EarlyFourteenth-CenturyIberia
AnarchyinTwoKingdoms
Anold,mad,blind,despised,anddyingKing; Princes,thedregsoftheirdullrace,who flow Throughpublicscorn, mudfromamuddyspring PercyByssheShelley
TherewasmorethanonefeaturesharedbyShelley’ s Englandin1819 andthe kingdomofCastileatthebeginningof1310.Alreadywidelydespised,andoldat only25,FernandoIVhadlessthantwoyearsoflifelefttohim.Abandonedbytwo ofthesoileddescendantsofthemuddyturmoilofAlfonsoX’sdethronementin 1284 hisuncle,theInfantedonJuan,andhiscousin,donJuanManuel,whose shadowwastofallcontinuouslyacrosswhatwasleftofhisreign,allthatofhis son,andtheremainderofthisstudy inJanuary1310Fernandohadjustbeen constrainedtoliftthesiegeofAlgeciras,therebyabandoninghisconfrontationwith SpanishIslam,andleavingthecrownsandjewelsofhisPortuguesequeeninthe handsofpawnbrokers,andhiskingdomastheplaythingofitspoliticalelite.¹Inthe courseofthefollowingyearthepitifulking’sstockcontinuedtofall,withthebirth inAugustofanheir,thefutureAlfonsoXI,doubtlessoccasioningtheconspiracyin thefollowingmonthofdonJuananddonPedro,hisuncleandhisbrother,and various ricosomnes,tostageanothercoup,inanattempttoreplaceFernandoIV withdonPedro.²
Accordingtothechronicleofthereign,thatconspiracywasdispersedbyMaria deMolina,SanchoIV’sindomitablewidow,andaccordingtootherinformation,as wellasbeingsupportedbytheking’srelativesandassociated ricoshomes,itwas intendedtocleansetheroyalhouseholdbyeliminatingsundry privados ‘forthe greatevilthattheyhaddone’ andreplacingthemwithcertainbishops,towitthose ofPalencia,Astorga,Ourense,andZamora.³
Thesightingoftheseprelatesamidstcircumstancesofnearanarchydeservesto benoted.ForthebishopsofCastileandPortugalingeneral,asindeedforthoseof
¹Ch.-E.Dufourcq, L’EspagnecatalaneetleMaghribauxXIIIeetXIVesiėcles (Paris,1966),403–5; C.GonzálezMínguez, FernandoIV1295–1312 (Palencia,1995),214–64;A.GiménezSoler, Don JuanManuel:Biografíayestudiocrítico (Zaragoza,1932),373.
² CrónicadeFernandoIV.Estudioyedicióndeuntextopostalfonsí,ed.C.BenítezGuerrero(ElPuerto deSantaMaría,2017),165.
³Ibid.;DomingoGarcíadeEchauri,archdeaconofTarazona,toJaimeIIofAragón(25Sept.1311): GiménezSoler, D.JuanManuel,398–400.
therestofWesternChristendom,theyears1310–1311providedtwoprincipal itemsofagendaoranxiety:theinvestigationorderedbyAvignonofthestateofthe OrderoftheTempleintheirlocality,andtheconsequencesoftheinsistenceof thekingofFrancethatBonifaceVIIIbedeclaredhereticaswellasintruderinto thepapalof ficeandthereforeneverpope,therebynegatingallthatpontiff ’ sacts, interalia thehard-wonregularizationoftheuncanonicalmarriageofFernando’ s parents.⁴
Astothe firstofthese,in1310theCastilianandPortuguesebishopsmetthrice, indifferentcombinations:atMedinadelCampoinAprilforinterrogationof membersoftheOrder;⁵ atToroinMay,⁶ andatthe ‘conventusetconventio’ at SalamancainOctober.⁷ However,itisnottheTemplarbusinessthatconcernsus here.Ratheritiswhattheconciliar acta informusoftheconditionsinwhich Castilian(andtoalesserdegreePortuguese)churchmenwereoperating.Comparisonofthe acta oftheMayandOctobergatheringsrevealsthesedevelopments,with tensionincreasingandgapswidening.ThebishopsinOctoberclearlyhadtheMay recordinfrontofthemasaformofdraftreport.Manyoftheirdecisionsrepeat thoseof fivemonthsearlierverbatim.Itiswheretheyvarythatwemightmost usefullylookforsignsofstructuralstress.
Thus,bothmeetingsdeclaredthatallpartieswereintentondefendingthe Churchagainstdamageanddangerandthat,althoughsentencesagainstthe ‘malice ofperversemalefactors’ werewidelyignoredand libertasecclesiastica leftundefended,thebishopsremaineddeterminedtorestoretheeffectivenessofsentencesof excommunicationandinterdict(T[oro].I;S[alamanca].I).Therefore,anybishop’ s sentenceofinterdictofalayman(dominus)mustbeenforcedinotherdioceses (T.II;S.II).Bishopsreducedtopenurymustbesupportedbytheircolleaguestothe extentofhalftheirincome(T.III;S.IIIintroducedaslidingscalewherebynone wouldberequiredtopartwithmorethanathirdofhis).Thecostofsending proctorstothepope’sortheking’scourtwastobeshared(T.IV;S.IV).Ifanycause arose(anycauseconcerning libertasecclesiastica,S.Vamends)abishopwasnotto followhisowninstinct(‘nonproprioducatursensu’:T.V),butwastobeinstructed byhis ‘consocii(T.V,amendedto ‘thelordarchbishop’,failingwhomtwo bishops).Onlythusmightthecostofdamagesbeshared(‘aliterauteminjuria nullatenusremittatur’);likewiseinthecaseofthearchbishoporarchbishops.In suchdealings,bishopsweretoproceed ‘cummaturitateetdeconsilioperitorum’ .
⁴ ForFrenchinsistenceinearly1310thatBonifacehadlivedanddiedaheretic,seeT.Schmidt, Der Bonifaz-Prozess.VerfahrenderPapstanklageinderZeitBonifaz’ VIII.undClemens’ V. (Cologne-Vienna, 1989),369–73;J.Coste, BonifaceVIIIenprocės (Rome,1995),562–89,esp.pp.572,585–6;forthe struggletosecureFernando’slegitimacyin1301,PeterLinehan, HistoryandtheHistoriansofMedieval Spain (Oxford,1993),539–40.
⁵ Fragmentarily,ed.J.M.SansiTravé, ‘L’ineditoprocessodeiTemplariinCastiglia(Medinadel Campo,27aprile1310)’,inF.Tommasi, Acri1291.La finedellapresenzadegliordinimilitariinTerra SantaeinuoviorientamentinelXIVsecolo (Perugia,1996),249–64,where,aselsewhere,theworkof F.FitayColomé, Actasinéditasdesieteconciliosespañolescelebradosdesdeelaño1282hastaelde1314 (Madrid,1882),90–103isstrangelyneglected.Cf.Linehan, HistoryandtheHistorians,549.
