiallinkagestoaplaceconducivefordiasporamobilization.Placesare oftenconsideredtohavepowertoshapethebehaviourofthepeopleliving there.⁴⁷ Yetlivinginorconnectedtoaplacefromadistancedoesnotautomaticallymeandiasporaentrepreneurswillbeawarehowthatplaceempowersthem intheirmobilizationtrajectories.Connectionstoaplacecanbealsorelatively strongorweak.Somemayunderstandhowcharacteristicsspecifictothatplace
⁴⁷ Massey1994,Brenneretal.2003,Dianietal2010.
canempowertheiractivism;othersmayconsideracontextdisempoweringorbe connectedtoitwithoutanawarenessorinterestinusingitstrategically.The formerwillhaverelativelystronglinkages,differentinsubstancefromplaceto place,asplacesaredifferent,whilethelatterwillhaverelativelyweaklinkages.
Diasporamobilization entailsclaim-makingandengagingresources,channellingahomeland-orientedgoalthroughinstitutionalpoliticssuchaslobbying foreignandhomelandgovernmentsandinternationalorganizationsbutalso throughgrassrootspoliticsofprotestsandviolentandnon-violentdemonstrations,fundraising,petitionsandboycotts,andevenrecruitingsoldiersfrom diasporaranksto fightintheirhomecountry.Diasporamobilizationtakesplace alsothroughthecommemorationofnationalanniversaries;talks;cultural productionofbooks, films,andmedia;participationincampaignsintraditional andsocialmedia;andthetakingupofrolesinlargerpoliticalprocessessuch asstate-building,transitionaljustice,anddemocratization.Diasporamobilization isnotsimpleparticipationinsucheventsandprocessbutentailsactiveengagementofothers.
HereIconsiderdiasporamobilizationinatwofoldway.Themainfocusison how contentious amobilizationis,withthreenominalvalues:non-contentious, dual-prongedcontentious,andcontentious.IbasemyunderstandingoncategoriescreatedbyMcAdametal.(2001)inthesocialmovements’ literature. Non-contentiouscorrespondstoamodecalled ‘containedcontention’,when ‘well-establishedmeansofclaimmaking’ arepursued.Indiasporapolitics,lobbyingisafrequentmodeofnon-contentiousaction. ‘Contentious’ correspondsto ‘transgressivecontention’,whereusing ‘episodic,public,collectiveinteractions withatleastsomepartiesarenewlyidentifiedpoliticalactorswhouseinnovative collectiveaction,adoptingmeansthatare ‘eitherunprecedentedorforbidden’ . ⁴⁸ My ‘dual-prongedcontention’ addsathirddimension,anddesignatescontentious andnon-contentiousactionsoccurringsimultaneouslyorwithinashortperiodof time.Adual-prongedapproachtocontentioncouldbeexplicitlystrategizedupon ortakeplacespontaneously.Combininglobbyingorpetitioning,ontheoneside, withprotestsorboycotts,ontheother,occursofteninthiscategory.
Sincehomeland-orientedclaimsofdifferenttypesofcontentioncanbepursued throughdifferent channels,Isecondlypayattentiontohowtypesofdiaspora entrepreneurspursueactionsthroughhost-state,transnational,andsupranational channels.Channellinginterestthroughhost-stateinstitutionsentailsengaging localandnationalparliaments,governments,andcourts.Transnationalchannels entailpeople-to-peoplenetworkspursuedthroughagentsofcivilor ‘un-civil’ society,institutionalizedasNGOsorinitiativesandcampaigns.Thesupranational levelincludesinternationalorganizationsandregionalinstitutions,mostnotably
⁴⁸ McAdametal.2001:7–8.
EU,UN,andotherintergovernmentalbodiesthataffectdomesticpoliticsof home-states,host-states,andothersrelevantfordiasporamobilization.The two-leveltypologicaltheoryhas ‘contention ’ asthebasiclevelelementofdiaspora mobilization,andchannellingofinterestatthesecondlevelofanalysis.⁴⁹
Socialmovementtheoryhasbeenwidelyappliedtoexplaindiasporamobilization.HereIbuildonnumerousestablishedworks,suchasSnow,Warden,and Benford(1986);Tarrow(1998),McAdametal.(2001),Tilly(2002),Diani(2003), Jasper(2004),DellaPortaandTarrow(2005),andFligsteinandMcAdam (2012).⁵⁰ Theytheorizeabouttheimportanceofpoliticalopportunitiesand constraints,mobilizationstrategies,strategicaction fields,framing,coalitionbuilding,andothercausalmechanisms.Ibuildontheirinsightsinthesubsequent chapters,aswellasonthoseofdiasporascholarspreviouslyinspiredby socialmovementtheorywhohavespokenaboutpoliticalentrepreneurs,political opportunitystructures,transnationalbrokerage,framing,coalition-building, andothers.⁵¹
Icontinuedrawinguponscholarshiponsocialmovementsandhowopportunities,constraints,andcausalmechanismsidentifiedbysocialmovementscholarshipoperate,andemphasizeinteractionsinthe transnationalsocial field inwhich diasporaentrepreneursareactivewithregardtopoliticalissuesspecifictoweak and defacto states.DiscussedinChapter2,thetransnationalsocial fieldaddresses denserelationshipsthatspannationalbordersandcarrydynamicsbeyondnationstates.Thefollowingpagesdelvedeeperintothesubstanceoftheselinkagesthat diasporaentrepreneursdevelopacrosshost-lands,originalhomelands,andother locationsinthosetransnationalsocial fields.
TheNatureofDiasporaEntrepreneurs ’ Socio-spatialLinkages
Thisvolumebringstotheforepreviouslynon-existentsystematizationsofthe natureofdiasporaentrepreneurs’ socio-spatiallinkages tocontextssuchas:(1)a home-stateorterritory;(2)areasofhistoricalsignificancecharacterizedby incompletenationandstate-buildingprocesses;(3)otherhost-landsinwhich extendeddiasporafamilieslive;(4)regionsthroughwhichindividualstransitedor livedpreviously;and(5)regionalandgloballinkagesofthehost-statesinwhich theycurrentlylive.Theselinkagesformboundariesinatransnationalsocial field, withinwhichdiasporaentrepreneursareactive,andwhichhavebothsocialand spatialdimensions.Theseboundariesencompassvarietiesofhost-statesand
⁴⁹ IthankGaryGoertzforthiscomment,NotreDame,IN,March2018.
⁵⁰ SnowandBenford1992;Tarrow1998,McAdametal2001,Tilly2002,Diani2003,Jasper2004; DellaPortaandTarrow2005,FligsteinandMcAdam2012.
⁵¹Østergaard-Nielsen2003,ShainandBarth2003,Wayland2004,Adamson2002,SmithandStares 2007,Orjuela2008,Koinova2009,Brinkerhoff2011a,CarmentandSadjied2017.
