Bringing Cold War
Democracy to West Berlin
A Shared German–American Project, 1940–1972
Scott H. Krause
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To my family on two shores.
List of figures
Acknowledgments
A note on naming conventions and language
Introduction 1
Literature 4
An epistemic community crafting political narratives for democratization 5
Sources 7
Organization of the book 8
Notes 9
Bibliography 11
1 Berlin, capital of ruins, 1945–1948 14
I. Decisions made and deferred at Potsdam, July 1945 16
II. Berlin, Soviet prize of war 17
III. Competing narratives in interpreting postwar Berlin 20
IV. The contested meaning of democracy 26
V. Escalation, 1947–1948 32
Notes 36
Bibliography 41
2 Origins of the Outpost network, 1933–1949 45
I. Political fragmentation of the German Left, 1932–1941 46
II. Wartime exile in New York City, 1941–1949 53
III. Support for “freedom” and origin of the Outpost network 57
IV. Reconstitution of the Outpost network in West Berlin 63
Notes 72
Bibliography 82
x xii
xv
Contents
Contents
3 Rise of the Outpost narrative in the wake of the Berlin airlift, 1948–1953 90
I. The Berlin airlift as embodiment of the Outpost narrative 92
II. Berlin activities of Shepard Stone’s Public Affairs Division 96
III. RIAS, the network’s principal media outlet 102
IV. Campaigns to institute Cold War democracy in West Berlin 107
V. Campaigns to remake postwar social democracy 112
Notes 118
Bibliography 130
4 Triple crisis, 1953 142
I. Background: waging the Cultural Cold War 143
II. Uprising in East Berlin 144
III. The GDR’s obsession with RIAS 149
IV. McCarthyism reaches West Berlin 154
V. Reuter’s death and the network’s resilience 160
VI. 1953 as watershed 164
Notes 165
Bibliography 172
5 Ascent to leadership, 1954–1961 178
I. The emergence of Willy Brandt as new figurehead of the network 179
II. Brandt as new SPD candidate for a new West Berlin 185
III. Coordinated activities of the network 187
IV. Fashioning West Berlin as the Cold War democracy 194
Notes 205
Bibliography 213
6 Public acceptance and reinterpretation, 1961–1972 221
I. Construction of the Wall as a turning point for network and narrative 222
II. Broad acceptance of the narrative and creeping disillusionment of the network 226
III. Marginalization of the past in exile for national leadership in Bonn 232
IV. Holdouts in Berlin facing a new generation of leftwing activists 238
viii
V. Berlin as laboratory of Chancellor Brandt’s Neue Ostpolitik 242
Notes 244
Bibliography 249
Conclusion: Excavating the Outpost of Freedom on the Spree 255
I. The city 257
II. The narrative 259
III. The network 263
IV. The legacies 267
Notes 269
Bibliography 270
Glossary
List of unpublished collections consulted Index
Contents ix
273 277 280
0.1 Ernst Reuter at the Reichstag’s burnt shell, 1948 2
1.1 Life resumes along Tauentzienstraße, West Berlin’s premier shopping address, 1947 25
1.2 Franz Neumann, 1946 29
1.3 Social Democratic poster for the anniversary of the Fusionskampf, in which the SPD breaches walls towards “freedom,” 1947 31
2.1 Hans Hirschfeld, 1952 47
3.1 Berlin children re-enacting the airlift with US Air Force models circulating in the Western sectors, 1948 92
3.2 Neumann and Reuter at the SPD rally at Hertha BSC’s Plumpe Stadium in Berlin-Wedding, 1948 94
3.3 Fred G. Taylor and Reuter inaugurate new RIAS transmitter at Berlin-Britz, 1951 106
3.4 Poster for the May Day festivities featuring the Freedom Bell and the motto “peace in freedom,” 1951 111
3.5 Reuter and Willy Brandt, at the SPD convention in Berlin-Neukölln, 1951 115
4.1 Soviet tanks confront protestors at the sectorial boundary on Potsdamer Platz, 1953 149
4.2 Roy Cohn and G. David Schine in Germany as depicted by the Social Democratic Telegraf newspaper 156
4.3 Berliners mourn Reuter in front of Schöneberg City Hall, 1953 161
5.1 Brandt presents Karl F. Mautner a ceremonial gavel, 1958 181
5.2 Brandt and Neumann at the decisive SPD convention, 1958 184
5.3 Brandt and Shepard Stone in conversation at Stone’s New York City apartment, 1961 190
5.4 Poster “Berlin needs Willy Brandt” for the SPD campaign that presented Brandt as personification of West Berlin’s defiance against the SED and Soviets, 1958 197
5.5 President Kennedy hosting Brandt during his campaign for the chancellorship with the media paying close attention, 1961 202
5.6 Brandt campaigning in Dorfmark, Niedersachsen, 1961 203
Figures
6.1 The Wall confronting Brandt and US Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy at Potsdamer Platz, 1962 229
6.2 Stone, Richard Löwenthal, and Brandt in conversation at the newly opened Aspen Institute Berlin, 1974 242
7.1 Platform for the May Day festivities under the motto “Berlin remains free,” 1959 262
xi