⁶ Fita, Actasinéditas,47–53.
⁷ Ibid.,66–72,fromMondoñedotexted.Flórez, EspañaSagrada 18.368–74.
EarlyFourteenth-CenturyIberia
Abishopintroublewastobereceivedbyhiscolleaguesbynightordaywith ‘familiasuaetcomitiva’ (T.VI: ‘familiasuadomestica’:S.VI).⁸ HereS.VIraises thepossibilitythatthekingoramemberoftheroyalfamilymightdotheminjury, ‘quodabsit’.Shouldtheydoso,theprelateswereto ‘supplicate’ them(humiliter)to desist ‘etinstemuspenesipsosetinquantumpotuerimuspernosvelperprocuratoresnostros ’:theiron fistindeed!T.VIIenvisagesabackslidingcolleaguehaving tobereportedtothepope ‘concerninghistransgressionofaswornoath’,adding immediatelythatsuchtreatmentwouldnotapplytothekinghimselforhisfamily, whomagainthewoundedprelateswerechargedtopersuadetoamendtheirways ‘inquantumpotuerimus’.Indeed,S.VIIexcludesthepossibilityofanyappeal whatsoevertothepontiff.Instead,thebrethrenweretoactreciprocally, ‘adinvicem tamquamfratresetspecialesamici’.Also ‘adinvicem’,anambitiouslycollaborative adverbmuchfavouredovertimeamongstSpanishbishops,⁹ hererepeatedthrice, thebishopsweretoagreetotoethepartyline ‘tamquamfratresetspiritualesamici’ (T.VIII):apioushopereplacedinS.VIIIbyregulationsregardingthelengthof futuremeetings(sixtoninedays),theestablishmentofapeckingorderofepiscopal responsibilityforissuingsummonses,andtheallowablesizeofaccompanying retinues(amattertowhichsomeofthosepresentwouldshortlyreturn), correspondingtoT.IXwithitsestablishmentofthecustomofannualmeetings ‘insome certainplacesuitablefortreatingandenactingthosethingswhichshallseemtous tobeofservicetoGod,theHolyRomanChurchandApostolicSeeandourLord Kingaswellastotheutilityofourchurches’¹⁰ (ratherasthoughnothingofthesort hadeverbeforebeencontemplatedinthehistoryoftheSpanishChurch).T.Xand S.IXproceedtoprovideforsomethingequallyalientothetraditionofcouncils andsynodsinplacethroughoutmuchoftheWesternChurchsinceatleast1215: anopeninvitationto ‘someotherprelates’ wishingtoassociatethemselveswiththe bishops’ unioetfraternitas,suggestiveofanaltogetherdifferentsortofcollaborative exercise.Inexpressionofthat unioetfraternitas theToroprelatesundertooktobind themselvesbyoathtocombinein ordinationesetobligationes (T.XI).¹¹Provision followsforthoselegitimatelypreventedfromattendingmeetings(T.XII).Forthe lastthreeSalamancaordinances(XII –XIV)therehadbeennoToroprecedent. Ad invicem (twice)eachcouncilfatherboundhimselftoobservethecouncil’ sstatutes, eveniftransferredelsewhereinSpain,soastoenablethecouncil’smeasurestobe changed,weakened,orstrengthened.¹²Anyfailuretoadheretothecouncil’ smeasures
⁸‘receptopriusabeohomagioetjuramentoperillum,quicastrumvelfortaliciumcustodierit,quod dictocastroservet fidelitatemetdominiumcastrivelfortalicii.’ S.VIcontinues: ‘Inhisautemomnibus nonintendimusnecintelligimusincluderepersonamdumtaxatDomininostriDomniFernandiregis CastellaeetLegionis’;likewisemembersofhisclosefamilyandthekingofPortugalandhis.
⁹ Cf.PeterLinehan, ‘Segovia:A “frontier ” dioceseinthethirteenthcentury’ , EHR 96(1981) 499n.7.
¹⁰‘inaliquocertolocoetcompetentiadtractandaetordinandaeaquaeadservitiumDeietsanctae RomanaeEcclesiaeatqueApostolicaeSedisetDomininostriRegisatqueadutilitatemecclesiarum nostrarumviderimusexpedire’ .
¹¹ ‘inordinationibusetstatutisinternosordinatisetordinandis’:S.IX.
¹² ‘etiamsiadaliumstatum,vellocum,nostrumaliquisinHispaniatransferatur;itatamenquod,si omnibusnobissimul,velillisquiconciliointerfuerint,visumfueritexpedire,possimusmutarevel
wastobedelatedtothepope, ‘andelsewhereifexpedient’ : ‘etalibisiexpedierit’ (S.XIII).Thecouncil’sordinancewasnottoprejudicethechurchofBraga,andin futuremeetingsseniorityofprelateswastoberespected(S.XIV).
Inshort,liketheresponseoftheCastilianandPortuguesechurchestothelossof thelastpieceoftheHolyLandeighteenyearsbefore,thatofthetwocouncilsin 1310toClementV’sinstructionforthemtoaddresstheTemplarcrisisconfirmed whatwasundeniable:theearlyfourteenth-centurykingdomsofCastileandPortugal possessednoconciliartraditionofjointactionorofmutualassistance adinvicem.¹³ BycontrastwiththatofthetwoprovincesoftheEnglishChurch,whosecouncils metatYorkandCanterburyintheMayandNovemberofthatsameyear,attended bytheirsuffragans,¹⁴ whateveractiontheymayhavetakenregardingtheTemplars, theresponseoftheramshackleToroassemblyandtheraggle-taggleSalamanca ‘conventusetconventio’ tothemultitudeofpressuresanddangerspresentedbya societyoperatingattheedgeofanarchywasunconfident,incoherent,andintotal aweofthepowersthatbe,withthat unioetfraternitas theyspokeofnomorethan anidleambition,certainlynotabasisforeffectiveaction.Itwasasifnocollective adinvicem progresshadbeenmadesincethelegationofCardinalJeand’Abbeville almostacenturybefore.Itwasinaccordancewiththatlegate’slegislationatthe councilofLéridamorethaneightyyearsearlierthatreferencewasmadeinthisvery yearforarulingonpluralism¹⁵ withinasocietynowenvelopedbythepoison suppuratingfromthewoundtothebodypoliticinflictedbyAlfonsoX’ smorerecent solemndisinheritanceofSanchoIV,thefatherofthemoribundFernandoIV.¹⁶
Sixdaysaftertheendofthehybrid,andnameless,SalamancaassemblyArchbishopRodrigoPadrónofCompostelaheldanothercouncilthere,ofaprovincial natureanduncertainattendance,¹⁷ theprincipalbusinessofwhichwasthemaximumsizeofretinuesofpersonsandhorsemenwithwhichthearchbishopand othersonvisitationweretobe ‘ content ’.Inthecaseofthearchbishopthenumber was130,whichprovidessomeideaoftheself-imageofthearchbishopofCompostela.¹⁸ TheDominicanprelatehadheldasynodofhisownchurchinthe minuerealiquadepredictis,seuaddereineisdem,etnobisadinvicemprototovelparteremittere juramentum’:S.XII.
