Building power to change the world: the political thought of the german council movements james muld by Education Libraries

https://ebookmass.com/product/building-power-to-change-theworld-the-political-thought-of-the-german-council-movements-

Instant digital products (PDF, ePub, MOBI) ready for you

Download now and discover formats that fit your needs...

The Political Thought of Xi Jinping Tsang

https://ebookmass.com/product/the-political-thought-of-xi-jinpingtsang/

ebookmass.com

Truth to Power: A History of the U.S. National Intelligence Council Robert Hutchings

https://ebookmass.com/product/truth-to-power-a-history-of-the-u-snational-intelligence-council-robert-hutchings/

ebookmass.com

The Political Thought Of Xi Jinping Steve Tsang

https://ebookmass.com/product/the-political-thought-of-xi-jinpingsteve-tsang/

ebookmass.com

Forest Ecology: An Evidence-Based Approach Dan Binkley

https://ebookmass.com/product/forest-ecology-an-evidence-basedapproach-dan-binkley/

ebookmass.com

Introduction to Chemical Processes: Principles, Analysis, Synthesis 2nd Edition Regina Murphy

https://ebookmass.com/product/introduction-to-chemical-processesprinciples-analysis-synthesis-2nd-edition-regina-murphy/ ebookmass.com

The Magnificent Book of Cats: (Kids Books About Cats, Middle Grade Cat Books, Books About Animals) Barbara Taylor

https://ebookmass.com/product/the-magnificent-book-of-cats-kids-booksabout-cats-middle-grade-cat-books-books-about-animals-barbara-taylor/

ebookmass.com

SCHWESERNOTES 2023 LEVEL I CFA BOOK 5 PORTFOLIO MANAGEMENT AND ETHICAL AND PROFESSIONAL STANDARDS Kaplan Schweser

https://ebookmass.com/product/schwesernotes-2023-level-i-cfabook-5-portfolio-management-and-ethical-and-professional-standardskaplan-schweser/ ebookmass.com

Advances in Quantum Chemical Topology Beyond QTAIM Juan I. Rodriguez

https://ebookmass.com/product/advances-in-quantum-chemical-topologybeyond-qtaim-juan-i-rodriguez/

ebookmass.com

Heroes of the Final Frontier (Book #1): The World of Waldyra LitRPG Cycle Dem Mikhailov

https://ebookmass.com/product/heroes-of-the-final-frontier-book-1-theworld-of-waldyra-litrpg-cycle-dem-mikhailov/

ebookmass.com

https://ebookmass.com/product/sleep-through-insomnia-end-the-anxietyand-discover-sleep-relief-with-guided-cbt-i-therapy-brandon-r-peters/

ebookmass.com

BuildingPowertoChangetheWorld

BuildingPowerto ChangetheWorld

ThePoliticalThoughtofthe

GermanCouncilMovements

JAMESMULDOON

GreatClarendonStreet,Oxford,OX26DP, UnitedKingdom

OxfordUniversityPressisadepartmentoftheUniversityofOxford. ItfurtherstheUniversity’sobjectiveofexcellenceinresearch,scholarship, andeducationbypublishingworldwide.Oxfordisaregisteredtrademarkof OxfordUniversityPressintheUKandincertainothercountries

©JamesMuldoon2020

Themoralrightsoftheauthorhavebeenasserted FirstEditionpublishedin2020

Impression:1

Allrightsreserved.Nopartofthispublicationmaybereproduced,storedin aretrievalsystem,ortransmitted,inanyformorbyanymeans,withoutthe priorpermissioninwritingofOxfordUniversityPress,orasexpresslypermitted bylaw,bylicenceorundertermsagreedwiththeappropriatereprographics rightsorganization.Enquiriesconcerningreproductionoutsidethescopeofthe aboveshouldbesenttotheRightsDepartment,OxfordUniversityPress,atthe addressabove

Youmustnotcirculatethisworkinanyotherform andyoumustimposethissameconditiononanyacquirer

PublishedintheUnitedStatesofAmericabyOxfordUniversityPress 198MadisonAvenue,NewYork,NY10016,UnitedStatesofAmerica

BritishLibraryCataloguinginPublicationData Dataavailable

LibraryofCongressControlNumber:2020947781

ISBN978–0–19–885662–7

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198856627.001.0001

PrintedandboundinGreatBritainby ClaysLtd,ElcografS.p.A.

LinkstothirdpartywebsitesareprovidedbyOxfordingoodfaithand forinformationonly.Oxforddisclaimsanyresponsibilityforthematerials containedinanythirdpartywebsitereferencedinthiswork.

Introduction

DuringthechaosandpoliticalunrestoftheFirstWorldWar,councilmovements aroseacrossEuropethroughsoldiermutinies,massstrikes,andfactoryoccupations.Thecouncilmovementsseizeduponamomentofexceptionalopportunity broughtaboutbythecrisisofthewartolaunchaprojectofpoliticaltransformationunprecedentedinitsscale.Inspiredbythemomentumoftherisingrevolutionarywaveof1917–20,workersandsoldierselecteddelegatestocouncils,which actedasrevolutionarycommitteesrepresentingtheinterestsofthelowerclasses. ThedesireforradicalchangespreadrapidlyacrossboardersascouncilmovementsemergedinRussia,Germany,Austria,Hungary,Italy,andtheUnited Kingdom.Organizingthroughthesenewmodelsofdemocraticgovernance, councilmovementsdramaticallyreshapedEuropeanpoliticsbyprecipitatingthe fallofpowerfulempiresandleadingtothecreationofnewrepublics.Although frequentlydepictedasshort-livedandabortive,thesemovementsproducedlastingsocialchangeinspiteoftheirbriefexistence.InGermany,theycontributedto endingthewar,bringingdownthemonarchy,introducingtheeight-hourworkday,andinstitutingwomen’ssuffrage.¹

However,thesechallengestoestablishedhierarchiesalsogeneratedpowerful counter-movementsindefenceoftheoldorder.Fearsofthecouncilmovements’ demandsforradicalsocialtransformationdrovetheGermangovernmentto empowertheright-wing Freikorps,sowingtheseedsfortheriseofNazismand theSecondWorldWar.²Attemptstoestablishcouncilstateswerequicklycrushed acrossEuropebycounter-revolutionaryforces.Thepoliticalprogrammesraised byradicalcouncildelegateslargelydisappearedwiththedemobilizationofthe councilmovementsandweresoonovershadowedbyotherhistoricaleventsand politicalideologies.InRussia,thecouncilmovementsweresuppressedbythe centralizingtendenciesoftheBolshevikParty,leadingtotheintegrationofcouncil institutionsintothebureaucraticstructureofaone-partystate.InGermany meanwhile,councildelegatesvotedfortheestablishmentofaliberalparliament inwhichnon-socialistpartieswonamajorityofseatsatthe ﬁrstnationalelection. Ashakycoalitionwasformedbetweenliberals,theCatholicParty,andmoderate

¹RalfHoffrogge, Working-ClassPoliticsintheGermanRevolution:RichardMüller,the RevolutionaryShopStewardsandtheOriginsoftheCouncilMovement (Leiden:BrillPublishers, 2014),8.

²MarkJones, FoundingWeimar (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,2016).

BuildingPowertoChangetheWorld:ThePoliticalThoughtoftheGermanCouncilMovements. JamesMuldoon, OxfordUniversityPress(2020).©JamesMuldoon.DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198856627.003.0001

socialists,creatingthedangerousinstabilityoftheWeimarRepublic.By1923,the politicalambitionsofradicalcouncildelegateswereshattered,asanyhopeof achievingtheirbroaderpoliticalobjectiveshadfadedfromview.

Duetotheopennessanduncertaintyoftherevolutionaryuprisings,this transitionalperiodofinnovationgaverisetoanincrediblyfertilebodyofpolitical thought.Germancouncildelegatesdevelopedaradicalvisionofaselfdeterminingsocietyinwhichallcitizenswouldexercisefreedomthroughdirect participationinpoliticalandeconomicinstitutions.Debatesbetweendelegates consistedofhowtoequalizepowerbetweencitizensandcombinethetwin objectivesofdemocracyandsocialisminatransformativepoliticalprogramme. Inparticular,theysoughtwaystoextenddemocraticprinciplestoabroadrangeof socialinstitutionssuchasthearmy,schools,culturalinstitutions,workplaces,and thegovernmentbureaucracy.However,therehasbeensurprisinglylittleinterest inthecouncilmovementsinanglophonescholarshipandonlyahandfulof historicalstudiesoftheirpoliticalthought.³Onaccountofthisscholarlyneglect andtheirambiguouslegacy,myaiminthisbookistoreconstructtheirpolitical thoughtasadistinctcontributiontothehistoryofideasandofongoingrelevance forcontemporarypolitics.Drawingfromthepracticesofthecouncilmovements andthewritingsoftheoristssuchasRosaLuxemburg,AntonPannekoek,andKarl Kautsky,thisbookanalysestheGermancouncilmovements’ programmeto democratizepolitics,theeconomy,andsocietythroughbuildingpowerful worker-ledorganizationsandcultivatingworkers’ politicalagency.