Figures
Introduction
The Soviet blockade of Berlin’s Western sectors in June 1948 shocked Berliners and their American occupiers alike. While American authorities responded by instituting an airlift, Governing Mayor Ernst Reuter concentrated on sustaining his constituents’ morale. As he addressed nearly 300,000 Berliners at a protest rally on September 9, 1948 (Figure 0.1), Reuter elevated their daily plight to epic proportions, exclaiming that Berlin’s Western sectors formed “an outpost of freedom” against “the force of darkness.” Moreover, he implored “the peoples of the world,” and North Americans in particular, to “look upon this city” as an example of democratic resistance to totalitarian ambitions.1
Yet, in 1948 Berlin was one of the most unlikely places to look for inspiration. The city Reuter addressed was a half-city under siege. The “bulwark” consisted of rubble: ruins of the capital of the Thousand-Year Reich had collapsed in apocalyptic fashion only three years earlier. World War II, unleashed by orders signed in Berlin, had consumed the city as its last European battlefield in April 1945. And despite the ubiquitous scars of war, 2.1 million people were crammed into the three Western sectors of Berlin alone, making them the largest city population in Germany by a wide margin.
After achieving victory in 1945, the Soviet authorities immediately set up an administration both to support civilians in Berlin and advance its own interests. The Soviet Union pledged to govern the former Nazi Reichshauptstadt in cooperation with its American, British, and French allies, who occupied their respective sectors in July of that year. Yet, over the next three years disagreements between the United States and the Soviet Union over municipal administration exacerbated tensions between local German Social Democrats and Communists. Skirmishes between the estranged left-wing parties escalated into one of the first battles of the Cold War, whose front lines cut across the city. In June 1948, the Western Allied sectors improvised to form their own collective municipal structure, West Berlin, thereby precluding further Soviet interference. The Soviets responded by blocking the vital coal and grain deliveries from the nascent Federal Republic, popularly known as West Germany, to West Berlin in
order to test the makeshift polity’s viability. Thus, all at once West Berliners had to come to terms with defeat in a war that had shattered their city and their moral legitimacy, anti-Soviet resentments, and two competing political visions of postwar reconstruction.
In this chaos, Reuter’s phrase Outpost of Freedom formed the basis of a comprehensive narrative intended to reframe West Berlin’s political culture. This narrative inspired West Berliners to reinvent their political identity as besieged defenders of liberal democracy in the Cold War. Casting themselves in this light conferred significant benefits on West Berliners: it offered them political relevance within the emergent Cold War paradigm, an orientation for constructing a new political framework, and for many, the convenient opportunity to gloss over the incriminating legacies of the Nazi era. Hence this narrative proved particularly appealing to shape the political convictions of a broad range of West Berliners during the postwar
2 Introduction
Figure 0.1 Ernst Reuter at the Reichstag’s burnt shell, 1948. Sammlung Telegraf, © AdsD.
era. However, the portrayal of truncated Western Berlin as the outpost of freedom could not gain acceptance as the result of a single airlift, but had to be culturally ingrained over time.
This transformation was not a logical consequence of the Cold War, but the political project of a transnational network of leftist activists shaped in wartime exile. During World War II, émigré German Social Democrats had come into close contact with American left-liberals through their shared opposition to Hitler. The two sides reconnected in postwar Berlin, both of them determined to resist Communism and hoping for an electable Left in the future. Members of this remigré2 network occupied important positions in West Berlin’s political and media establishments and included key former exiles such as Reuter, his successor Willy Brandt, Marshall Plan funds distributor Paul Hertz, and municipal public relations director Hans Hirschfeld. On the American side, the network comprised Shepard Stone, high commissioner John J. McCloy’s director of public affairs, and Karl F.Mautner, liaison officer to West Berlin’s City Hall, among others. This unique network of remigré Social Democrats and liberal American occupation officials constructed and popularized the Outpost narrative to serve their shared political goals.