¹³PeterLinehan, TheSpanishChurchandthePapacyintheThirteenthCentury (Cambridge,1971), 241–4.
¹⁴ Councils&SynodswithotherdocumentsrelatingtotheEnglishChurch,ed.F.M.Powickeand C.R.Cheney,II.1(Oxford,1964),1277ff.
¹⁵ ACValencia,perg.19–1a(Oct.1310),cit.PeterLinehan, ‘TheChurch,theeconomyandthe reconquista inearlyfourteenth-centuryCastile’ , RET 43(1983)278n.
¹⁶ J.Craddock, ‘Dynastyindispute:AlfonsoXelSabioandthesuccessiontothethroneofCastile inhistoryandlegend’ , Viator 17(1986).
¹⁷ Theconstitutionsas ‘edited’ bytheCompostelarecordliststheattendanceofthearchbishopand hissuffragans,thebishopsofLisbon,Guarda,Ávila,CiudadRodrigo,andPlasencia,withtherecord dated29OctoberwitnessedalsobythebishopsofMondoñedo,Tuy,andLugo(allsuffragansof Braga)aswellastwowhohadwithdrawnfromtheassemblybythen:thoseofZamoraandAstorga (thelatteranotherBragasuffragan).
¹⁸ A.LópezFerreiro, HistoriadelaSantaA.M.IglesiadeSantiagodeCompostela,V(Santiagode Compostela,1902),App.LI(p.144).Bishops,deans,andarchdeaconsweretobe ‘ content ’ with retinuesof75,25,and25respectively.
EarlyFourteenth-CenturyIberia
previousyear,revealingtheconditionofhisdiocesetobelittledifferentfromwhat Jeand’Abbevillehadfound,andbequeathinglegislation,someofthesurviving formsofwhichincorporatedwrittenconfirmationofitswidespreadneglectand disregardforitssanctions.¹⁹ Thewearinessofthelanguageinwhichhereiterated measuresagainstunlawfulmarriagesandclericalconcubinageconfirmedthatthe messagethathewasrepeatingin1310hadbeenpromulgated multotiens,many timesbefore.²⁰ Likewise,theneedfortheprovinciallegislationofhispredecessor butone,JuanArias,wouldberegularlyvisiblethroughoutthe firsthalfofthe fourteenthcentury.Apartfromtheusualproblemsofconcubinageetc.statutes wererequiredforbiddingthechildrenofclericstosucceedtheirfathersingoods acquired perecclesiam,and milites andothersfromconspiringwitharchdeaconsto defraudthepatronsofchurchesoftheirrights.SincewidespreadilliteracypreventedtheGalicianclergyfromwritingorunderstandingsentencesofexcommunication,thepunishmentforbearingarmsagainsttheirbishops,archdeacons,andso on.washardlylikelytoproveeffective.Falsewitness(aproblemnotonlyforthe provinceofCompostela ‘sedferetotaYspania ’)viedwithroyalinquisitions ‘ super regalengishereditatibus’ ofmonasteries,clergy,andothers.²¹TheChurch(orthe churchesoftheprovince)weretrappedbetweentheupperandthenethermillstonesofpopeandking,makingitnecessaryforthechurchofCompostelabothto protecttherightandpossessionofitssuffragansfromRomaninterferenceintheir electoralprocedure²²andalwaystopresentthekingwithasettled,watertight election,therebypreventingroyalinterventionontheoccasionofanyvacancy²³ thoughthatresolutionwasnottobemadeknown,thoseinattendancewere reminded.²⁴ Likewise,inordertopreventlayacquisitionofecclesiasticalproperty, noclericwastobealayman’smajor-domo:²⁵ aprohibitionregularlyreiterated,so presumablyineffective.²⁶
Takentogetherwithevidenceofdisorganizationwithinthecathedralchurch itself,withtheconstitutionof1255concerningconductinchoir,andrequiring measurestorestrainchattingandlaughingandthedoingofbusinessthere(‘ nec aliquisinchoroaudiatcausas’),²⁷ thesignswerethatCompostela’sglorydayswere over.CenturieshadpassedsinceGaliciahadbeenatChristendom’sfrontline.The campaignsofthepreviouscenturyhadremovedthereconquestfartothesouth. KingsrarelyvisitedtheshrineofSantiago(FernandoIIIapparentlyneverafter 1232),andpilgrimsintentondoingsoencounteredachurchwithitsarchbishop
¹⁹ S[ynodicon]H[ispanum],I,ed.A.GarcíayGarcía(Madrid,1982),280–90,atp.281.
²⁰ Ibid.,291.²¹LópezFerreiro, Historia,V,App.XXIX,cc.vii–viii,x,ix.
²² ‘CumEcclesiacompostelanafueritinistaquasipossessioneatemporequononextatmemoriaut prouiderepossitdepastoreiuremetropoliticoEcclesiesuesuffraganieuiduatenonsolumincasu negligentiesetinquocumquealiosiuepropteruiciumpersonecasseturelectiopercanonicoseiusdem ecclesiecelebrata.EtRomanaecclesiautpubliceasseritureamdemhociurepriuareintendatremedium necessarioadhibendum,ordinatumfuitutmetropolitaniutanturiuresuo[et]insistantmetropolitani etepiscopimodisomnibusutiuresuoetpossessionenonpriuentur’:ibid., c. xii.
²³ ‘Statuimusquodsolempniselectiotantumprincipipresenteturnullapriusabeolicentia postulate.’
²⁴‘uolumustamenquodadpresensnonpublicetur’:ibid., c. xviii.²⁵ Ibid., c. xxii.
²⁶ Ibid,App.XXVIII, c. ii;XLV(1289), c. xxiv;XLIX(1309), c. xvii.²⁷ Ibid.,App.XXX.
inexile.²⁸ TothissituationthefailureofthepeninsularChurchtopresenta conciliarpresenceduringthethirteenthcentury²⁹ leftitattheoutsetofthe fourteenthbereftofdefencescapableofconfrontingthedangerspresentedby secularpowerwithinthepeninsula,whetherformidableor,aswasthecasein 1310,not,andbeyonditbyaworlddominatedbythemasteryofFrenchpower overthepapacyinthejudgmentspendingagainstthelateBonifaceVIIIandthe disbandedTemplarOrder.