GermanyataCrossroads

InNovember1918,astheGermanwareffortshowedsignsofexhaustion,workers andsoldiersorganizedintodemocraticcouncilsthatseizedpowerfromtheold royalty,industrialists,andelitesoftheGermanEmpire.Theformationofcouncils wasinspiredbyasailormutinyinKielpromptedbyanorderissuedon24October 1918byReinhardtScheer,ChiefofNavalStaff,tolaunchtheentireGermannavy ina finalsuicidal fighttothedeathagainsttheBritishnavyinanattempttorestore theprestigeoftheGermanAdmiralty.Withoutconsultingtheciviliangovernment,whichwasalreadyintalkstowardsanarmistice,AdmiralScheerhopedfor ‘anhonourablebattlebythe fleet’ whichwould ‘sowtheseedofanewGerman

³ImportantstudiesincludeOskarAnweiler, TheSoviets:TheRussianWorkers,Peasants,and SoldiersCouncils,1905–1921 (NewYork:PantheonBooks,1974);Hoffrogge, Working-ClassPolitics intheGermanRevolution;YohanDubigeon, Ladémocratiedesconseils:Auxoriginsmodernesde l’autogouvernement (Paris:Klincksiek,2017).InGerman,seeHansHautmann, DieGeschichteder RätebewegunginÖsterreich1918–1924 (Vienna:Europaverlag,1995);AxelWeipert, DieZweite Revolution.RätebewegunginBerlin1919/1920 (Berlin:be.bra,2015);VolkerArnold, Rätebewegung undRätetheorieninderNovemberrevolution,2nded.(Hamburg:JuniusVerlag,1985).

ﬂeetofthefuture’ . ⁴ ScheerbelongedtotheoldGermanEmpire,aclosedand hierarchicalsocialorderruledbyawealthymilitaryelitethatresistedpressuresfor democraticreform.Whenthecouncilsofsoldiersandindustrialworkersaroseto resistthismilitaryorder,theywereinspiredbyaradicallydifferentvisionof politics,oneinwhichpowerwasexercisedcollectivelythroughdemocraticorganizationswithaccountableandrecallabledelegates.ThesloganoftheearlyGerman councilswas ‘Freiheit,Friede,undBrot!’ [freedom,peace,andbread]andtheir demandsconsistedofcallsfordemocracy,paciﬁsm,andthetransformationofthe hierarchicalandbureaucraticapparatusesthatoppressedthem.⁵

Thecouncilsdevelopedspontaneouslywithoutpriortheoreticalelaborationor detailedplansfortheirproperstructureandrole.Uponhearingoftheformation ofcouncilsacrossGermany,RevolutionaryShopStewardRichardMüllerrecalled hastilydrawinganinitialplanforelectionstocouncilsinBerlin ‘withoutchecking itthoroughly,respondingtotheneedofthehour’ ⁶ Theswiftspreadofthe revolutiontookboththeauthoritiesandtherevolutionariesbysurprise.The rapiddevelopmentofeventsonthegroundleftcompetingpoliticalgroups strugglingtokeeppace.Althoughtheuprisingswerenotinitiatedbytheestablishedpoliticalparties,thelatterquicklystrovetogaininﬂuenceandpowerover thecouncilsbyproposingtheirownpartydelegatestobeelectedinthecouncils andcaucusingbeforecouncilmeetings.Barelyaweekhadpassedbetweenthe initialmutinyandtheorganizationofhundredsofcouncilsacrossGermany, leadingtotheannouncementoftheabdicationoftheKaiserbytheChancellor on9November1918.⁷

Theeventsweremetwithamixtureoffearandjubilation.Fortherevolutionaries,thefalloftheoldregimesparkedenthusiasmforthepossibilityofthe beginningofaworldwidesocialistrevolution.Red ﬂagswereraisedoverthe RoyalPalaceinBerlinastriumphantcrowdsofworkersmarchedthroughthe streets.Buttherewerealsowidespreadfearsofimpendingviolence,wildrumours ofsecretplots,andageneralsenseofdesperationandexhaustionafteryearsof wartimehardship.⁸ Duringthisunstableandcontradictoryperiod,desiresfor socialchangeandafundamentaltransformationofhierarchicalsocialinstitutions wereintermingledwithfearsofaviolentrevolutionandalongingforpeaceand stability.AtthesametimeastheSpartacusLeagueproclaimedtherevolution

⁴ OttoGroos, DerKrieginderNordsee (Berlin:E.S.Mittler,1922),344.

⁵ AlexanderBessmertnyandM.NevenDuMont,eds., DieParteienunddasRätesystem (Charlottenburg:DeutscheVerlagsgesellschaftfürPolitikundGeschichtem.b.H.,1919),65.

⁶ Hoffrogge, Working-ClassPoliticsintheGermanRevolution,76.

⁷ EberhalbKolb, DieArbeiterräteinderdeutschenInnenpolitik,1918–1919 (Berlin:Droste,1962), 71–82.

⁸ MarkJonesnotesthatthesefearsincluded ‘revolutionaries’ beliefinnon-existentarmedcounterrevolutionaries;fearsthatasingleorganizationcontrolledtherevolutionasitspreadacrossGermany; ideasthatKarlLiebknechtpossessedasecretarmy;andmoregeneralproteanfearsofthetotal breakdownofsocialandpoliticalorder.’ Jones, FoundingWeimar,2.

wouldbe ‘drivenforwardbyitsinnercontradictions’ towards ‘therealizationof theultimategoalofsocialism’,thenewChancellor,FriedrichEbert,warnedofthe dangerof ‘anarchyandthemostterriblemisery’,callingonprotestersto ‘leavethe streets ...to ensurethatthereispeaceandorder.’⁹

Withconservativeandreactionarygroupstemporarilyobstructedandoverwhelmed,theExecutiveCounciloftheWorkers ’ andSoldiers’ Councilsdeclared itselfthehighestpoliticalauthorityoftheSocialistRepublicofGermanyand orderedthatthecouncils’ power ‘mustbesecuredandexpandedsothatthe achievementsoftherevolutionwillbeneﬁttheentireworkingclass’.¹⁰ Forthe monthsofNovemberandDecember,1918,therewasaprecariousbalanceof powerbetweentheoldgovernmentbureaucracyandradicalcouncildelegates whichwasthecauseofgreatdiscord.¹¹Whiletheformer,assistedbytheleadershipoftheSocialDemocraticPartyofGermany(SPD),wishedtomaintainthe essentialaspectsoftheoldregime,thelatterenvisioned ‘anewworldwidesociety ofworkers,free,withoutfearorwant,asocietybasedonworkerdemocracy developingintoasingleunitofmankind’.¹²

However,therewereanumberofcompetingforceswithinthecouncilmovements,rangingfromthemoderateSPDtoanumberofmoreradicalgroupssuch astheIndependentSocialDemocraticPartyofGermany(USPD),the RevolutionaryShopStewards,andtheSpartacusLeague.WhiletheSPDleadershipwishedtoholdtherevolutionbacktopreventfurthersocialchange,themore radicalgroupsdemandedmoreextensivetransformationsofGermansociety.The briefmonthsofthecouncilmovements’ existenceweretheoccasionforsomeof themostimportantdebatesinthehistoryofEuropeanpolitics.Atstakewasthe questionofhowImperialGermanycouldbetransformedintoafreerepublic.Of particularconcerntoworkerswerehowdemocraticchangescouldbeinstitutedin theproductionprocessandeconomicinstitutions.Wouldagenuinedemocracy requireasocialistorganizationofeconomiclifeandhowwouldthisfunctionin practice?Drawingondebatesthatoccurredwithintheworkers’ movementover theprecedingtwodecades,socialistsdevelopednewpoliticalprogrammes throughtheapplicationoftheirtheoriestorapidlychangingcircumstances.

