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APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY: AN INTERNATIONAL REVIEW, 2013, 62 (4), 619–639 doi: 10.1111/j.1464-0597.2012.00498.x

The Dynamics of Sociospatial Identity: Comparing Adolescents and Young Adults in Two French Regions Marie-Line Félonneau* and Lyda Lannegrand-Willems Université Bordeaux Segalen, France

Maja Becker Université de Toulouse, France

Aymeric Parant Université Bordeaux Segalen, France The issue of identity spatialisation lies at the interface between classic theories of social identity in social psychology and the environmental psychology approach in terms of sociospatial identity. This study of adolescents and young adults aimed to identify the influence of belonging to a place on selfconstruction according to place of residence in France. Two regions were compared: (a) the French Basque region, where there is high cultural specificity; and (b) Bordeaux region, which is less culture-specific. Data were collected from 229 adolescents and young adults from these two regions. The feeling of belonging to a region, sociospatial identity, and social identity were estimated using self-report questionnaires. Results demonstrate the existence of several forms of sociospatial identity. Basques tended to overinvest on the regional level—especially when they spoke the Basque language (Euskara)—whereas the sociospatial identity of Bordeaux inhabitants was multi-level. Furthermore, the expression of sociospatial identity was age-dependent. These findings help to define, measure, and interpret the processes and dynamics of identity associated with belonging to different territories.

INTRODUCTION In recent decades, the concept of identity has become a central theme in the social and human sciences, probably because the identity of the postmodern individual is not clearly defined, or is even threatened (Ehrenberg, 1995) by the socio-cultural upheavals of our times. This paper looks into the spatial component of the construction of self, i.e. how belonging to a territory or * Address for correspondence: Marie-Line Félonneau, Laboratoire de Psychologie EA4139, Université Victor Segalen—Bordeaux 2, 3ter place de la Victoire, 33 076 Bordeaux Cedex, France. Email: marie-line.felonneau@u-bordeaux2.fr © 2012 The Authors. Applied Psychology: An International Review © 2012 International Association of Applied Psychology.

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region provides an identity. At a time when a decentralised “Europe of the Regions” is gaining in influence and when geographic mobility is becoming the norm (tourism, student exchange programs, job-seeking), the question is to what extent the individual draws on regional belonging in his or her identity construction. Numerous researchers, in particular geographers, sociologists, and political scientists, have raised the question of the potential consequences of globalisation on the feeling of belonging to a territory. Many have suggested that information technologies and “time–space compression” contribute to making local identities obsolete (e.g. Harvey, 1990). However, the rise of separatist movements, nationalism, and other forms of communitarianism, in these last decades, has revealed powerful resistance to globalisation. In response to the forces of globalisation (Passi, 2003; Sletto, 2002), efforts to strengthen old boundaries and to create new ones are observed, often based on “identities of resistance” (Castells, 1997). Empirical studies have shown that modernisation and globalisation can reduce the strength of feelings of local belonging, but apparently not to the extent that it disappears: “belonging to a territorial collectivity (the local community, for example) still persists, but it is combined, from the subjective point of view, with national and supranational socio-territorial belongings which are considered to be compatible with it” (Pollini, 2005, p. 494). One interesting question then, is whether various identities combine together by inclusion and covariation, or by exclusion. Which identities are perceived to be compatible? To what extent is the nature of identity “flexible”? What are the conditions of this potentially “flexible” nature of place-identity (Sales-Wuillemin, 2006) in terms of territorial belonging? If belonging is defined as the state of being part of something or being connected with something, territorial belonging implies being part of or being connected with a place or a territory (Pollini, 2005). In other words, territorial belonging can be considered a form of social belonging derived from a spatially defined collectivity. We aimed to examine the influence of territorial belonging on the selfconstruction of adolescents and young people, according to their place of residence: the French Basque region where there is a strong attachment to cultural identity, and the Bordeaux region where this is less the case. In other words, our purpose here is to examine how young individuals can integrate different territorial levels into the self—simultaneously or not—through the process of self-construction.1 1 The study is part of a wider program focusing on identity and citizenship in young people, funded by the Conseil Regional d’Aquitaine. A subset of the data (the Basque subsample of N = 94) has been previously analysed and reported in Félonneau, Lannegrand-Willems, and Becker (2008).