Withitsecclesiasticalterraincomplicatedbythelackofcorrespondencebetween thekingdomsofLeónandPortugal,andthelocationoneithersideofthenotional politicalboundaryofthesuffraganchurchesoftheprovincesofCompostelaand Braga,andeach filigresia havingtheannualdutyofpresentingthekingwithadead wolf,Galiciawasawildcountry.³⁰ Itwasalsoapeculantone.
Interrasummus
Rexesthoctemporenummus,
thearchdeaconofCompostela,AdamFernández,haddeclaredintheearly1230s, voicingaperennialobservation.³¹Almostacenturylaterthemaximstillapplied: Whatcountedwithal Wasthewherewithal.
Thus,asBishopRodrigoofMondoñedocomplainedtohismetropolitan,the archbishopofBraga,in1311,theprieststowhomthearchdeaconsofhisdiocese hadsubletthebusinessofdiocesanvisitationweredemandingpaymentsfromhis parishclergyastheywent.³²Fromareferencein1313recordingtheobligationof clergyofthatdiocesetoattendtheannualsynod,itsmodernhistorianinfersthat suchregularmeetingsdidindeedoccur.³³Ifso,ithasneverthelesstobeobserved thatnotonlyinMondoñedobutthroughoutGaliciasynodallegislationseekingto limitconcubinageandthetransferofecclesiasticalpropertytolaymenaswellas otherabuseshadregularlytoberecordedinthe acta ofsuchsynodsandprovincial councils,noticeofwhichhasirregularlysurvived,³⁴ withthe1324Compostela councilattended,notforthe firsttime,bynoneatallofthatchurch’ssuffragans andthe1327assemblybyjustone,andhiselevencolleaguesallrepresentedby
²⁸ FortheseconsequencesofAlfonsoX’sdemandofhomagefromthearchbishop(unprecedented, asitwasclaimedin1279),seeP.Linehan, ‘TheSpanishChurchrevisited:Theepiscopalgravaminaof 1279’,ed.withB.Tierney, AuthorityandPower:StudiespresentedtoWalterUllmannonhis70th birthday (Cambridge,1980),142.
²⁹ Linehan, SpanishChurchandthePapacy,chaps.3–9.
³⁰ LópezFerreiro, Historia,V,App.XXVIII,c.xv:App.XVIII(1289),c.xxxvi.
³¹J.AmadordelosRíos, Hist.críticadelaliteraturaespañola,II(Madrid,1862),355–6.Cf. H.Walther, ProverbiasententiaequeLatinitatismediiacrecentiorisaevi (Göttingen,1964),no.12105.
³²Flórez, EspañaSagrada,18.170;E.CalPardo, ‘Episcopologiomindoniense’ , EstudiosMindonienses 14(1998),564.
³³Ibid.,565.
³⁴ E.g. c. IVoftheCouncilofCompostelaofthatsameyear: ‘Filiusillegitimuscumpatrenonerit ineodemmonasterio’:LópezFerreiro, HistoriadeSantiagodeCompostela,V.App.LIV(p.155); SH,I.294.
proctors.³⁵ WiththeirCastilianmasterstreatingtheGalicianlocalsas ‘detestable’ , accordingtothebiographerofthenon-nativespeakingFrenchmanwhomAvignon wouldappointasarchbishopofCompostelain1317,³⁶ thelocalswereaslittle enamouredoftheecclesiasticsintheascendantinSantiago’ssee.³⁷ Suchwasthat archbishop’simpactthere,itwasclaimed,thatevenprivatepropertywasrespected: ‘anextraordinaryphenomenon,oneunheardofinGalicia’.³⁸ Despitethesenseofendlessfrustrationwiththoselocalsasexpressedby ArchbishopBerenguer,however,³⁹ Galiciawasnotuniquelyoutofcontrolat theendofFernando’sreign.Withrumoursoftheking ’sdepositionimminent, thegeneralCastiliansituationwaslittlebetter,withneithertruthnorresolveto befoundoneitherside,anagentofthekingofAragonreported.⁴⁰ Itwasjustasa Portuguesewitnesshadcharacterizeditatitsbeginning—‘ pravumetpravissimum ’:absolutelyhopeless.⁴¹Theverdictwasconfirmedbythereportsofthe agentscommissionedbyRome: firstbetween1311and1313RamóndeMontrós (archdeaconofJátiva,Valencia)chargedwithrecoveringtheresidueofthe first twoyearsofthetriennialgrantof decima andallofitscancelledthirdyear (cancelledonaccountofthefailureoftheAlgecirascampaign),andsecond between1313and1315JuanFernández(archdeaconofCastro,Córdoba)as sub-collectordelegatedpartlyinordertocheckuponhispredecessor’sactivities.⁴²Someaccountofthetrekofthetwoarchdeaconsacrossalanddevastated by carestia hasbeenprovidedelsewhere. ⁴³Againstabackgroundofshoeshaving toberegularlyreplacedbecausewornoutbytheweather,andhorsestransferred onlittersbeforedyingexpensively,⁴⁴ therecordisoneofbishopsrefusingeither toreceivethecollectorsortosurrendertheproceedstothem,⁴⁵ ofthe
³⁵ LópezFerreiro, Historia,VI(1903),App.IXandXVII.
³⁶‘anaturaCastellaniGallecoshabentexosos’ : HechosdeDonBerengueldeLandoria,arzobispode Santiago,ed.M.C.DíazyDíaz(SantiagodeCompostela,1983),114–15,thewholeofwhich comprisesanaccountofD.Berenguer’scampaigntorecovercontrolofhisseebelow,p.33.
³⁷‘malignoimbutispiritucontraecclesiametarchiepiscopum’ : HechosdeDonBerenguelde Landoria,90.
³⁸‘Tantaenimeratiustitiaquodunusquisquequodsuumeratpossidebatsineimpedimento quocumque:quodinGalliciareseratinsolitaaceciaminaudita’:ibid.,154.
³⁹‘Numquam,utuideo, finemhaberepoterunttractatushuiusmodicumcontinueeaqueperuos aliosdictaetpromissasuntinnouentur’:ibid.,124–6.
⁴⁰‘losfechosdeCastellaestavanenmuymalestamientodeguisaquenonsetrobaverdatni firmeza deunapartenidotra’:GiménezSoler, D.JuanManuel,392.
⁴¹A.Benavides, MemoriasdeDonFernandoIVdeCastilla (Madrid,1860),II.170;F.J.Hernández andP.Linehan, TheMozarabicCardinal:TheLifeandTimesofGonzaloPérezGudiel (Florence, 2004),390.
⁴²AndinestablishinginteraliathatArchbishopGutiereGómezofToledohadappropriatedalarge partofwhatRamóndeMontróshadcollected, ‘frangendoarcammanupropriainquaeratpecunia congregata ’,includingeightthousandmaravedis,almostaquarteroftheCompostelareceipts:ASV, Collectorie111fos.1r,2v.