Ataninstitutionallevel,debatesweredominatedbythequestionof ‘National AssemblyversusCouncilRepublic’.Moderatedelegateswithinthecouncilsfrom

⁹ InstitutfürMarxismus-Leninismus, DokumenteundMaterialienzurGeschichtederDeutschen Arbeiterbewegung,Band2November1917 Dezember1918 (Berlin:DietzVerlag,1957),418–21, 333–4.

⁰ GabrielKuhn,ed., AllPowertotheCouncils!ADocumentaryHistoryoftheGermanRevolutionof 1918–1919 (Oakland:PMPress,2012),33.

¹¹FriedrichEberthadcalledforallgovernmentpersonneltoremainintheirposts,whilemanyof thecouncilssoughttoexercise ‘control’ rightsoverthedecisionsofthegovernmentbureaucracyrather thancompletelyreplacethem.WalterTormin, ZwischenRätediktaturUndSozialerDemokratie:Die GeschichteDerRätebewegunginDerDeutschenRevolution1918/19 (Düsseldorf:DrosteVerlag,1954), 89–90.

¹²AnonymouspamphletquotedinKuhn,ed., AllPowertotheCouncils!,13.

theSPDwereinfavourofholdingelectionstoanationalassembly.Theycalledfor thecreationofliberalparliamentaryinstitutionswithuniversalsuffrageand supportedthemaintenanceofexistingsocialandeconomicstructureswith minorsocialreforms.Ontheotherhand,radicaldelegatesintheRevolutionary ShopStewardsandSpartacusLeaguearguedthatanationalassemblywouldallow existingelitestoretainpowerandpreventmoresigniﬁcantandwide-reaching democratictransformationstoGermansociety.Theyadvocatedforsovereign powertoremaininthecouncilsystemthathadarisenorganicallyoverthecourse oftherevolution.Fearingthatoldeliteswouldreasserttheircontrol,theypushed foramoreprofoundreorganizationofGermansocietyandthedemocratizationof keysocialinstitutionssuchasthearmy,schools,culturalinstitutions,civilservice, andworkplaces.Theyquestionedwhetherliberaldemocraticinstitutionscould adequatelychallengerelationsofdominationbetweensocialclassesorredress fundamentaleconomicinequalities.

Inadditiontothe ‘councilsorparliament’ debate,radicalcounciltheorists producedanexpansivevisionofaparticipatory,self-determiningsociety,which calledfor ‘theworkers’ permanentandactiveparticipationinalleconomicand politicalareas’.¹³RevolutionaryShopStewardErnstDäumiganticipated ‘ a Germanywhoseaffairsarereallydeterminedbyactivepeopledoingmorethan runningtotheballotboxeverytwoorthreeyears...Itcanonlybechangedbya dedicatedattempttomakeandkeeptheGermanpeoplepoliticallyactive.’¹⁴ In linewiththisvision,theysupportedaformofpositivelibertythatIcallfreedomas collectiveself-determination,accordingtowhichfreedommustbeexercised ratherthanenjoyedasastateorcondition.Workers’ controldidnotsimplyentail acentralizedsocialistpartyadministeringtheeconomy.Counciltheoristswere inspiredbyavisionofsocialismfrombelowinwhichordinarycitizenswould engageindeliberationanddecision-makingatalocallevel.Däumigarguedthat ‘it ismandatorytomakeitatruepeople’smovementthatincludesthebottomof society.’¹⁵ Theybelievedstructuresofpowershouldbeorganizedfromthebottom up,suchthatrank-and- ﬁlemembersofthecouncilswouldplayakeyrolein politicalprocesses.Forthecouncilmovements,theveryideaofwhatitmeantfor individualstoliveasfreeandequalcitizensinafreesocietyinvolvedaconception ofactivecitizenshipandparticipationineconomicandpoliticalinstitutions.

Radicaldelegatesalsocalledfortheextensionofdemocraticprinciplesfromthe politicalspheretootherdomainsofsocietywheredemocracy-resistantinstitutionsandforcesremainedembedded.Democracywasnotdismissedasabourgeoisshamthatneededtobereplacedbyautopianalternative.Rather,a

¹³ErnstDäumig, ‘TheCouncilIdeaanditsRealization’,in AllPowertotheCouncils!,ed.Kuhn,52.

¹⁴ Ibid.

¹⁵ ErnstDäumig, ‘TheNationalAssemblyMeanstheCouncils’ Death’,in AllPowertotheCouncils!, ed.Kuhn,41.

participatorydemocraticsocialistsocietywasenvisagedasanextensionand radicalizationofdemocracyfromthepoliticaldomaintodemandsformore substantivesocial,economic,andculturalequality.Inthissense,politicaldemocracywasunderstoodasthebasisformoreradicalegalitarianreforms. Democratizingauthoritystructureswasviewedasthepathwaytoaparticipatory societyinwhichcitizenswouldplayanactiveroleinself-determininginstitutions.

Whilespeci ficproposalsfordemocratizingauthoritystructuresdiffered betweengroups,radicalcouncildelegatesarguedfortheelectionofmilitary officers,thedissolutionofthepolice,thecreationofapeoples’ militia,the replacementofstatebureaucratsbyelectedofficials,theinstitutionofworkers’ managementoffactories,andthesocializationofkeyindustries.Theirtransformativeprogrammeinvolvedovercomingtheliberalseparationoftheprivate fromthepublicsphereandinterveningintoclosedandhierarchicalinstitutions fromwhichworkers’ voiceshadbeenexcluded.Claimingnewrightsofdemocratic control,thecouncilmovementsaimedtorestructuresocialandeconomicinstitutionstoguaranteeworkersmoremeaningfulinfluenceandcontroloverauthoritystructures.

Mostimportantly,thisconsistedofworkers’ controlovereconomicproduction throughself-managedenterprisesandthecreationofnewinstitutionstoexercise democraticcontrolovertheeconomy.Evenmoderatecouncildelegateswerein favourofarapidsocializationofGermanindustrytoachievegreaterlevelsof workerautonomyintheworkplace.The ‘socialization’ debateswithinthecouncil movementsconcernedtheappropriatemethodsfortransferringownershipof majorindustrialenterprisessuchascoalminesintopublichandsandestablishing workers’ controloverindividualworkplaces.ParticipantsintheSocialization Committee,establishedinNovember1918inthewakeoftherevolution,consideredwaysinwhichneweconomicinstitutionscouldbeestablishedthatwould balancetheinterestsofworkersinindividualworkplaceswithbroadersocial needs.¹

⁶

Theoristswithinthecouncilmovementsalsoemphasizedthesubjectiverole thatclass-consciousnessplayedinpoliticalstruggleandbelievedthatchangesin theeconomicspherewouldneedtobeaccompaniedbywidespreadcultural transformationandspiritualrenewal.Aself-determiningsocietywouldrequire public-spiritedcitizenswhonaturallytendedtowardspromotingthecommon goodandactinginsolidaritywiththeirfellowcitizens.RosaLuxemburgarticulatedtheseconcernsthroughthelanguageof ‘socialistcivicvirtues’,which remainsanimportantandoverlookedcontributiontodemocraticsocialist ¹⁶ SeeKarlKautsky, ‘Speechon “theSocialisationofEconomicLife” attheSecondCongressof CouncilsinApril1919’,in TheGermanLeftandtheWeimarRepublic:ASelectionofDocuments,ed. BenFowkes(Leiden:Brill,2014),33.

politicalthought.¹⁷ Pannekoekalsoemphasizedthenecessarychangesinwhathe consideredapeople’ s ‘spirit’ [Geist]ormentalitiesinorderforrevolutionary actiontobesuccessful.ForPannekoek,thetransformationofeconomicinstitutions ‘mustbeaccompaniedbyanequallyfundamentalspiritualrevolution’ throughwhichanewideologywouldgain ‘groundstepbystep,wagingarelentless battleagainstthetraditionalideastowhichtherulingclassesareclinging,this struggleisthementalcompanionofthesocialclassstruggle’.¹⁸

Thestruggleforaself-determiningsocietynecessitatedchallengingentrenched hierarchicalstructures,whichupheldstrictclassdivisionsinGermansociety. Questionsofstructuralpowerwerecentraltothepoliticalstrategiesofthecouncil movementsbecausetheybelievedeliteswouldnevervoluntarilygiveuptheir positionofdominance.Theysoughttoshiftthebalanceofpowerbetweenclasses inordertoundertakesocialandpoliticaltransformation.Althoughdifferencesin perspectiveexistedbetweencouncildelegates,thegeneralmethodtheyproposed forchallengingthedominanceofeliteswasbuildingtheindependentpowerofthe workingclassthroughstrengtheningworker-ledinstitutionsandcultivatingthe agencyofordinaryworkers.Theyoperatedwithanexpansiveunderstandingof whatconstitutedthe ‘workingclass’,whichincludedintellectuals,white-collar workers,andtheunemployed althoughthiscategorywascontested.Thispositionofbuildingworkers’ powerstoodincontrasttomoralreformerssuchas FriedrichFörsterwhoarguedthatthoseinpowercouldbevoluntarilypersuaded toadoptnewnormsthroughtheinﬂuenceofethicalidealswithouttheneedfor coercionoropenpoliticalconﬂict.¹⁹ Manyliberalsatthetimehopedthatmoral principlesofco-operationandcivilitycouldplayapedagogicalroleinpoliticallife andleadtothedevelopmentofacommonnationalinterest.