This network collaborated quietly, but promoted the narrative of Outpost of Freedom intensely in the public sphere. Given the high profile of its members, the network could enlist considerable resources within West Berlin’s municipal government, media outlets, and American occupation authorities. The network gained control of the Social Democratic Party (SPD), the dominant political party in West Berlin, and utilized Berlin’s most popular radio station, the American-run Radio in the American Sector (RIAS), to promote the Outpost narrative. Promoting the image of Berliners defending democracy against the Communist threat also elicited both open and covert financial support from the American government, culminating in President Kennedy’s triumphal 1963 visit to West Berlin.
Members of the network derived four distinct political benefits from the narrative they championed. First, it summarized the stance of both the American and West Berlin administrations against the Soviet Union and its East Berlin allies in the Cold War. Second, it shored up support for anti-Soviet policies among West Berliners by offering them moral credibility and a basis for ongoing anti-Communism under the single slogan of “Freedom.” Third, it gave remigrés the opportunity to justify their return to their homeland. Finally, the narrative offered a blueprint for a distinct variant of German democratization based on the remigrés’ personal experience in exile, emphasizing Social Democratic ideals of civil rights as much as inculcating anti-Communism in the guise of anti-totalitarianism.
This book retraces the genesis of the Outpost of Freedom narrative, explores its political effects, and reveals the network of German–American remigrés that promulgated it. Specifically, the study shows how the narrative developed out of an intentional interpretation of Berlin’s pre-Nazi twentieth
Introduction
3
century history. In addition, it analyzes the reasons behind the narrative’s popularity and influence, initially as a bold claim, then as an ambitious political agenda, and subsequently as shorthand for a staggering transformation.
Ultimately, re-examining the transatlantic network’s promotion of the Outpost of Freedom narrative from 1941 to 1972 opens fresh perspectives. It highlights the role of remigrés in postwar German history, reveals the political influence of informal German–American networks, and examines West Berlin as an alternative laboratory of German democratization. These developments necessarily touch on larger issues in postwar history, including the extent to which Germans internalized democratic principles, the legacy and impact of anti-Communist sentiments, and the exportability and sustainability of liberal democratic political frameworks.
Literature
This study of West Berlin in the first decades of the Cold War re-informs multiple chronologically and geographically disparate historiographic debates. Berlin has long stood for the Cold War in symbolic terms, but, in a debate dominated by political and diplomatic histories, the symbolic value necessarily obscures the active role played by the city’s inhabitants, in effect marginalizing the impact of Berlin’s rancorous urban politics.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Volker Berghahn and Michael Hochgeschwender have respectively brought the role of transnational Cold War networks to light in their path-breaking studies of Shepard Stone’s sprawling contacts and the Congress for Cultural Freedom.4 This book supplements the existing literature by linking the activities of a transnational network to one of the Cold War’s focal points, Berlin. As a study on the political utility of popularized narratives, it adds to the collection of research on the cultural dimensions of the Cold War and its repercussions.5
The remigré network operated in a unique urban space. West Berlin was simultaneously a flashpoint of global confrontation, the former capital of an abolished nation-state, and a vibrant metropolis in ruins. While each individual context has received considerable attention, scholarship has underestimated this dynamic – and all too often tense – interplay between global, national, and local factors. For example, overviews of postwar (West) German history tend to cover West Berlin selectively as simply another West German metropolis.6 From the vantage point of urban history, surveys of Berlin tend to portray the city’s division as a painful but temporary episode, neglecting how contemporaries perceived the Cold War’s volatility.7 More specific research on the Western Allies’ presence and its effects on democratization has centered only on the period before the collapse of the Wall and inevitably lacks the privilege of hindsight.8 Consequently, this book adds to a burgeoning scholarship9 that seeks to connect these artificially compartmentalized literatures by integrating the perspectives of local and global, to grasp the unique links between both that the locale offered.
4 Introduction
Moreover, a seeming contradiction invites renewed research on the then-nascent Federal Republic of Germany. For the past two decades, historians have increasingly questioned the interpretation of West Germany’s postwar years as a purely restorative Adenauer Era,10 while systematic research has unearthed the disconcerting persistence of Nazi alumni networks in the Federal Republic’s bureaucracies in new detail.11 While studies such as Das Amt on Nazi veterans in the Federal Republic’s diplomatic corps have gained the well-deserved attention of historians and the wider public alike, the unique German–American remigré network operating in Berlin serves as an important counter example.