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The Spatialised Self For over 20 years now, environmental psychology has offered a vivid interrogation of the spatialised self, the general idea being that definition of self is partially derived from places. Concepts in this area have multiplied; it is currently difficult to draw the boundaries between and the overlapping of these concepts: place-identity, sense of community, place attachment, placeidentification, etc. To simplify, one could argue that studies differ in terms of whether they emphasise the individual aspect of spatial identity and develop an individualistic perspective (for example, place attachment, place dependence), or if they integrate a more social aspect of spatial identity (for example, placeidentity, sense of community). Nevertheless, most researchers aim to articulate these individual and social aspects. Already in 1993, Giuliani and Feldman listed around 10 different definitions of place attachment. They concluded that the first challenge for research on place-identity would be to achieve a true conceptual integration. Today, place-identity is considered one of the most fundamental concepts in environmental psychology. Pretty, Chipuer, and Bramston (2003) viewed place-identity as a cognitive structure, contributing to global selfcategorisation and social identity processes. The place where a person lives becomes a symbolic extension of the self. Proshansky and collaborators (Proshansky, Fabian, & Kaminoff, 1983; Proshansky, Ittelson, & Rivlin, 1970) chose the term place-identity to describe the physical world socialisation of the self. This was conceived as a sub-structure of an individual’s self-identity, including cognitions representing “memories, ideas, feelings, attitudes, values, preferences, meaning and conceptions of behavior and experiences which relate to the variety and complexity of physical settings that define the day-to-day existence of every human being” (Proshansky et al., 1983, p. 59). There seems to be an agreement within the relevant literature that place-identity is part of self-identity (Feldman, 1990; Fried, 1982; Korpela, 1989; Proshansky, 1978; Proshansky et al., 1983; Sarbin, 1983); it is viewed as an aspect of an individual’s identity, comparable to other identities such as gender identity, political identity, or ethnic identity (Lalli, 1992). Recently, calls for conceptual integration in this area have been renewed. For example, two articles in the same issue of the Journal of Environmental Psychology (2010) claim the need for an integrated and deepened conceptual approach in this area. Droseltis and Vignoles (2010) identify four theoretical dimensions of place identification in the literature: self-extension (“the cognitive sense of a place as being part of the extended self-concept”, p. 24), environmental fit (“the ecological/environmental sense of the self as fitting into, or belonging to a place”, p. 24), place–self-congruity (the coincidence © 2012 The Authors. Applied Psychology: An International Review © 2012 International Association of Applied Psychology.

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between the self-image and the place image), and emotional attachment (strong emotional bonds or positive affect towards places). However, empirically the authors find that self-extension cannot be separated from emotional attachment, suggesting that the two constructs are indistinguishable in people’s minds (Droseltis & Vignoles, 2010; see also Félonneau, 2004). Similarly, although theoretically distinguishable (Pollini, 2005), place attachment and place-identity are difficult to separate empirically (Félonneau, 2004). Unlike Droseltis and Vignoles (2010), Scannell and Gifford (2010) opted for the concept of place attachment to account for the link between the self and the environment. They introduced a “person-process-place” model: a tripartite organising framework which posits that place attachment is a multidimensional concept with person, psychological process, and place dimensions. These authors define place attachment as “a bond between an individual or group and a place that can vary in terms of spatial level, degree of specificity, and social or physical features of the place, and is manifested through affective, cognitive, and behavioral psychological processes” (p. 5). These recent studies have had a common purpose of integrating concepts that are usually separated; it appears that place-identity and place attachment have comparable functions in terms of psychological needs and functions (particularly in terms of continuity) and in terms of social regulation.

The Meaning of Places Rather than investigating place-identity from an individual difference perspective (who identifies more or less strongly with a given place), we are interested in understanding which—among all possible—places become relevant to the extent that they are incorporated within an individual’s selfidentity (see also Droseltis & Vignoles, 2010). In line with what was argued above about place-identity as part of self-identity, territories to which one belongs may be seen as components forming part of the self-concept. Indeed, connections to place can sometimes be incorporated, at the most personal level, into one’s self-definition (Gifford, 2009). Bonaiuto, Breakwell, and Cano (1996) hypothesised that individuals appropriate the inherent characteristics of the places they live in and develop a concept of self that is based on the sociospatial categories to which they belong. The question “Who am I?” then becomes “Where do I come from?” or “To which type of environment do I belong?” Individuals may be thought of as incorporating the characteristics of the environment that they live in and transforming them into their own personal characteristics. If community identity involves a sense of belonging, it also incorporates a conception—and a selfconception—of a type of person. When people come from a region with strong cultural identity, e.g. the Basques, this “incorporation” of community traits is likely to be even more pronounced. © 2012 The Authors. Applied Psychology: An International Review © 2012 International Association of Applied Psychology.