Councildelegates,ontheotherhand,consideredthattheonlywaytosecure lastingsocialchangewouldbetodeveloptheindependentpoweroftheworking classasanessentialpreconditionforpoliticaltransformation.Incontrasttoliberal reformers,counciltheoristsstrategizedwaysinwhichworkers’ powercouldbe enhancedwhilesappingtheorganizationalandideologicalpowerofthebourgeoisie.Theyheldnoillusionsofthecollapseofthebourgeoisworldfollowingone singleeventinwhichtheoldregimewouldbeoverthrown.Rather,theythought thatrevolutionarytransformationwouldbeanongoingstruggleoverthecourseof yearsinwhichthepowerofworkerswouldbepittedagainsttheirclassenemy. Ratherthanseekingoutwaysinwhichsocialchangecouldbeachievedwithout theneedfordevelopingcollectivepower,thecouncilmovementsplaced

¹⁷ RosaLuxemburg, ‘WhatdoestheSpartacusLeagueWant?’ .

¹⁸ AntonPannekoek, ‘ThePositionandSigniﬁcanceofJosephDietzgen’sPhilosophicalWorks’,in JosephDietzgen, ThePositiveOutcomeofPhilosophy (Chicago,1906),12–13.

¹⁹ FriedrichFörster, WeltpolitikundWeltgewissen (München,1919).

considerationsofthestruggleforpowerbetweenclassesatthecentreoftheir politicalstrategy.

ReturningtotheCouncilMovements

Therelativelackofhistoricalscholarshiponthepoliticalthoughtofthecouncil movementsispartlyaresultoftheirunexpectedriseandrapidcollapse.Itiseasy toviewthisperiodasaninsigniﬁcantandminorepisodeinthehistoryofsocialist politicalthought.Afterall,bytheearly1920s,thecouncilmovementshadallbut disappeared,withtheprospectsoftheirdemocraticsocialistprogrammesburied forageneration.Yetitwouldbeamistaketooverlookthesemovementsasamere historicalanachronism.Theproblemsthatthecouncilmovementsfaced howto challengesocialhierarchies,equalizepowerbetweencitizens,andimplementa transformativepoliticalprogrammeintheinterestsofthemany arestillvexing questionsforcontemporaryprogressivepoliticalgroups.TheEuropeancouncil movementsinstitutedthe ﬁrstworker-ledrevolutionsinindustrializedcountries toseriouslyconsiderthenecessarypracticalstepsforsocializingmajorindustries andestablishingdemocraticcontrolsovertheeconomy.Theyengagedinvigorous debatesoverthenatureandscopeofdemocraticgovernment,includingtheextent towhichauthoritystructuresoutsidethegovernmentalsphereshouldbedemocratized.TheyalsosoughttocombineMarxistanalysesofpoliticaleconomywith theoriesofmodernrepresentativedemocracyinanattempttoconceptualizethe institutionaldimensionsofapost-capitalist,democraticsocialistsociety.These debatespresentconceptualresourcesthatcanstillinformcontemporary discussions.

Itisashame,then,thatsocialistpoliticaltheoristsofthiserahavelongsince fallenoutoffashioninmainstreampoliticaldiscourse.Manyoftheseminal theoreticalprojectsoftheLeftinthe1980sand90s,suchasChantalMouffe andErnestoLaclau’ s HegemonyandSocialistStrategy andAndrewAratoandJean Cohen’ s CivilSocietyandPoliticalTheory ,were post-Marxistinorientationand beganwitharepudiationoftheperceivedoutdatedperspectiveofthe ‘OldLeft’ . ForMouffeandLaclau,thetheoristsoftheSecondInternationalwerecaptivetoa logicofhistoricalnecessityandadheredtoanunrealisticanddangerousidealof emancipationunderstoodastheconstructionofarationalandself-determining politicalorder.²⁰ Theoreticalattentionwasturnedfromeconomicconsiderations toquestionsof ‘thesocial’ andpotentialalliancesbetweennewsocialmovements. Oneaimofthisbookistodemonstratethatthetheoristsofthecouncil movementswerenotasrigid,dogmatic,orsimplisticashasbeenassumed.The

²⁰ SeethediscussionofRosaLuxemburgandKarlKautskyinErnestoLaclauandChantalMouffe, HegemonyandSocialistStrategy:TowardsaRadicalDemocraticPolitics (London:Verso,1985),8–19.

selectionoftheoristsinthisbookwhoparticipatedinorwroteaboutthecouncil movementsshowsthattherewereavarietyofpoliticalpositionsadoptedtowards thecouncilsanddifferentprogrammesforhowtheycouldbeincorporatedintoa newsociety.Therewasnosinglepoliticalideologyof ‘councilism’ or ‘council communism’,whichonlyemergedlaterthroughpolemicswiththeBolsheviksand criticismsoftheprogressoftheRussianRevolution.²¹Politicaldisagreementsover thecorrectstructure,direction,andpurposeofthecouncilmovementsrevealed importantdifferencesinprincipleandstrategybetweentheoristswithinthe Germansocialistmovement.Thedebatesthatoccurredleadinguptoandduring theGermanRevolutionareanimportantyetoverlookedchapterinlibertarian socialistpoliticalthought.Therearealsointerestingparallelswithotherneighbouringtraditionsofthought.Inmanyrespects,thegenerationofthecouncil movementsanticipatedcertainaspectsofthe ‘participatorydemocracy’ programmeraisedbytheStudentsforaDemocraticSocietyoftheNewLeft.These endeavoursarerootedin ‘theancient,stillunfulﬁlledconceptionofmanattaining determininginﬂuenceoverhiscircumstancesoflife.’²²Thereisstillmuchthat participatory(anddeliberative)democratstodaycanlearnfromtheoriginal effortsofthecouncilmovementstocreateamoreparticipatorysocietya centuryago.

Anotherbarriertointerpretationisthedistortedhistoricalaccountsofferedby someofthemostinﬂuentialinterpretersofthecouncilmovements.²³Atheoryof councildemocracyisperhapsmostwellknowninpoliticaltheorythroughthe famousinterpretationprovidedbyHannahArendtattheendof OnRevolution.²⁴ However,Arendt’sretrievalofthe ‘councilsystem’ failstoengageinahistorical analysisofthemainparticipantsintheEuropeancouncilmovements.Sheoffersa ‘mythic’ idealizedaccountofthecouncilsdepictedastheregularre-emergenceof aspontaneousinstitutionthatsprangdirectlyfromthepeoples’ politicalactivities andposedanalternativetoparliamentarydemocracy.However,fromthe Europeancouncilmovementsof1917–20tothe1956HungarianRevolution, Arendtdisregardscouncildelegates ’ socialistideologyandsocio-economicconcerns,arguingthatcouncils ‘havealwaysbeenprimarilypolitical,withsocialand

²¹SeeJamesMuldoon, ‘TheBirthofCouncilCommunism’,in TheGermanRevolutionandPolitical Theory,eds.GaardKetsandJamesMuldoon(London:PalgraveMacmillan,2019),339–60.

²²StudentsforaDemocraticSociety, ThePortHuronStatement (Chicago:CharlesH.Kerr PublishingCo.,1990).