⁴³Linehan, SpanishChurchandPapacy,247–9; ‘TheChurch,theeconomyandthe reconquista’ , 275–303.
⁴⁴ ASV,Reg.Avin.91,fo.225r-35r.
⁴⁵ AtCoria ‘episcopusnonadmisitcollectoresetcontemptissententiisarchidiaconinonsolvit’ ;at Badajoz ‘nichilhabuitindearchidiaconusquiaepiscopusexcusabatsequodampliusoccupaveratrexde mensasuaquamsummaretdecimaepiscopatussui’:ASV,Coll.111,fo.3v-4r.
excommunicatedbishopofCoriaseizingalltheother’ smounts,⁴⁶ oftheking appropriatingaquarterofamillion maravedis andsubstitutingtwosealedletters,⁴⁷ andtheenormouscostofcopyingmessagesandsendingagentsalloveracountryside, anareawhichhadtobetraversedwitharmedguards(fo.12v).
AstoGalicia,ratherthanrisktakinghispropertytoMondoñedo ‘quiatimebat initinere’ thearchdeaconofJátivalefthisbooksandclothesatLugo,onlyto find onhisreturn,which ‘proptertimoremlatronumetmaleficorum ’ wasinaccessible withouttheprotectionofaten-manescort,thattheyhadbeenseizedinarising againstthebishop:cost300mor.(fo.16r-v).Fearofthelocalhighwaymen (‘rationegolfinorum ’)costanother145.⁴⁸ Itwastheking’sinstructionsrequiring himtosurrenderwhathehadcollectedtoalocal capo thatforcedthearchdeaconto crossintoPortugaland,althoughpursuedthither,toseektheprotectionofKing Dinis allnecessitatingfurtherexpensivecopyingofthepaperwork.⁴⁹ Whereupon theking(awareperhapsthaton1July1312thepopehadrevokedthearchdeacon’ s authorityforhavingacted ‘infideliteretmale’,replacinghimwiththebishopsof CiudadRodrigoandCórdoba)circulatedallbishopsorderingall decima moniestobe paid,nottothearchdeacon,buttoanotherroyalfunctionary,⁵⁰ therebynecessitating asimilar(andagainexpensive)correctivecirculationbythearchdeacon.
Astohistworeplacements,itwaslatertocometolightthatthe firstofthemand hisnephew,thearchdeaconofCastro,hadtreatedthearchdeaconofJátiva ‘vilely’ , andthattheotheronhisdeathbedhadmadeabonfireofalltherelevantrecords.⁵¹ Eventuallyitwouldemergeboththattheexpensesofcollectionalmostcertainly exceededtheamountscollected,andthatthekingandhisagents,notthepope,had beenabletosecurethelion’sshareofthosesums.⁵²In1310,withthekingof Castilemoribund,however,andtwoofhis ‘venerable’ bishopssummonedto Avignon,oneaccusedofsubmerginganagentofthepope’sowndoctorina sewerandtheotherofhavinghadoneofRamóndeMontrós’sdeputiesshackled
⁴⁶‘inlocodeToroproprocurandadecimaepiscopatusdeCoriaetprofaciendodenunciari episcopumdeCoriaexcommunicatumquieratibipresens.Etdictusepiscopusfecitemparariomnes equitaturasarchidiaconirationesententiasquastuleratcontraeum’:ibid.,fo.19r.
⁴⁷‘propriaregiamanusubscripte’:ibid.,fo.7v.
⁴⁸ Cf.LópezFerreiro, Historia,VI.62;Linehan,‘Church,economy, reconquista’,281.
⁴⁹‘ItemfuitarchidiaconusincivitatedeTuyetfueruntibilittereregisCastellequibusmandabat archidiaconumcapietceperunteiquequehabebatetfueruntibihominesAldefonsusGomiçGallinato etfeceruntemparariquequedefferebatquianonmandabatdaridecimammilitibusadmandatum regiumetarchidiaconusfuitettransivitValentinam:ValençadaMinhoqueestinPortugaliatimore mortisvelmaximidedecoris.Etivitmerinusposteumcummultisgentibusetvoluiteumcaperein dictolocodeValentinasedresisterunteiillidevillaquisuntregisPortugalieetvoluerunttranscriptade apostolicislitterisetregisCastelleetfuiibiXIIdiebus’:ASV,Coll.111,fo.17r.
⁵⁰ Ibid: ‘Itemmandavitrexperlitterassuasomnibusepiscopisquodcumarchidiaconusforetcaptus abilladieinanna(sic)responderentdedecimaadAriasJuayhnesetquodnonresponderent archidiaconoamplius’ ; Reg.Clem.V,8591: DocumentosdeClementeV(1305–1314)referentesa España,ed.S.DomínguezSánchez(León,2014),no.1029(1July1312).
⁵¹Coll.111,fo.47v(‘vilitertractatus’),fo.54v: ‘Dicebaturcommuniterquodquandodominus AlfonsusquondamepiscopusCivitatensisdiemclausitextremummultilibricollectioniset inquisitionisdictedecimefueruntcombusti.’
⁵²Linehan, ‘Church,economyand reconquista’,287–93.
andthrownontoadungheap,⁵³thismaybeasuitablemomentatwhichtofollow thepersecutedarchdeaconofJátivaacrosstheborderintoPortugal.
PORTUGALANDTHEPAPACYSINCE1179
Evenbeforethepopelicensedthemtocallthemselveskings,Portugal’skingshad beengivingthepope’smenahardtimeandtreatingpopesandpapaljurisdiction withmorethanatouchofcontempt.AlexanderIII’sissuingof Manifestisprobatum in1179,whichprovidedAfonsoHenriqueswithinternationalrecognition,still layinthefuturewhenthebene ficiaryofthatactsentthepapallegateCardinal HyacinthBobonepackingandthreatenedtochophisfootoffifhepersistedin hisproposaltodeposethebishopofCoimbra.Atleast,thatwashowRogerof HowdeninremoteYorkshirereportedit,ascribingtheincidenttotheyear 1187.⁵⁴ AndalthoughasregardsitsdatetheEnglishchroniclerwasplainly wrong,⁵⁵ astoitssubstance,namelytheking ’scoercionofBishopMiguelto plunderhisownseeforthebenefitoftheCoimbramonasteryofSantaCruz,⁵⁶ he waswellenoughinformed.