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To date, the most widely studied spatial identities have been national and regional identities. Dekker, Darina, and Hoogendoorn (2003) posit the existence of a link between regional and national identities, and self-identity. In a study on the links between identity and assessment of one’s environment, Bonaiuto et al. (1996) showed that a strong national identity led young people to have a less critical view of their local environment, i.e. to perceive less pollution in the environment. This underestimation of pollution was further accentuated when respondents were confronted with an external evaluator (evaluation by the European institution). The factors underpinning this positive assessment are more likely linked to sociospatial identity—and especially to what the authors here call nationalism—than to more objective variables. Similar trends regarding the link between identity and satisfaction have also been found for towns (Félonneau, 2004) and residential areas (Fleury-Bahi, Félonneau, & Marchand, 2008). Environmental characteristics in themselves, however, are not enough to confer identity, and the self develops through interaction with others within a given space (Kruppart, 1983; Neisser, 1988).

Dynamics of Identity and the Nesting of Territories The construction of identity is a dynamic process that can be approached in terms of its spatial and developmental aspects. The issue of how and when multiple social identities may be simultaneously sustained (Brown, 2000) is equally relevant for place-identities. Like other aspects of identity, placeidentity should be considered with regard to its dynamics. Bonaiuto et al. (1996) refer to “multi-level place-identity”: “Several place identities can be nested within another for the same individual, each of them related to a different environmental scale and serving different purposes accordingly” (p. 171). The construction of individuality on the basis of group relations is a changing process: “even people who strongly criticize their country at home may turn out to be staunch defendants of it when abroad” (Deschamps, 1999, p. 99). Identity might be triggered by contextual variables such that an individual places his/her identity on an ordained, intermediary or personal level of self-categorisation (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987). The individual calls upon particular levels of territory depending on context, thereby creating different patterns of identification (Huici, Ros, Cano, & Hopkins, 1997). Therefore, it is relevant to study social contexts comprising in-groups at different levels of inclusiveness (Simon, Kulla, & Zobel, 1995). As an example of this, Hidalgo and Hernandez (2001) measured social and physical levels of place attachment at three different spatial levels (home, neighborhood, and city). Within their sample, the strength of the attachment differed depending on the level of analysis: greater place attachment emerged for home and city levels than for the neighborhood level, and the social dimension of place attachment was stronger than the physical dimension. © 2012 The Authors. Applied Psychology: An International Review © 2012 International Association of Applied Psychology.

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The phenomenological approach of Moles and Rohmer-Moles (1972) defines the world in terms of eight successive shells surrounding the ego: the body, the immediate gesture, the room, the house, the quarter, the town, the region, and the wider world. This classification could receive a useful addition in the form of culturally emerging categories such as Europe (Breakwell & Lyons, 1996). Recent research on young people points to the importance of other levels such as country, nation, and European continent (Chauchat & Busquets, 1999) through the emergence of common values (Rezsohazy, 2006; see also Hortacsu & Cem-Ersoy, 2005). In comparing the perception of the European community according to the importance of national identity in Andalucía and Scotland, Huici et al. (1997) showed that the various levels of spatial categorisation may be perceived as non-compatible or even in conflict. Similarly, Simon et al. (1995) confirmed the existence of a link between strong regional identity and the perception of a strong positive distinction between regional and national groups.

THE PRESENT STUDY: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF TWO FRENCH REGIONS If psychosocial identity may be considered the product of socialisation, then place-identity is what arises from what may be termed environmental socialisation, i.e. the acquisition and internalisation of norms and values embedded in a given environment with its specific socio-cultural characteristics. This socialisation constructed on the experience and learning of rituals and symbols (such as language) associated with a given territory comes about by way of the classical form of socialisation, i.e. family, school, peers, and media. The acquisition of a set of knowledge, stereotypes, opinions, attitudes, and values helps in upholding place-identity and reinforces an emotional feeling of belonging. This is particularly the pillar of national socialisation (Dekker et al., 2003) and the same may be said for regional identity in many regions where there is a strong cultural identity. The territory of the Basque region has several overlapping administrative regions to the north and south of the Pyrenees in Spain and France. The current study only concerns the French part, whose main city is Bayonne. In fact, when referring to the Basque region, the words used are “Basque country” rather than “Basque region”, testifying to the existence of a specific, powerful local culture. This culture has its historical underpinnings in a flag and language (Euskara), which constitutes the cement of Basque identity.2

2 Euskal herria (Basque region) means “place where the Basque language is spoken” and euskalduna (inhabitants of Basque region) literally means “people who speak the Basque language”.