²³JohnMedearis, ‘LostorObscured?HowV.I.Lenin,JosephSchumpeter,andHannahArendt MisunderstoodtheCouncilMovement’ , Polity 36,no.3(2004),447–76.

²⁴ HannahArendt, OnRevolution (NewYork:Penguin,2006),247–73.SeealsoHannahArendt, TheJewishWritings (NewYork:SchockenBooks,2007),343–74,388–401;HannahArendt, The HumanCondition (Chicago:TheUniversityofChicagoPress,1958),215–20;HannahArendt, Crises oftheRepublic (NewYork,NY:HarcourtBraceJovanovich,1972),189–91;HannahArendt, Menin DarkTimes (NewYork:Harcourt,BraceandWorld,1970),52.

economicclaimsplayingaveryminorrole’.²⁵ Asaresult,sheisconfoundedbythe councils’ emergencewithintheworkers’ movementandprovidesanunconvincing attempttoseparateinstancesofrevolutionarycouncilsconcernedwithpurely politicalmattersfromworkers’ councilsseekingtoorganizeeconomicproduction. Arendt’sdepictionofthecouncilshasledherinterpreterstoviewthe ﬁnalchapter of OnRevolution astheoutlineofanabstracttheoreticalmodelwithoutdue considerationofthehistoricalmanifestationofthecouncilmovements.²⁶ The resulthasbeenaneglectoftheoristsdirectlyparticipatinginthecouncilmovementswhoremainlargelyoverlookedinArendt’sinterpretation.

Thepoliticalthoughtofthecouncilmovementshasalsobeenmarginalizedas anobjectofserioushistoricalinvestigationduetoLenin ’scriticismsoftheradical theoristswithintheGermanandDutchsectionsoftheCommunistInternational asrepresentingan ‘infantiledisorder’ ofultra-leftismwithintheworkers’ movement.²⁷ Whiletherearedifferencesbetweentheparticipantsinthecouncil movementsof1917–20andthelaterdevelopmentofcouncilcommunismasan ideologyopposedtoLeninism,Lenin’snegativeportrayaloftheoristssuchas AntonPannekoekhasadverselyimpactedupontheinterpretationofthecouncil movements.²⁸ ContrarytoLenin’sinterpretation,manyofthecounciltheorists madesigniﬁcanttheoreticalinnovationswithinMarxism,particularlybyadvancingdemocraticrepublicanaspectsofMarx’spoliticalthought.²⁹ Withinsocialist politicaltheory,thecouncilmovementshavebeenmostassociatedwitharigid formof ‘councilism’,whichhasbeendepictedasadogmaticideologybasedonthe rejectionofpartydiscipline,parliamentaryelections,andtradeunions.³ ⁰ This bookexaminesthepoliticaltheoriesofparticipantsinthecouncilmovementsin ordertorevealamorecomplexpictureofthediversityoftheirtheoretical programmes.

ThereturntothepoliticaltheoriesoftheGermancouncilmovementsinthis bookisprimarilyaprojectinthehistoryofpoliticalthought.Thecouncil movementsaroseduringanoverlookedtransitionalperiodinEuropeanhistory thatwarrantsfurtherexamination.Thecouncilmovementsledtotheunexpected transformationoftheRussian,German,andAustro-HungarianEmpiresintoa

⁵ Arendt, OnRevolution,266.JamesMuldoon, ‘TheOriginsofHannahArendt’sCouncilSystem’ , HistoryofPoliticalThought 37,no.4(2016),761–89.

⁶ AndreasKalyvas, DemocracyandthePoliticsoftheExtraordinary (Cambridge:Cambridge UniversityPress,2009),187–300.

⁷ V.I.Lenin, ‘“Left-Wing” Communism:AnInfantileDisorder’,in CollectedWorks,Vol.31 (Moscow:ProgressPublishers,1965).

²⁸ Onthedevelopmentofcouncilcommunismonthebasisoftheexperiencesofthecouncil movementsseeJamesMuldoon, ‘TheBirthofCouncilCommunism’,in TheGermanRevolutionand PoliticalTheory,ed.KetsandMuldoon.

²⁹ OnMarx’sdemocraticrepublicanismseeBrunoLeipold, CitizenMarx:Republicanism, CommunismandCapitalism. Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress,(forthcoming).

³⁰ GillesDauvé, EclipseandRe-EmergenceoftheCommunistMovement (London:PMPress,2015),95.

numberofindependentrepublics.Thisrepresentsasigniﬁcantchapterinthe developmentofmodernpoliticalthought.Yetratherthaninterpretingthistransformationasasimplemovementfromonesetofpoliticalinstitutionstoanother, thisstudyraisesthequestionofforgottenpoliticalalternatives.InearlyNovember 1918,anumberofdifferentpoliticalpossibilitieswereopenforthefuturedirectionofGermanpolitics.Germanywasinnosensepredestinedtotransitionfrom monarchicaltoliberaldemocraticinstitutions,whichresultedfromasetof historicallycontingentfactors.Animportantpartofthisstudyinvolvesuncoveringthecompetingidealsandpoliticalprogrammes,whichweresupportedduring thisrevolutionaryperiod,butwhichmaynothaveachievedfullrealizationin practice.

QuentinSkinnerhaswarnedthat ‘onceapoliticalideaachievesapositionof hegemonyitcomestoberegardedastheonlycoherentwayofthinkingaboutthe conceptinvolved.’ ReturningtothehistoryoftheGermancouncilmovements helpsremindusthat ‘ourpresentwaysofthinking ...reﬂectaseriesofchoices madeatdifferenttimesbetweendifferentpossibleworlds.’³¹Thecurrentdominanceofliberaldemocracyastheonlyviableconceptionofdemocraticgovernment ispartlyaresultofthishistoricalforgetting.Historicalscholarshipenablesusto denaturalizehegemonicaccountsofpoliticsandexpandoursenseofhistorical possibilitythroughencounterswithforeignwaysofinterpretingpolitics.Farfrom beinganantiquarianhistoricalfootnote,thecouncilmovementsraiseimportant questionsfordemocraticandsocialisttheorytoday.Thisstudyseekstoreignite discussionofthepossibilityofthecompatibilityofdemocracywithsocialism,of democraticinterventionintotheeconomy,andofachievingamoreparticipatory democraticsociety.

ThereisalsoanArendtianelementtothisrecoveryofthepoliticalthoughtof thecouncilmovements.Ihavenotattemptedasystematicexpositionofevery importanttheoristwithinthecouncilmovements.Rather,Ihavefocusedon speciﬁcidealsandprogrammesattheintersectionofdemocraticandsocialist thoughtthatspeaktocurrentconcernsabouthowdemocracycouldbedeepened andexpanded.Arendtimaginesthepoliticaltheoristasakinto ‘thepearldiver whodescendstothebottomofthesea’,inordertobringtothesurface ‘thought fragments’ assomething ‘richandstrange’ thatmightallowustointerpretcurrent eventsinanewlight.³²Thishistoryofthecouncilsisnotaimedatresuscitatinga pastera,butratherseekstouncovercertainunfulﬁlledhopesandaspirationsof politicaltransformationthatremainaliveinthepresent.

Thishistoricalwork,then,couldbeseenasplayingadoublerole.First,itserves asacriticaltoolagainstexistinginstitutions,demonstratingthecontingencyofthe

³¹QuentinSkinner, LibertybeforeLiberalism (Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1996),117.

³²HannahArendt, MeninDarkTimes (NewYork:HarcourtBraceandCompany,1968),205.

currentorderandcounteringtheeffectsofdominantpoliticalnarratives.³³Many ofthepoliticalideasandprogrammesofthecouncilmovementsgobeyondthat whichthepresentordercanassimilateonitsownterms.Consideredinlightofthe futuredirectionsofdemocraticgovernmentsacrosstheglobe,areturntothe councilmovementsmayunsettleandprovokeus.Theirvisionofactivecitizens participatinginaself-determiningsocietywitheconomicindependenceand participatorystructuresofgovernancepromptsustorethinkthenecessaryunderlyingconditionsforpopulargovernment.Comparingthecouncilmovements’ idealsandpoliticalprogrammestopresentformsofdemocraticgovernmenthelps usreﬂectonourpoliticalinheritancefromanewperspective.