Suchbehaviourwasindeedafeatureoftherelationshipofgodfatherand foundlingonwhichsomepopesweremovedtoremark:InnocentIII,forexample, whendenouncingSanchoI’sirreverenceandarroganceasworsethanthatofany hereticortyrant.⁵⁷ Andthereafterattitudessuchasthoseexpressedbythechronicler’sstoryweresharedbyPortugal’secclesiasticswho,incommonwithother membersoftheWesternChurch,rarelyhesitated firsttorefertheirdisputesto thepapacyandthentospinoutthesettlementofthem,regardlessofthespiritual penaltiesincurredfornon-compliancewithpapaljudgmentswhich,ifnot unfavourable,theywouldunhesitatinglyandwithoutfurtherconsiderationhave enforced àoutrance.Thenthereweretheopportunitiesfordelaywhichoperationof thecanonicalprocessesitselfprovided.Inhisdisputeconcerningthechurchof
⁵³ Reg.Clem.V,6306(May1310,concerningPedroofBurgos);5375(Jul.1310,concerning SimónofSigüenza),inbothcases ‘sidicivenerabilismereatur’ (ed.SánchezDomínguez,nos.664, 703).Moreover,foroppositiontotheformerArchbishopGonzaloofToledo,theentirechapterwere excommunicatedandsuspended:HernandezandLinehan, MozarabicCardinal,326.
⁵⁴ ChronicaMagistriRogerideHoudene,ed.W.Stubbs,II,RollsSer.(London,1869),333.
⁵⁵ ForCardinalHyacinth’stwolegatineexcursionstoPortugal(Oct.–Nov.1154andJan.–March 1173),seeS.Weiß, DieUrkundenderpäpstlichenLegatenvonLeoIX.bisCoelestinIII.(1049–1198) (Köln-Weimar-Wien,1995),175–6,184–5;alsoD.J.Smith, ‘TheIberianlegationsofCardinal HyacinthBobone’,inJ.DoranandD.J.Smith(eds.), PopeCelestineIII(1191–1198).Diplomatand Pastor (Farnham,2008),89: ‘WhenClementIIIrealizedthathewasdying[in1190–91],hecancelled Hyacinth’s[would-bethird]legationtotheIberianPeninsula.’
⁵⁶ Ruyd’Azevedo, DocumentosfalsosdeSantaCruzdeCoimbra(séculosXIIeXIII) (Lisbon,1935), 23–9.Theprospectofacardinal’sseveredfootwasmatchedbytheprotestationofoneofthosecanons ofCoimbrawhohadbeenmadetosubscribethechartertransferringpropertyandjurisdiction ‘who wishedthehandwithwhichhehadsignedtobecutoff ’:A.J.daCostaandM.A.F.Marques, Bulário Português.InocêncioIII(1198–1216) (Coimbra,1989),118.
⁵⁷‘Sanenullusprincipumquantumlibetmagnusnisiforsanhaereticusauttyrannustamirreverenter etarroganternobisautpraedecessoribusnostrisscribereattentavitproptereiusreverentiamethonorem cuiusrepraesentamusinapostolatupersonam’ (23Feb.1211):ibid.,296–7.
Abiulinthe1260s,thedeanofLamego,PascásioGodinho,althoughcondemned byRomeforhispluralism,proceededtoleadhisopponentsamerrydanceuntil capitulatingontermsremarkablyadvantageoustohimself.⁵⁸ Bycontrast,another half-centuryon,we findD.JoāoAfonso,thebastardsonofD.Dinis,refusingto appearbeforeapapaljudgedelegateonthegroundsthat ‘hewasalaymanandhad hisownjudge’ andemployingcoarseandsanguinarylanguagewhiledenouncing hisadversaryinopencourt.⁵⁹ AndontheeveoftheGreatSchism,theworsted candidateinthecompetitionfortheprecentorshipofGuimarãeseffectivelyoutdid PascásioGodinhobyallowingthecostsagainsthimtomountupoutofsightwhile, choosingtoremainunrepresentedatcourt,hewasrepeatedlyandunavailingly condemnedbyasuccessionofpapaljudges.⁶⁰
THESECULARETHIC:LEGISTSANDTHEIR ROLEINGOVERNMENT
Suchattitudeswereencouraged,indeedwerethoughtbytheiropponentseven tohavebeencreated,byacadreofroyalcounsellorsidentifiedin1203asmen alwaysreadytoadvanceacauseinreturnformaterialprofit,⁶¹agroupidentifiedin 1277bythefrustratedpapalnuncio,theFranciscanfriarfr.Nicolás,asthe sapientes: sapientes oftheroyalhouseholdresponsibleonthisoccasionforpersuadingAfonsoIIIthatPopeGregoryX’ s ‘diabolicalordinance’ againsthimhadbeen revokedbythePortuguesepontiff,JohnXXI.⁶²Bythentheyhaddestroyedall semblanceoftrustbetweenkingandpontiff. ‘O,faciatrelaxarinonsufficit’,Afonso ripostedtothenuncio’sassurancethatifthekingwouldundertaketocomplywith theapostolicmandatethenforthwithhe,thenuncio, ‘wouldeitherrelaxthe sentencesagainsthimorwouldhavethemrelaxed’ . ⁶³But ‘wouldhavethem relaxed’ wouldnotdo.Bycontrastwiththe sapientes,by1277apapalnuncio’ s promisecarriednoweightwiththekingofPortugal.
⁵⁸ Cf.PeterLinehan, ‘TheLaw’sDelays’:Twochaptersinthethirteenth-centuryhistoryof S.MariadeLorvãomitBemerkungenzueinerExtravaganteGregorsIXvonMartinBertram: Honos alitartes.StudiperilsettantesimocompleannodiMarioAscheri, ed.P.MaffeiandG.M.Varanini (Florence,2014),361–4.
⁵⁹ Seebelow,p.31.PeterLinehan, PortugaliaPontificia:MaterialsoftheHistoryofPortugalandthe Papacy,1198–1417 (Lisbon,2013),I.22,39.Thecoarseningofthelanguageofdiscoursestemmed fromtheking’sowncourt.In1321D.Diniswouldwarnhisopponentsthat ‘ os filhedespelasgargantas eostenhaisbempresosebemguardadospormeumandado’:M.H.daCruzCoelho, ‘Opoderea sociedadeaotempodeD.AfonsoIV’ , RevistadeHistória (Univ.doPorto)8(1989)38.
⁶⁰ Linehan, PP,nos.1256–9.
⁶¹Ibid.,no.*44: ‘facta,sicutdicitur,nonmodicadonationepecunieconsiliariiseius’ .
⁶² ‘illisapientesdomusvestrequivos[regem]inistuminduxerunterroremutpropteristacredere possitisveldicerevospenasinordinationecontentasminimeincurrisse’:IAN/TT,MitradeBraga, rolo6:ed.M.A.FernandesMarques, ‘OpapadoePortugalnotempodeD.AfonsoIII(1245–1279)’ , diss.deDoutoramentoenHistóriadaIdadeMédia,FaculdadedeLetras,Coimbra,1990,572;Linehan, PP,I.31.