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Many studies have pointed to a close link between identity and language, which structures its subjectivity and relationships with others and the world (Clement, Gauthier, & Noels, 1993; Félonneau et al., 2008; Gibbons & Ramirez, 2004; Isajiw, 1990; Kalbach & Kalbach, 1999; Pigott & Kalbach, 2005; Prieur, 2006). The term ethno-linguistic identity has also been set forth (Clement et al., 1993).3 The Bordeaux region covers the “départements” centered on the Gironde river with its regional metropolis Bordeaux. Although this region has a recognised identity especially in the form of its world-famous vineyards, unlike the Basque region it is not unified by national symbols such as a flag and a language.

Purpose Our purpose was to identify the components of place-identity and to explore to what extent processes of identity spatialisation are modified as a function of region of residency (high versus low cultural specificity) and age of respondents (adolescents versus young adults).

Five Territorial Levels The spatial dimension was examined based on five territorial levels. To investigate the various levels of self-categorisation of spatial self and to see whether a certain plasticity of identity exists, as suggested by most authors, five territorial levels were established as being pertinent (Galland, 2003; Lemel, 2003): the quarter, the town, the region, the country, and Europe. Using a multi-level model, Dekker et al. (2003) showed that individuals do not combine a highly or very highly positive attitude at one level with a positive attitude at another level. Although many studies have addressed the importance of a multi-level identity, to the best of our knowledge relatively few have simultaneously examined feeling of belonging to several spatial levels. The environmental psychology literature in this area generally focuses on neighborhood. Few studies incorporate the city scale and even fewer region, country, and continent (Hidalgo & Hernandez, 2001; Lewicka, 2010). It seems important to observe people’s sense of belonging on different territorial levels (Gustafson, 2009). We expected that sociospatial identity would vary as a function of territorial level. Drawing on Moles’ proxemic model, we expected that spatial 3 The Basque language is nowadays taught in the ikastolak and ikas-bi (bilingual BasqueFrench schools). Although they became less popular in the 1960s, they have recently become more popular thanks to the efforts of several local associations.

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identities would follow a hierarchical pattern; in other words, the larger the distance, the weaker the attachment.

Region of Residency We further expected identity processes to vary depending on region of residency. Participants from two different regions were expected to show different hierarchical patterns for the five levels examined. More precisely, Basque participants were likely to express a more region-centered identity than Bordeaux participants.

Age We also examined how identity processes can vary according to age. As Morgan (2010) emphasised, the lack of dialogue between developmental psychology and environmental psychology’s place theory is regrettable; he identified significant parallels between children’s experience of place and the human attachment relationship. Some studies have shown the significance of sense of place in self-maturation processes (Proshansky & Fabian, 1987; Proshansky et al., 1983; Sarbin, 1983), but only a few have investigated adolescents’ place attachment. It is noteworthy that spatial integration develops during adolescence (van Hoof & Raaijmakers, 2002). Some researchers in geography and environmental psychology hold that an adolescent relationship with place is somewhat specific (Elder, King, & Conger, 1996; Matthews, Limb, & Percy-Smith, 1998; Pretty et al., 2003). Adolescents are particularly sensitive to social components and to potential in terms of social relations of their familiar environment. They are also sensitive to reputation and to opportunities that this environment provides (Fagg, Curtis, Clark, Congdon, & Stansfeld, 2008). Construction of identity in adolescents is accompanied by a phase of conformity to social reference groups at the beginning of adolescence, and then progressively becomes more differentiated over time (Claes, 2003). Although the present study does not concern early adolescence, significant belonging to groups may be expected to be more marked in the expression of place-identities in adolescents than in young adults. Interestingly, the construction of identity continues to be an essential “developmental task” in “emerging adults”, since this period is characterised by a phase of identity exploration, instability, and self-centeredness (Arnett, 2004). Drawing on the above-cited views and findings, we expected that sociospatial identity would vary according to whether the participant is an adolescent or a young adult: more precisely, we expected territorial belonging levels to be more integrated (with less contrast between the different levels of identification) among young adults than adolescents. © 2012 The Authors. Applied Psychology: An International Review © 2012 International Association of Applied Psychology.