Second,returningtopoliticaldebatesduringadecisiveperiodofpolitical transformationinwhichawidenumberofpossibilitieswerestillopenexpands ourpoliticalimagination.Thisincludesnotonlythedominantideologiesofthe period,butalsothepartiallyforgottenalternatives.Theradicalopennessofthe futureattimesofgreatdisruptionandtransitiongivesrisetoadiversebodyof newpoliticalideas.Radicaldelegateswithinthecouncilmovementshelda fundamentallydifferentvisionofpoliticallifethatdifferssigniﬁcantlyfrom contemporaryapproachestothinkingaboutfreedomanddemocracy.Ihopeto bringpartofthisextraordinaryexperimentindemocraticpoliticstothesurfaceto shednewlightonthepossibilitiesfordemocraticpracticestoday.However,my approachdoesnotinvolveaprojectofsimplereclamation.Weshouldbewaryof methodologicalapproacheswhichseektotranslatepastpoliticalexperiences directlyintopresentcircumstances.Theemergenceofthecouncilsisconnected toaparticularhistoricalepochandsocio-economicenvironment.Iaddressthese questionsintheconclusionwithfurtherdiscussionofthecontemporarysigniﬁcanceofthecouncils.

ChapterOutline

ThestructureofthisbookontheGermancouncilmovementsreﬂectsanumberof prominentthemesintheirpoliticalthought.Chapteroneexaminestheunderlying democraticandsocialistimpulsesoftherank-and- ﬁledelegatesoftheGerman councilmovements,withalookbacktothemainhistoricalprecedentforcouncils intheRussianRevolution.Itfocusesontwoperiodsofcouncilactivity:Russia (fromthestrikesinFebruary1917tothecrushingoftheKronstadtuprisingin 1921)andGermany(fromtheheightenedrevolutionaryactivityof1917tothe ³³SeeAlettaNorval, ‘WritingaNameintheSky:Rancière,Cavell,andthePossibilityofEgalitarian Inscription’ , AmericanPoliticalScienceReview 106,no.4(2012),810–26.

establishmentoftheWeimarConstitutioninAugust1919).³⁴ Ishowthatwhilea diversityofpoliticalviewswereheldbyparticipantsinthecouncilmovements, therewasbroadsupportforthedeepeningandextensionofdemocraticconditionsinmajorpolitical,economic,andsocialinstitutions.Thisanalysisoffersa concretehistoricalcontextfortheexaminationofpoliticaltheoristslaterin thebook.

Thenextfourchaptersaddressimportantquestionsinthepoliticalthoughtof threemaintheorists:AntonPannekoek,KarlKautsky,andRosaLuxemburg.Each chapterisorganizedaroundadifferentthematicconcernandpursuesconnected interpretiveargumentsrelatedtothesetheorists’ viewsonfreedom,power,socialistdemocracy,andcivicvirtue.Ineachchapter,Itendtofocusonthewritingsof onetheoristtobringtolightapartiallyobscuredwayofthinkingaboutthe politicalphenomenoninquestion.Thethreethinkershavebeenselecteddueto thewayinwhichtheirdebatesrevealthepoliticaldivisionsofthecouncil movements.Ihaveaimedtoofferanintroductiontoimportanttheoretical questionsthatweredebatedwithinthecouncilmovements,butIhavenotaspired tocreateacomprehensiveintroductiontoeachofthemainprotagonists’ political thought.³⁵

AspecialnoteisneededontheinclusionofKarlKautsky,a ﬁgurenot frequentlyassociatedwiththecouncilmovements.Indeed,Kautskywascritical ofothercounciltheoristsandengagedinapolemicagainstRosaLuxemburgand AntonPannekoekduringthisperiod.Ihavechosentoincludehimherefortwo reasons.Firstly,tracingthedebatesbetweenKautskyandhisinterlocutorshelpsus uncoverimportantquestionsraisedwithintheGermansocialistpartiesoverthe roleofcouncilmovementsandthefutureofGermany.Secondly,histhoughtis notasantitheticaltothecouncilmovementsasisusuallyconsidered.Kautsky presentsanimportant ‘centrist’ positionwithintheUSPD,whichhasbeen neglectedinthehistoryofpoliticalthoughtandisdevelopedinthisbook.

Chaptertwodevelopspoliticalinsightsintothenatureofpoliticalfreedom fromthewritingsofAntonPannekoek.ItproposesthatPannekoekespouseda particularconceptionoffreedomIcallfreedomascollectiveself-determination, whichisdistinctfromboththedominantliberalandrepublicanviewsofliberty.³⁶ Pannekoekwasselectedasthetheoristwhoofferstheclearestarticulationofhow

³⁴ ForabroaderperiodizationthatincludesasecondperiodofactivityoftheGermancouncilsin 1919–20seeWeipert, DiezweiteRevolution

³⁵ Inparticular,IhavepaidlessattentiontotheRevolutionaryShopStewardswhosepolitical thoughthasbeencarefullyreconstructedinHoffrogge, Working-ClassPoliticsintheGerman Revolution.SeealsoDirkH.Müller, DierevolutionärenObleuteundderNovember1918:Zur VerschränkungvoninstitutionellerRevolutionundRätebewegung (Norderstedt:BooksonDemand, 2020).ForotheraspectsofthepoliticalthoughtofthecouncilmovementsseeKetsandMuldoon,eds., TheGermanRevolutionandPoliticalTheory;andJamesMuldoon,ed., CouncilDemocracy:Towardsa DemocraticSocialistPolitics (London:Routledge,2018).

³⁶ PhilipPettit, OnthePeople’sTerms:ARepublicanTheoryandModelofDemocracy (Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress,2012).

theactivitiesofthecouncilswereconnectedtoquestionsoffreedomandemancipation.Thechapterclaimsthattheframeworkoftherecentlibertydebatesin politicaltheoryhasobscuredimportantdimensionsoffreedomfromwithinthe positivelibertytradition.Pannekoekunderstoodpoliticalfreedomasapolitical community’songoingstruggleagainstforcesofdomination and theexperimentationwithnewpracticesandstructuresofgovernance.Heidentiﬁedthestateand capitalistrelationsofproductionastwooftheprincipalsourcesofdominationin Germansociety.Healsosawbourgeoisideologyasexercisingastultifyingeffect onworkers’ capacitytostrugglefortheirfreedom.Democraticparticipation,on thisaccount,wasanessentialaspectofthefreedomstrugglebecauseanemancipatorymovementshouldbeledbytheworkersthemselvesasthemainagentsof politicaltransformation.Tobefreeentailedactivelyparticipatingindeliberation anddecision-makingandhavingadirectinﬂuenceoverthelawsandcharacterof apoliticalcommunity.

Chapterthreearguesthatcounciltheoristsconsidereditimportanttoshiftthe balanceofpowerbetweensocialclassesinordertoachievepoliticaltransformation.Ittheorizesdifferencesbetweenthosewhoadvocated ‘organization’ (Kautsky)versusthosewhoadvocated ‘mobilization’ (Luxemburg,Pannekoek) asthemosteffectivemethodofdevelopingtheindependentpoweroftheworking class.ItclaimsKautskyadvocatedastrategyofdevelopingpowerthroughbuilding worker-ledorganizationssuchastheparty,unions,andthepress.Hisstrategy involvedthegradualgrowthofpowerthroughorganizationbuilding,parliamentaryactivity,anddevelopingworkers’ consciousnesswithinexistingorganizations. Underlyingthisstrategyoforganizationlayaconceptionofpowerassomething thatcouldbeincrementallydevelopedandstoredthroughsoundorganizing, discipline,andpatience.Incontrast,LuxemburgandPannekoekconsideredthat powercouldonlybedevelopedthroughpoliticalstruggleanddirectclasheswith therulingclass.Theyarguedthatpreviouslyunorganizedworkerscouldbe mobilizedthroughtheescalatingdynamicsofpoliticalstruggleandthat consciousness-raisingwasbestconductedinmilitantactionratherthanadministrativepartyactivities.Thesetwofundamentallydifferentanalysesofhowworkers shoulddeveloptheirpowercastlightondifferentaspectsofthecouncilmovements’ politicalstruggle.