⁶³Marques, ‘OpapadoePortugal’,569–70;A.Herculano, HistóriadePortugaldesdeocomeçoda monarquiaatéo fimdoreinadodeAfonsoIII (ed.Lisbon,1980),III.185.
EarlyFourteenth-CenturyIberia
Seventyyearslaterthesesamecaterpillarsofthecommonwealth,the ‘ assessors ’ intentuponurgingAfonsoIVintobattlewiththekingofCastile,wereapostrophizedbyÁlvaroPaisas ‘legists’,advisorswhosestructureswerebuiltonsand.⁶⁴ Alternatively,theyweredescribedas ‘letrados’,asectionoftheclericalclass-list accommodatingbothArchbishopGutierreGómezofToledo,describedby thepopewhenelectedin1310as ‘sufficientislitterature’ and,morecoolly, bytheking’schroniclerasnotthemost letrado candidateintheoffing,⁶⁵ and thosestudentsofthedecretalsconsultedin1318byBishopFernandoofCórdoba inhissearchforadviceonappropriatingchurchrevenueswithouttechnically defyingthepope:⁶⁶ secular-mindedtechniciansindeed,civilservice-minded,nonclericalcanonistseven.⁶⁷ Itwasnotsapientcounsellorsthatweretheproblem.They hadhadtheiredgesknockedoffthem.Itwasnoteventhe periti,foronoccasion bishopswereatlibertytoconsultthem,astheyhadbeenadvisedatSalamanca in1310.⁶⁸ ForÁlvaro,itwas young sapientcounsellors,nottheirsoberseniors,who spelttrouble.⁶⁹ InthishewasatonewithhisseniorFranciscanconfrère,JuanGil deZamora.⁷⁰
Iftherewasonecausethatcontributedmostsingularlytothedevelopmentof thissub-speciesatthistimeitwasthedispersaloftheTemplarproperties.Itwas inthatcontextandwiththatconvictionthatJaimeIIwrotetoFernandoIVin August1311confirmingthatinthatconnexiontheinterestsofAragón,Castile, andPortugalwereallasone, ⁷¹andthatanydiscussionswiththepontiffwouldbe bestconductedbylaymen.⁷²
But,incommonwiththeTemplars,theimplicationsofsuchepithetswerenot restrictedtothepeninsula.InthecaseofPortugaltheyinvitecomparisonwiththat ofotherWesternnations,inwhichduringthesesameyears l’Espritlaïque was infiltratingChristiansocietyanddiscoveringitsweaknesses,bothstructural andpersonal orwassubjectingittoanalternativesetofcriteria,eitherpre-or
⁶⁴‘quidquiddicanttuilegiste,assessorestui,nullasuntipsoiure.Fundatafuitguerratuasuper fundamentumarene’:A.D.deSousaCosta, EstudossobreÁlvaroPais (Lisbon,1966),147.See,in general,J.A.Maravall, Estudiosdehistoriadelpensamientoespañol(Madrid,1973),373–6.
⁶⁵ Reg.Clem.V,6707(ed.SánchezDomínguez,no.785); CFIV,157: ‘commoquierqueauiaenla yglesiaotrosommesmasletradosqueestearçediano’ .
⁶⁶‘Enos rrequirimosdeconsseiosobrestarraçonaquantosomnesbuenosletradosaujaenla corte,ssenaladamente alsacristandeValladolidqueleelasdecretalesaquienelestudiode Valladolid’:R.MenėndezPidal, DocumentoslingüísticosenEspaña,I(Madrid,1919),230.These werethe decime grantedbyClementVforthecancelledcampaignof1310.
⁶⁷ Cf.therepeated,ill-starredattemptsofSalvadordeMoxótodefinethephenomenon,cit. Linehan, HistoryandtheHistorians,623n.
⁶⁸ Flórez, EspañaSagrada,18.374: ‘DifinimusetiamquodsialiquisEpiscopussententiasproferre voluerit,procedatcummaturitate&deconsilioperitorum’:above,pp.2–3.
⁶⁹‘Itemrexdebetsequiconciliumseniorumaetateetmoribus,noniuniorum,blanderegendoet dulciter,nondureettyrannice; ... senessapientesetsobriosconsiliarios’:AlvarusPelagius, Speculum regum,ed.M.PintodeMeneses(Lisbon,1955–63),I.118,128.
⁷⁰‘Nemoenimiuveneseligitiudices,eoquodnonconstateosesseprudentes’ : DePreconiis Hispanie,ed.M.deCastroyCastro(Madrid,1955),203–4.
⁷¹ ‘enguissaquelpapaentendiessequelvuestroentendimientoetdelreydePortugaletnuestro estodounosobreestefecho’:J.Villanueva, ViageliterarioalasiglesiasdeEspaña,V(Madrid,1806), 206–7.
⁷² ‘porquemascumplerazonarlolegosqueclerigos’:ibid.
post-Christianinessence.InCastile,forexample,justtwoyearsafterfr.Nicolas’ s confrontationwiththekingofPortugal,thelocalbishopswereinforminganother papalnunciothatatAlfonsoX’scourtatheistsandnaturalistsheldsway:allvery muchinaccordwiththereportsfromParisthathadrecentlypromptedthe ecclesiasticalauthoritiestheretoshutdowntheuniversityaltogether.⁷³Inthe contestforWesternChristendom’ssoulbetween ‘losmaestrosdelatheologia elosdelasnaturas’,asAlfonsoX’sownsonandsuccessorcategorizedthem,by 1279the flowwasratherunnervinglyinthedirectionofaugurs,naturalists,legists, and sapientes. ⁷⁴
‘
MOLINISM
’
Accordingtoatleastonerecentwriteronpost-Alfonsinedevelopments,masteryin thatcontestsoonshiftedsufficientlyinfavourofthetheologianstowarranttreating theperioddownto1325andbeyondasoneofreactionagainstthe reysabio’ s conductofaffairs,characterizedastheageof ‘Molinismo’:notMolinismproper initssixteenth-centurycontext,beitunderstood,butallegedlythehallmarkof theruleandideologyassociatedwithSanchoIV’swifeandwidow,Maríade Molina.⁷⁵ Thus,forDiegoCatalánwhointroducedtheterminthiscontext, ‘Molinismo’ wasnomorethanthe flavourimpartedtothepost-Alfonsinechroniclesbytheirauthor,MaríadeMolina ’ s ‘ creature ’,FernánSánchezdeValladolid⁷⁶ WhatweareofferedbyGómezRedondo,however,isafactitiousconcept,acredo withoutacode,onewithwhich,despiteclaimstothecontrary,thepresentauthor wouldnotwishtobeassociated,noteveninthedistinguishedcompanycited,not evenmoreorless.⁷⁷ Inthelightofthehistoryofthe1280sand1290s,neitherthe chapterofToledo,allegedtobetheseminaryofthesect,norToledo’sarchbishop,
⁷³Linehan, HistoryandtheHistorians,435–6.Withareferencetocanonlaw,belief ‘inauguriis’ was oneofthemanychargesbroughtbyÁlvaroPaisagainstthemonarchsof Hispania fifty-oddyearslater: D[e]S[tatuet]P[lanctuEcclesiae] (Lyon,1517),fo.137: EstadoePrantodaIgreja,ed.M.Pintode Meneses(Lisbon,1988–98),V.278.