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METHOD

Participants Participants were 229 youngsters: 137 adolescents (15–18 years old, M = 16.55) and 92 young adults (19–26 years old, M = 22.36) from the two regions considered. There were 94 (41%) Basques (59% male), including 64 adolescents and 30 young adults. Among Basque participants, 44 (47%) spoke the Basque language (Euskara): 29 adolescents (45%) and 15 young adults (50%). The Bordeaux region group (Bordelais) comprised 135 (59%) participants (43% male) including 73 adolescents and 62 young adults. Participants were students in public institutions with comparable recruitment areas in terms of socioeconomic status. The adolescents were all students attending different high schools, whereas the young adults were university students. In France, turning 18 is the transition to the highly symbolic age of civic majority. It is also an academic transition from a much supervised high school context to a context at university where autonomy is essential. Thus, 18 years appeared an appropriate age to split these specific participants between the category of adolescents and that of young adults. Due to the length of the questionnaire, we chose to collect data individually, and a researcher was present throughout the procedure. Data were only collected from individuals living in Bayonne and Bordeaux, respectively. All participants were born and raised in the relevant region.

Measures All variables were estimated using self-report questionnaires. Feeling of Belonging. This construct was measured with the item “Above all, I feel I am . . . European, French, from my region, town, quarter”. Scores were expressed from 1 (strong feeling of belonging) to 5 (weak feeling of belonging). Sociospatial Identity. Sociospatial identity was assessed for each level of territoriality with a 34-item scale. Each participant responded five times to this scale assessing his/her feeling of identity with, in the following order: Europe, France, the Basque region or Bordeaux region, the city (Bayonne or Bordeaux), and residential quarter (unnamed). The scale was developed from pre-existing tools, our aim being to pay particular attention to social aspects of these identities. The questionnaire included 23 items from Lalli’s Urban Identity scale (Lalli, 1992), referring to five separate dimensions: external evaluation (four items); general attachment (three items); continuity with personal past (four items); perception of familiarity (four items); and com© 2012 The Authors. Applied Psychology: An International Review © 2012 International Association of Applied Psychology.

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mitment (four items). A social dimension (four items) was previously added in the French version of Lalli’s scale (Félonneau, 2004). To investigate social identity, we further included six items tapping perceived importance, socioemotional connotation, and similarity and interdependence between self and in-groupers (items from Cinnirella, 1997) and five items tapping other dimensions of social identity (common fate, comfort with the collective, behavioral involvement, norms, and standards; items from Reid, 2004). Participants replied on a 5-point Likert-type scale (“completely disagree” to “completely agree”). Based on the results of a factor analysis (principal axis factoring with Promax rotation), 26 items were retained, tapping five separate dimensions; “social identity” (10 items, Cronbach’s a ranging from .76 for France to .92 for region and quarter, i.e. “I always feel at ease with Basque people”), “space attachment” (eight items, Cronbach’s a from .83 for Europe to .93 for region, i.e. “I have experienced so many things in the Basque country that I feel intimately linked to it”), “external evaluation” (three items, Cronbach’s a from .60 for Europe to .85 for France, i.e. “There are many things other people envy about the Basque country”), “personal evaluation” (three items, Cronbach’s a from .70 for Europe to .85 for city, i.e. “It never bothers me being labeled a Basque person”), and “commitment” (two items, Cronbach’s a from .65 for Europe to .89 for quarter, i.e. “My personal future is closely tied to the Basque country”). A second-level factor analysis indicated that a mean total sociospatial identity score could be used. In line with this, reliabilities were satisfactory for the total sociospatial identity scores corresponding to each of the five territorial levels (ranging from .77 for Europe to .88 for region, see Table 1). In order to isolate and analyse social processes specifically, the sub-scale social identity was also analysed separately, thereby enabling an investigation of respondents’ identification with the inhabitants within a given territory.

TABLE 1 Reliabilities of the Different Dimensions of Sociospatial Identity, According to Territorial Level

Space attachment Social identity External evaluation Personal evaluation Commitment Sociospatial identity

Residential quarter

City

Region

Country

Europe

.91 .92 .84 .80 .89 .86

.92 .91 .82 .85 .87 .83

.93 .92 .71 .81 .89 .88

.87 .83 .85 .76 .80 .78

.82 .76 .60 .70 .65 .77

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Analysis For each dependent variable (feeling of belonging, sociospatial identity, and social identity), a two-way ANOVA with repeated measures (region: Basque versus Bordeaux; and age group: adolescents versus young adults) was performed, followed by t-tests, in order to differentiate the means at each level for each subsample.