Chapterfourreconstructsatheoryofsocialistrepublicanismfromthewritings ofanoverlooked ﬁgureoftheGermanRevolution,KarlKautsky.Comparingit withthetheoriesofRosaLuxemburgandtheSPDleadership,Iarguethatduring therevolutionKautskyproposedaninnovativesocialistrepublicanprogramme thatcalledfortheradicaltransformationofthestateandsociety.³⁷ Thedominance ofthe ‘NationalAssemblyversusCouncilRepublic’ ideologicalframeworkofthe

³⁷ SeeJamesMuldoon, ‘ASocialistRepublicanTheoryofFreedomandGovernment,’ European JournalofPoliticalTheory (forthcoming).

revolutionhasobscuredKautsky’ s ‘centrist’ thirdoption.Kautskyarguedforthe presenceofworkers’ councils alongside aparliamentarysystemandunderstood democracyandsocialismasthetwingoalsofasocialistrevolution.Hesoughtto combinethebeneﬁtsofpoliticaldemocracyandcivilrightsforminoritieswiththe gradualsocializationoftheeconomy.Thisinterpretationchallengesthedominant viewofKautskyasabourgeoisreformistwhoadvocatedpoliticalquietismduring therevolution.

Chapter fiveshowsthattheGermancouncilmovementsstrugglednotonlyfor thedeepeningofdemocracyandthesocialownershipofthemeansofproduction, butalsoforabroaderprojectofhumanemancipationcouchedintermsof ideologicaltransformationandculturalrejuvenation.Asignificantbarrieridentifiedatthetimetotherealizationofdemocraticsocialistgoalswasthestrong ideologicalholdofbourgeoismentalitiesoverworkers.Asaresult,radicaltheoristssuchasAntonPannekoekandGustavLandaueremphasizedthesubjective rolethatapeople’sclass-consciousnessand ‘spirit’ [Geist]playedinpolitical struggle.AnoverlookedyetsignificantcontributiontothistopicwasRosa Luxemburg’stheorizationof ‘socialistcivicvirtues’ asakeyelementofclass struggleandsocialistdemocracy.Luxemburgincorporatedrepublicanlanguage andthemesintoasocialistpoliticalideologyofworkers’ self-emancipation.She understoodthatworker-controlledinstitutionswouldneedtobesupportedby widespreadsocialistnormsthatwouldbecommonknowledgeandfollowedasa matterofhabit.Itwouldbenecessarytodirectworkersawayfromtheegoism, individualism,andcompetitionthatpredominatedincapitalistsocietiesand towardsasocialistcultureofself-discipline,public-spiritedness,solidarity, andself-activity.Shebelieveditwasprimarilythroughtheirownpoliticalactivity andtheexperienceofpoliticalstrugglethatworkerscouldacquirethenecessary habitsanddispositionsofself-governmentforlivinginaself-determiningsociety. Heridealsofsocialistcivicvirtueshelpprovidecontenttothecouncilmovements’ visionoftheinstitutionalandculturalorderofafuturesocialistsociety.Council theoristsweremotivatedbyaparticipatoryidealofaself-determiningsocietyin whichactivecitizenswouldbethemainactorsinprocessesofself-government andeconomicself-management.Reflectingonthepoliticalthoughtofthecouncil movementsprovidesanimportantstandpointfromwhichtoreassessourown formsofdemocraticgovernment.

BetweenSocialDemocracyandCouncil Dictatorship

TheCouncilMovementsinHistoricalPerspective

Thecouncilmovementshaveleftanambiguouslegacyinpoliticalthought.Their historicalimpacthasbeenoverlookedandevensomeoftheirmostimportant interpretershaveoffereddistortedaccountsoftheirstructureandsignificance.¹ Theaimofthischapteristoreturntothehistoryofthecouncilmovementsin ordertocastnewlightontheirhistoric alconditionsandthemotivationsof keyhistoricalactors.Councilmovementsarosespontaneouslyacrossseveral Europeancountriesduringtheimmediat epost-warperiodandhadaremarkablein fl uenceonEuropeanpolitics.Intheinterwarperiodtheyrede fi nedthe contoursofpoliticalstruggleandrepresentanimportantchapterinthe historyoftheworkers ’ movementandinternationalsocialism.Thetwomost prominentexamplesofcouncilmoveme ntstoemergeinEuropewerethoseof RussiaandGermanyintheperiod1917– 1920.²Councilmovementsalso appearedinothercountriessuchasAu stria,Hungary,Italy,andtheUnited Kingdom,butIwillfocusattentioninthischapterontheGermancouncil movements.GermanywasviewedbyEu ropeanrevolutionariesasthemost likelycountrytoinstigateaninternationalsocialistrevolution.Itwasthemost advancedindustrialnationwithahighlyorganizedlabourforceof2.5million unionizedworkersandalonghistoryofr evolutionarypolitics.However,to thesurpriseofmany,itwastherelativelyunderdevelopedRussiainwhich councilmovements fi rstemergedandwereeventuallyincorporatedintothe Sovietregime.

¹Medearis, ‘LostorObscured?HowV.I.Lenin,JosephSchumpeter,andHannahArendt MisunderstoodtheCouncilMovement’,447.

²IconcentrateoneventsinBerlinandSaintPetersburg,whichwerelocuspointsforthedevelopmentofthecouncils.Berlin,forexample,consistentlyhadthehighestnumberofstrikesinallof GermanyandwastheheartoftheGermanlabourmovement.HansManfredBock, Syndikalismusund Linkskommunismusvon1918–1923 (MeisenheimamGlan:VerlagAntonHain,1969),82.Foran analysisofoneofGermany’sregionalcentresseeGaardKetsandJamesMuldoon, ‘Rediscoveringthe HamburgWorkers’ andSoldiers’ Councils’,in CouncilDemocracy:TowardsaDemocraticSocialist Politics,ed.JamesMuldoon(London:Routledge,2018),51–70.

BuildingPowertoChangetheWorld:ThePoliticalThoughtoftheGermanCouncilMovements. JamesMuldoon, OxfordUniversityPress(2020).©JamesMuldoon.DOI:10.1093/oso/9780198856627.003.0002

Thecouncilmovementshavebeensubjecttoanumberofcompetinginterpretations,whichhavebeenstructuredbytheconceptualoppositionofliberal democracyandcouncildictatorship.TheGermancouncilshavetypicallybeen portrayedasrepresentingthechaosanddisorderbeforetheemergenceofstable liberaldemocraticinstitutions.The firstwaveofWestGermanhistoriography dismissedtheperiodofthecouncilsasadangerous flirtationwithBolshevismon thepathtoliberaldemocracy.³IntheinterpretationofKarlDietrichErdmann, representativeofthisearlierWestGermanapproach,thecouncilsembodieda radicalBolshevikideologyofcouncildictatorship,whichwasonlyavoided throughtheleadershipoftheGermanSocialDemocraticPartytowardsparliamentarydemocracy.⁴ Heposedaradicalalternativebetween ‘Westerndemocracy’ and ‘Easterndictatorship’:either ‘thesocialrevolutioninalliancewithforces pushingtowardsaproletariandictatorship,ortheparliamentaryrepublicin alliancewithconservativeelementssuchastheoldofficercorps ’ ⁵ Adissenting voicewithinthisearlyperiodwasWalterTormin,whoarguedthatGermanyhad neverbeeninanyrealdangerofaBolshevisttakeoverandthecouncilmovements strivedforthedemocratizationofGermansociety.⁶

Similarly,inscholarshipontheRussianRevolution,thestoryofthesovietsin theearlyphasesoftheRussianRevolutiontendedtobeovershadowedbythe largerframeworkoftheBolsheviktakeoverandcreationofaone-partystate,such thatitwasdifﬁculttodiscerntheoriginalintentionsofparticipantsofthecouncil movements.⁷ Meanwhile,intheSovietUnion,thecouncilswererepresentedasthe admirablebutultimatelytemporaryorgansoftheworkingclassthatwould eventuallybereplacedbythesuperiorknowledgeandorganizationoftheparty. Amorebalancedassessmentoftheroleofthecouncilswashinderedintheformer sovietstatesbyprejudicearisingfromLenin’sattackoncouncilcommunist tendenciesinhis ‘“Left-Wing” Communism:AnInfantileDisorder’ andthe purgesoftheleftwingoftheBolshevikPartyduringtheStalinistera.⁸

Inthe1960s,asecondwaveofhistoricalresearchledbyEberhardKolb,Peter vonOertzenandReinhardRüruppavedthewayforareappraisalofthecouncil ³ForastudybyanEastGermanscholarseeIngoMaterna, DerVollzugsratderBerlinerArbeiterundSoldatenräte1918/19 (Berlin:Dietz-Verlag,1978).Foragoodoverviewofthehistoriographyofthe GermanRevolutionseeWolfgangNiess, DieRevolutionvon1918/19inderdeutschen Geschichtsschreibung (Berlin:deGruyter,2013).