⁷⁴ R.P.Kinkade, Los ‘Lucidarios’ españoles (Madrid,1968),79–80.
⁷⁵‘YesquelaactividadliterariaquesecreaenlacortedeSanchonopodríaentendersesinla presenciadeestaextraordinariamujerque,alolargodecuatrodécadas,seráelpuntodereferencia inexcusabledelapolíticacastellana’:F.GómezRedondo, Historiadelaprosamedievalcastellana,I.La Creaciündeldiscursoprosístico:elentremadocortesano (Madrid,1998),859.
⁷⁶‘Quizámásimportantequelacalidadycarácterdelasfuentesquetuvoamano[FernánSánchez] fueelhechodehabersido hechura delareinadoñaMaría,quienemergecomolaverdadera protagonistadetoda suCrónicadetresreyes’:LaEstoriadeEspañadeAlfonsoX.Creaciónyevolución (Madrid,1992),13.
⁷⁷‘Elconceptode«molinismo»provienedelcampodelahistoriografíaylohanutilizado,con valoracionesmuypróximas,D.Catalán,P.LinehanyG.Orduna;F.J.Hernándezhaprecisadomás rasgosdeestemodeloculturalparaenmarcarla figuradeFerránMartínez’;F.GómezRedondo, ‘Don JuanManuel,autormolinista’ : ActasdelVIIICongresoInternacionaldelaAsociaciónHispánicade LiteraturaMedieval (Santander,2000),828n;cf.idem, ‘ElMolinismo:Unsistemadepensamiento letrado(1284–1350)’,50.
EarlyFourteenth-CenturyIberia
GonzaloPérezGudiel,advertisedasitsleadingluminary,canbeshowntomeritsuch repute.⁷⁸ Albeitthatwhatwasformerlyensconcedindoubleinvertedcommas hasnowshedsuchrestraints,andchrysalis-likepreparesto flyfree,oralternatively toseepintothenarrativestructureoftheperiodasaself-consciousentity,withthe queen-mother(and-grandmother)appropriatelyacknowledgedas ‘thequintessence ofMolinismo’ , ⁷⁹ whatinfactisobservableduringtheseyearsisnot Molinismo butacomplexofinitiativeswhichmightmoreappropriatelybechristened ‘Sanchismo’,foundedonpre-Alfonsineprinciplesofsurvivaltransplantedintoa post-AlfonsineenvironmentfromwhichthereignofFernandoIIIwasobservableasa goldenage.⁸⁰ Andsoitcontinued.⁸¹Atanyrate,theanxietiesoftheestablishment regardingthesubletiesofthenaturalphilosophers ethocgenusomne wouldnothave beenmateriallydiminishedwhenoneoftheissuesraisedin1316orthereaboutsby theconfessorof ‘maestrosedoctoreseletrados’ was,accordingtothe(probably) Castilianauthoroftheexhaustive LibrodelasConfesiones,MartínPérez,precisely that:greaterinterestinnaturalphilosophythaninthesalvationofsouls.Hewastobe askedtherefore
ifhedebatesstrangequestionswhichareunprofitable,asdosomewhowanttodebate thesubtletiesofphilosophyandnaturalphilosophyandnotquestionsofvalueforthe healthofsouls,andwhodothisinordertolearnandunderstandthingswhichothers donotknowandbecausetheydonotallunderstandwhattheydebateanddiscuss. Andifhereadsgrubbylovestoriesanddirtybooks,andbooksofliesandsexual perversion,suchasareforbidenbyholymenandthelaw.⁸²
⁷⁸ GómezRedondo, Historia,856–63,wherethepromisedaccountofthecathedralchapterisnot forthcomingandthatofGonzaloPérezismanifestlywrong,asthearchbishop’sownlibrarylistsreveal. Cf.HernándezandLinehan, MozarabicCardinal,pp.245–349.
⁷⁹ Funes, ‘DeAlfonsoelSabioalCancillerAyala’,21,reportingtheobservedresemblanceofMaría deMolina’scareofthemonarchythroughoutthechildhoodofAlfonsoXIandtheVirginMary’ s maintenanceofthefaithbetweenthedeathofJesusandHisresurrection.
⁸⁰ MuchofpartofthisisindeedconcededinGómezRedondo’scharacterizationofSancho’ s courtas ‘unnuevomodelocultural,conunatareaprioritaria:corregirlosfundamentoscientíficos ysuprimirlatoleranciareligiosaenqueAlfonsohabíaapoyadolasuya.Estonosigni ficala desaparicióndelentremadoliterarioqueelReySabiohabíapropiciado,sinoajustarloyconvertirlo alnuevomarcoideológicoconelquedonSanchoydoñaMaríaquierenidenti fi carse Elmérito del ‘molinismo ’ consisteenpodermantenerpartedeesaestructura[ scil .alfonsina]de conocimiento lahistoria,lasleyes,lostratadossapienciales,losregimientosdepríncipes para intentarconformarun ‘regalismoaristocrático ’ quepermitiera,por fi n,integraralosclanes nobiliariosenelentramadodelacorte ’ : Historia ,861,863;likewisehis ‘El Zifar yla Crónica deFernandoIV’ , LaCorónica 27(1999)105.Cf.P.Linehan, Spain1157–1300:APartibleInheritance (Oxford,2008),191.
⁸¹HenceAlfonsoXI’sappealin1346to ‘eltiempodelreydonFernandonuestrotrasabueloetdel reydonAlfonsonuestrovisabuelo’:LópezFerreiro, Hist.deSantiagodeCompostela,VI,App.XXVII, p.131.
⁸² ‘Demandasidisputoquestionescuriosasquesonsinpro,commofazenalgunosquequieren disputardelasotilezadela filosofiaelasnaturas,enonquierendisputardelasquestionesquesonde saluddelasalmas,esuelenestoalgunosfazerporaprenderesabercosasquenonsabenotros,eporque nonentiendantodosloqueellosdisputanefablan.Demandasileyolibrosdeamoresmalosesuzios,o librosdementirasedecaçorrias,catodossonvedadosdelossantosedederecho‘ : Librodelas Confesiones. Unaradiografíadelasociedadmedievalespañola,ed.A.GarcíayGarcía,B.Alonso Rodríguez,andF.CantelarRodríguez(Madrid,2002),II.131(p.440).