RESULTS

The Effect of Region and Age Group on Feeling of Territorial Belonging Concerning the effect of region and age group on feeling of territorial belonging, ANOVA performed at the five territorial levels demonstrated an effect of region, F(4, 900) = 18.53, p < .001, and age F(4, 900) = 5.56, p < .001. Among Adolescents. Among Basque participants, feeling of belonging was mainly and simultaneously anchored in region and city (Mregion = 1.87; Mcity = 2.14, tregion-city[63] = -1.30, p = .20), whereas Bordeaux adolescents mainly and simultaneously felt more attached to France and city (MFrance = 2.55; Mcity = 2.35; tFrance-city[72] = .88, p = .38). Next came residential quarter for both populations (Basques: Mquarter = 3.09; tcity-quarter[63] = -4.86, p < .001/ Bordelais: Mquarter = 2.92; tFrance-quarter[72] = -1.18, p = .24). Fourth came France for the Basque adolescents (MFrance = 3.66; tquarter-France[63] = -2.38, p = .02) and region for Bordeaux adolescents (Mregion = 3.22; tquarter-region[72] = -1.22, p = .23). For both groups, Europe came last (Basques: MEurope = 4.20; tFrance-Europe[63] = -3.05, p < .01 / Bordelais: MEurope = 3.96; tregion-Europe[72] = -3.26, p = .002). Among Young Adults. Within the Basque young adult subsample, the order was region (Mregion = 1.80), city (Mcity = 2.33; tregion-city[29] = -2.19, p = .036), France and quarter (MFrance = 3.13; tcity-France[29] = -2.42, p < .05 / Mquarter = 3.43; tFrance-quarter[29] = -0.70, p = .49), then Europe (MEurope = 4.30; tquarter-Europe(29) = -4.60, p < .001). On the other hand, young Bordeaux adults felt they belonged most to France and their city (MFrance = 2.26; Mcity = 2. 35; tFrance-city [61] = -.52, p = .61). Next came region (Mregion = 2.80; tcity-region[61] = -1.96, p = .05), then Europe (MEurope = 3.96; tregion-Europe[61] = -2.68, p = .009) and quarter (Mquarter = 4.05; tEurope-quarter[61] = -1.73, p = .09). Interestingly, the most geographically separated levels—Europe and quarter—were those where the feeling of belonging was the weakest. In short, in Basque adolescents and young adults, there was strong identification with the Basque region, whereas belonging to the nation was strongest for the Bordelais. No respondents felt a strong identity with Europe. © 2012 The Authors. Applied Psychology: An International Review © 2012 International Association of Applied Psychology.

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The Effect of Region and Age on Sociospatial Identity Regarding the effect of region and age on sociospatial identity, ANOVA demonstrated an interaction of both factors and the repeated measure, respectively F(4, 900) = 23.9, p < .001 and F(4, 900) = 2.94, p < .05. Results for Adolescents. Comparison between Basque and Bordeaux adolescents with t-tests for each population showed different patterns of territoriality. Sociospatial identity for Basques was anchored in their region, whereas it was situated at three levels for the Bordelais: France, region, and city (MFrance = 3.34; Mcity = 3.15; Mregion = 3.17; tFrance-city[72] = 2.39, p = .02; tFrance-region[72] = 2.07, p = .042). The most distant mean scores among the Bordelais were the French and quarter levels. For Basques, on the other hand, France and Europe were the two weak poles of identity. Finally, mean scores of Bordeaux adolescents had less distance between them, from MEurope = 2.94 to MFrance = 3.32, whereas Basques appeared to demonstrate an opposition between the different territories, with a particular difference between region (Mregion = 3.50), on the one hand, and France (M = 2.55) and Europe (M = 2.46), on the other. Results for Young Adults. Both populations resemble each other with a relatively weak identification with Europe and quarter. The strongest identification for the Basques was region (Basque region) and city (Mregion = 3.35; Mcity = 3.19; tregion-city[29] = .85, p = .404), while for the Bordelais it was France. City was a more important pole of identification for Basques than for Bordelais (see Figure 1).

The Effect of Region and Age on Social Identity Regarding the effect of region and age on social identity, ANOVA demonstrated an interaction of both factors and the repeated measure, respectively F(4, 900) = 20.0, p < .001 and F(4, 900) = 4.63, p < .01. Results for Adolescents. Compared to previous results, Basques and the Bordelais were even more clearly distinguished on the social dimension of spatial identity. While there was little difference between levels of territory for the Bordelais (only one reached significance, Region-City: MRegion = 2.55; MCity = 2.46; tRegion-City[72] = 2.52, p = .014), there was a significant difference or a trend between all levels for Basques, apart from for France and Europe (MFrance = 2.10; MEurope = 2.16; tFrance-Europe[63] = -0.86, p = .392). Results for Young Adults. Differences appeared between adolescence and young adulthood. In young Basque adults, region and city, i.e. sources of © 2012 The Authors. Applied Psychology: An International Review © 2012 International Association of Applied Psychology.