⁴ KarlDietrichErdmann, ‘DieGeschichtederWeimarerRepublikalsProblemderWissenschaft’ , VierteljahresheftefürZeitgeschichte 3(1955),1–19.

⁵ Ibid.,7.

⁶ Tormin, ZwischenRätediktaturUndSozialerDemokratie.SeealsoErichMatthias, ‘ZurGeschichte derWeimarRepublik.EinLiteraturbericht’ , DieneueGesellschaft 3(1956),312–20.

⁷ Anweiler, TheSoviets,5.

⁸ VladimirI.Lenin, ‘“Left-Wing” Communism:AnInfantileDisorder’,inVladimirI.Lenin, CollectedWorks,Vol.31 (Moscow:ProgressPublishers,1965),17–118.

movements.⁹ Thepublicationofnewhistoricalmaterialwiththeseries, ‘Sourcesof theHistoryoftheCouncilMovementinGermany1918–1919’ in1968also openedthepossibilityofanewhistoricalperspective.¹⁰ Theseinterpretations demonstratedthattheGermancouncilmovementsdidnotfollowtheexample ofthebolshevizationofthesovietsinRussia,buttendedtobeconcernedwiththe democratizationofauthoritystructuresandthesocializationoftheeconomy. Duringthisperiod,therewasabriefrenewalofinterestinthecouncilmovements whichwassparkedbytheradicalstudentmovementsandadesiretoexplore historicalalternativestotheWeimarRepublicanddifferentpossiblepathwaysfor grassrootssocialism.¹¹Yetafterthisshortburstofresearch,therewasadeclineof scholarlyoutput,withsomeexceptionsbeinginﬂuentialbooksbyHeinrich AugustWinkler,UlrichKluge,andWolfgangMommsen.¹²

Onlyrecentlyhastherebeenanupsurgeinscholarlyinterestinthecouncil movements.¹³RalfHoffroggepublishedanimportantstudyonRevolutionary ShopSteward,RichardMüller,andtheroleoftheshopstewardsasthemost organizedradicalforcewithinthecouncilmovements.¹⁴ DietmarLangeanalysed theuseofpoliticalmassstrikesinGermanyintherevolutionaryyearsof1918–19 withanemphasisontheBerlingeneralstrikeofMarch1919,whichwasinfavour oftherecognitionoftheworkers’ councils.¹⁵ AxelWeipertrecentlyprovidedmore insightintonotonlytheNovemberRevolutionof1918,butalsothe ‘second revolution’ in1919and1920inwhichthecouncilsmovementsmobilizedamass baseandmadeasocialistdemocraticclaimagainsttheWeimargovernment.¹⁶ WilliamA.Pelzhasoutlinedtheforgottenandvitalforceofthecommonpeople duringthesemassmovements,whichheargueshasbeenignoredwithinthe historicalscholarship.¹⁷ YohanDubigeonhasalsoreﬂectedontheexperiences ofworkers’ councilsasamodernformofgrassrootsdemocracyinatheoretical

⁹ Kolb, DieArbeiterräteinderdeutschenInnenpolitik1918–1919;PetervonOertzen, Betriebsrätein derNovemberrevolution (Düsseldorf:DrosteVerlag,1963);ReinhardRürup, ProblemeDerRevolution inDeutschland1918/19 (Wiesbaden:Steiner,1968).

¹⁰ Theseries ‘QuellenzurGeschichtederRätebewegunginDeutschland1918/19’ beganwiththe ﬁrstvolume,EberhardKolb,ed., DerZentralratderDeutschenSozialistischenRepublik19.12.1918bis 8.4.1919 (Leiden,1968).

¹¹WolfgangNiess, DieRevolutionVon1918/19inDerDeutschenGeschichtsschreibung.Deutungen VonDerWeimarerRepublikBisIns21.Jahrhundert (Berlin,Boston:Gruyter,2013).

¹²HeinrichAugustWinkler, VonderRevolutionzurStabilisierung.ArbeiterundArbeiterbewegung inderWeimarRepublik1918bis1924 (Berlin/Bonn:VerlagJ.H.W.Dietz,1984);UlrichKluge, SoldatenräteundRevolution.StudienzurMilitärpolitikinDeutschland1918/19 (Göttingen: VandenhoeckandRuprecht,1975);WolfgangJ.Mommsen, ‘DieDeutscheRevolution1918/19’ GeschichteundGesellschaft 4,no.3(1978),362–91.

¹³SeeKlausWeinhauer,AnthonyMcElligott,andKirstenHeinsohn,eds., Germany1916–23: ARevolutioninContext (Bielefeld:Transcript,2015);Fowkes. TheGermanLeftandtheWeimar Republic:ASelectionofDocuments;Kuhn,ed., AllPowertotheCouncils!

¹⁴ Hoffrogge, Working-ClassPoliticsintheGermanRevolution

¹⁵ DietmarLange, MassenstreikundSchießbefehl:GeneralstreikundMärzkämpfeinBerlin1919 (Berlin:editionassemblage,2012).

¹⁶ AxelWeipert, DieZweiteRevolution.RätebewegunginBerlin1919/1920 (Berlin:be.bra,2015).

¹⁷ WilliamA.Pelz, APeople’sHistoryoftheGermanRevolution (London:PlutoPress,2018).

studyofcouncildemocracyfrom1871to1921.¹⁸ Theserecentstudieshavetended toshareaninterestinasocialhistoryoftheworkingclassesthatlooksbeyondthe canonical ﬁgurestouncovernewhistoricalnarratives.

Inthischapter,Itracetheriseandfallofthecouncilmovementsandexamine theirparticipants’ underlyingdemocraticandsocialistimpulses.Iarguethatwhile adiversityofpoliticalviewswereheldbyparticipantsinthecouncilmovements, therewasbroadsupportforthedeepeningandextensionofdemocraticconditionsinmajorpolitical,economic,andsocialinstitutions.Workerslivedin hierarchicalandauthoritariansocietieswithstrictclassdivisions,highlydisciplinedworkplaces,andlittlechanceforself-directionintheirlives.Duringthe hardshipsofthewar,discontentwithexistingregimeswasreachingfeverpitch throughasteadyriseofstrikeactivities.Followinginitialrevolutionaryupheavals, boththeRussianandGermanmonarchiesweretoppledwithrelativeeaseasmass movementsarosewithdesiresforpeace,bread,democracy,andareorganization ofsociallife.Intheearlydaysofbothrevolutions,thedemandforthedemocratizationandsocializationofpoliticalandeconomicinstitutionswassupportedby theoverwhelmingmajorityofpeople,particularlytheworkersandsectionsofthe liberalmiddleclasses.¹⁹ Thecouncilmovementschannelledworking-classaspirationstocastoffthechainsofstultifyingauthoritarianregimesandtoliveinan egalitarian,self-determiningsociety.Yetcounter-revolutionaryforceswerequick toreorganizethemselvesandtheemancipatorydemandsofthecouncilmovementsweresubverted,misdirected,andsubdued.Whiletheopportunityof developingaradicallymoredemocraticsocietywaspresentineachcase,powerful interestswereabletoreassertoldhierarchies,whichlimitedtheemancipatory potentialoftheearlycouncilmovements.

SituatingtheCouncils

Instandardusage,acouncilcouldbeanadvisoryoradministrativebodyofpeople thatoffersadviceorexercisessomeformofpowersuchasacommittee,local authority,orboardofdirectors.ThecouncilsIrefertointhisstudy,however,have aspecifichistoricaloriginandpoliticalsignificancethatdifferentiatesthemfrom othertypesofcouncils.TheEuropeancouncilmovementsdevelopedmostsignificantlyin1917–19inRussia,Germany,Hungary,Austria,Italy,andthe UK.Historianshavepointedtosimilaritiesbetweenthesecouncilsandalong lineofdirectdemocracyandself-determinationmovements ‘fromtheurban

¹⁸ YohanDubigeon, Ladémocratiedesconseils.Auxoriginesmodernesdel’autogouvernement (Paris: Klincksiek,2017).

¹⁹ AlbertSchmelzer, TheThreefoldingMovement,1919:RudolfSteiner’sCampaignforaSelfGoverning,Self-Managing,Self-EducatingSociety (ForestRow:RudolfSteinerPress,2017),23.