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FIGURE 1. Mean values of sociospatial identity of Basque and Bordeaux adolescents and young adults according to territorial level.

strong social identity, were clearly distinguished from France, quarter, and Europe. On the other hand, in young Bordelais adults, French social identity predominated (MFrance = 2.49) followed by European identity (MEurope = 2.38; tFrance-Europe[61] = 1.82, p = .073), then by identification with region, city, and quarter (see Figure 2).

The Effect of Language and Age on Sociospatial Identity and Social Identity Regarding the effect of language and age on sociospatial identity and on social identity, ANOVA demonstrated an interaction of the two factors and the repeated measure (respectively, F [4, 360] = 2.73, p < .05 and F[4, 360] = 2.9, p < .05). In contrast, similar trends were observed concerning social identification for both adolescents and young adults. Results for Adolescents. Among Basque participants, Euskara-speaking adolescents anchored their sociospatial identity strongly in the region (MRegion = 4.29), whereas there was little difference between levels of territory for non-Euskara-speaking adolescents (only two reached significance: EuropeFrance; MEurope = 2.66; MFrance = 2.90; tEurope-France[34] = -2.72, p = .01 and City-Quarter; MCity = 3.00; MQuarter = 2.67; tCity-Quarter[34] = 2.32, p = .026). Results for Young Adults. Similar anchoring on regional and city identities was found among Euskara-speaking young Basques (MRegion = 3.59; ÂŠ 2012 The Authors. Applied Psychology: An International Review ÂŠ 2012 International Association of Applied Psychology.

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FIGURE 2. Mean values of social identity of Basque and Bordeaux adolescents and young adults according to territorial level.

MCity = 3.19; tRegion-City[14] = 1.84, p = .09). However, although non-Euskaraspeaking young Basques identified primarily with the city and region (MCity = 3.21; MRegion = 3.11) they also identified with France (MFrance = 3.01; tRegionFrance[14] = 0.54, p = .60). It should be noted that caution is necessary when interpreting these results, due to the limited size of the Euskara-speaking sample (15 young adults) (see Figure 3).4

DISCUSSION Beyond the political dimension surrounding the emotionally charged notion of national identity that is relayed by the media, the purpose of this research was to seize the components of place-identity and to determine to what extent the processes of spatialisation of identity are affected by region of residency (region with a strong cultural identity such as the Basque region, versus with a relatively weak cultural identity, such as the Bordeaux region) and age of individuals, knowing that broadening of the identity horizon is a characteristic of adolescent identity development (Marcia, Waterman, Matteson, Archer, & Orlofsky, 1993). Our findings show a joint effect of region of residency and age on the spatial dimensions of place-identity. During adolescence, the social and sociospatial identity of Basque respondents— 4 We have explored in more detail elsewhere how language use affects sociospatial identity in this Basque sample (Félonneau et al., 2008).

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FIGURE 3. Mean values of sociospatial identity of Basque adolescents and young adults according to language spoken.

respondents from a region with a strong cultural identity—is constructed on the basis of an opposition between different territories, with a prevalence of regional identity over national and European identities. On the other hand, among the Bordeaux adolescent respondents—respondents from a region with a less pronounced cultural identity—social and sociospatial identity can be described as an integration of different territories. Among the young adult participants, social and sociospatial identity was asserted on dimensions that relate to the region and the city among the Basque, and on the national dimension among the Bordeaux inhabitants. In short, among the Basque participants, a pervasiveness of the Basque country is observed, while national belonging prevails among the Bordeaux participants. Together, these results reveal the existence of plural forms of sociospatial identity. In one of their studies on the Spanish Basque region, Dekker et al. (2003) showed that, while the links between the various levels may be very complex, a large majority of Basques have a positive attitude towards the Basque region and a negative attitude towards the nation (in this case, Spain). Although not systematic, Basque nationalism frequently goes hand in hand with negative attitudes towards Spain. In the majority of our Basque respondents, the Basque region was indeed a concept forming part of their self. It seems that their sociospatial identity is polarised on the Basque region, and all the more so when they speak Euskara. Being Basque means being actively concerned with a place with a memory and sharing a common culture. Furthermore, reading newspapers in Basque and watching Basque television © 2012 The Authors. Applied Psychology: An International Review © 2012 International Association of Applied Psychology.

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has been found to be strongly related to nationalism (Dekker et al., 2003), and the cultural dimension is much more present in those who speak Euskara than in those who do not (Félonneau et al., 2008). Nevertheless, the data show that age also determines these modalities of place-identity. In Basque adolescents, internalisation of the traits of the Basque community appears to lie at the heart of identity. They see themselves first and foremost as Basques, and in opposition to French. They see in themselves, and even claim, a strong social distinctiveness (Simon et al., 1995). Given that adolescence is a crucial period for the development of one’s identity and for the search to establish the self (Erikson, 1968), it is likely that this polarisation on the Basque region in some way compensates for a form of uncertainty with regard to the future that is characteristic of this age group. With few attractive projects in sight, individuals may tend to fall back on their territory. When unable to control situations surrounding them, adolescents uncertain about their future are known to overinvest in their place, especially through territorial marking (Félonneau & Busquets, 2001). This could be seen as the construction of an identity of resistance (Castells, 1997). While young Basque adults similarly overinvest in the Basque region (compared to other territorial levels), their responses were less extreme. Although the Basque region remains their central spatial reference, the opposition with nation is much less marked. It is as if on leaving high school, young adults confronted with new places for professional or academic reasons trigger the national dimension of their sociospatial identity. As for their adolescent counterparts, Europe seems to remain a sort of no man’s land. Resistance to the nation is typical of a resistance identity: one might have thought that, through the influence of the internet and an all-powerful Anglo-Saxon media culture, our Basque participants would refuse France and identify directly with the European and world levels. However, this was not the case. Adolescents’ feeling of belonging to the Basque culture probably involves enacting the self and their own affiliation with this stage in their lives. It may be that investment with the Basque identity is more the expression of a search for individuality, than calling upon a passively received heritage or simply continuing what came before. This is reminiscent of “national traditionalcultural concerns” (Rothi, Lyons, & Chryssochoou, 2005) based on shared genealogy and heritage and involving an attachment to the nation’s symbols and traditional culture. The identification with territory allows the construction of the self and preserves a positive social identity. It should be noted, however, that this study compared a territory having a strong cultural identity with a culturally less specific region. In a study of the feeling of geographical belonging, Lemel (2003) observed that 43 per cent of French people identified primarily with their place of residence, 30 per cent with the nation, and only 10 per cent with their region and the world. Only 5 © 2012 The Authors. Applied Psychology: An International Review © 2012 International Association of Applied Psychology.

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per cent identified primarily with Europe. Similar results have been found in the Swedish population (Gustafson, 2009). The results found in the present Basque sample show a distinct pattern, where the region plays a much more important role within individuals’ sociospatial identities. Indeed, in the present study, the Basques were different from the Bordelais. People in Bordeaux showed less contrast between territories, placed nation first, and were less estranged from the idea of Europe. Young adults in Bordeaux were less attached to their quarter both in terms of identification with territory and with people living there. It may be that people entering adulthood are beginning a new cycle in life that is heavily influenced by professional and family mobility. Lemel (2003) also noted that the pursuit of higher education opens up new horizons on the world, and that such individuals are thus more likely to go beyond the bounds of the life they had hitherto led. Nevertheless, within higher education, some universities have a wider influence and show more geographical diversity; the latter might open up larger horizons. This argument might be seen as one limitation of the present study—some of the differences observed between Basque and Bordelais young adults might be partially explained by the difference between the universities of Bayonne and Bordeaux. In a society where the watchword is mobility, where postmodern Man is conceived of as an explorer of the new, and where culture has become world culture through information technologies, the Bordelais would seem to have developed a plastic, flexible, identity of the kind that has been referred to as “multi-level place-identity” (Bonaiuto et al., 1996). On the other hand, the Basques have a strongly hierarchical place-identity and are highly infused with a sense of regional belonging. This might be the expression of a form of resistance to the anxiety that globalisation engenders, or a closing in on one’s own identity. Indeed, sociologists have shown that individuals need to feel anchored by ontological safety (Giddens, 1990/1994), especially since highly developed societies are characterised by work flexibility, globalisation, and the weakening of social bonds (de Singly, 2003). At a time when national identity is a burning issue and integration in Europe is not self-evident, social psychologists no doubt have an essential role to play by helping to defuse the emotional aspects of European construction, and by contributing to the definition and scientific evaluation of the processes and dynamics of identity in their territorial dimensions.

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