The challenges faced by refugees in exile have been documented ever since opponents of the Nazi regime fled the Reich. While a burgeoning literature explores the impact of exile on luminaries of high culture such as Theodor Adorno, Bertolt Brecht, Fritz Lang, Thomas Mann, and Franz Werfel,12 fewer scholars have focused on the politics of exile themselves. Notably, former émigrés themselves have written about the political divisions among the German-speaking exiles over the best strategies for opposing National Socialism and their visions for Germany after Hitler.13 Since the 1970s, a new generation of scholars, who came to age after the war, have conducted considerable research to raise awareness of émigrés as victims of the Nazis.14 The return of émigrés to Germany and the remigrés’ difficult, often incomplete reintegration into postwar German society have attracted renewed interest since the 1990s.15 For example, in her succinct overview of the remigré phenomenon in both postwar German states, Marita Krauss noted the “particular success” of remigrés within the SPD, as exemplified by Brandt’s chancellorship.16 Even so, the reasons for the comparative success of Social Democratic remigrés have remained unexplored; in particular, historians have neglected the role of networks and their transatlantic composition. Thus, West Berlin’s postwar history offers an important case study for the political influence of remigrés.
An epistemic community crafting political narratives for democratization
This book examines the way the German–American remigré network crafted the Outpost of Freedom narrative in two steps: first as their own explanation for a dislocating experience, then promoting it after the war as a facet of the wider German democratization process. As such, it contributes to the discussion on the seemingly swift popular acceptance of liberal democratic frameworks across Western Europe in the postwar era. In the context of Germany in particular, it seeks to foster a better understanding of democratization by scrutinizing the remigré network as an epistemic community.
Interpreting West German postwar history as a case study of open-ended “democratization” has raised highly significant questions. Scholars from both sides of the Atlantic have questioned the first incarnation of the term
Introduction 5
as an objective of American occupation policy and characterized it instead as a societal learning process.17 Thus, they have underscored the cultural dimension of democratization, in which a host of shifting social norms – also known as westernization – buttressed the process.18 Interpreting democratization as a societal transformation combines the analytical rigor needed to appropriately describe empirical developments with the flexibility to cover the many manifestations of the process in politics, culture, and economics. Most notably, it offers a framework to examine how an elite network could influence this multifaceted process. This framework avoids the reductive model of a one-way transatlantic transfer, in which American knowhow brought Germans back to democracy after Nazi barbarism. The multi-decade efforts of a network consisting of Germans and Americans working together to promote their vision of an anti-Communist, left-liberal democracy contradicts such sweeping assessments. Instead, the impact of this network suggests a much more contingent and open-ended evolution.
Peter M. Haas has defined an epistemic community as the “shared set of normative and principled beliefs, which provide a value-based rationale for the social action” and “common policy enterprise” of their members.19 In political science, this concept has inspired indispensable work essential to understanding the emergence and governance of European institutions.20 Indeed, political scientists have explained converging cultural and economic norms across Western Europe as the result of shared cultural attitudes within informal transnational networks.
In the context of postwar Berlin, the concept of epistemic communities serves as a framework to examine the remigré network at the center of this study. In particular, the concept aids in analyzing underutilized personal papers most effectively, for instance, by reuniting scattered correspondence. This study first traces the experiences of the fight against National Socialism, exile, and disillusionment with Soviet-style Communism that formed the set of convictions that the German members of the network shared despite their different backgrounds. Second, it examines the remigrés’ social actions in postwar Berlin and the underlying rationales. Third, it recreates their common policy enterprise of portraying Berlin’s western sectors as the showcase of Cold War Democracy. Hence, the concept of epistemic communities offers a path to analyze how these self-described “anti-totalitarian” activists first made sense of – and then thrived in – what was arguably the most confusing place in the bipolar postwar world, Berlin.
Discovering and examining this network of propagandists of “freedom” allows two interventions. First, it adds nuance to the conception of democratization as a consistent transfer of cultural attitudes21 from a newly minted superpower to a shattered society by stressing the translation of cultural concepts performed by intermediaries such as the remigrés. Second, it highlights the challenges the political left encountered in postwar Germany and the extent to which American officials contributed to the restructuring of an anti-Communist Left in West Germany.
6 Introduction
Sources
Tracing the composition and actions of this informal network relies on archival holdings across the United States, the Federal Republic, and surrounding Europe. In particular, the author has consulted three types of sources extensively: first, the official files of the United States, West and East Berlin, and West and East German governments; second, the personal papers, or Nachlässe, of the remigré network’s members; and, third, the records of contemporary media coverage and internal media outlets.
The author conducted extensive research in the files of the Berlin Senatskanzlei – the chancellery of the municipal administration – which are held at the Landesarchiv Berlin, to understand the policies pursued by the West Berlin city government. Notably, these files often remain regrettably silent about the advocates, context, and intentions of particular policies, as well as competing alternatives, instead simply recording the policies implemented. Nevertheless, they offer insights into the policies increasingly formulated by the remigré network as its members came to hold key posts within West Berlin’s government. They include memoranda from and to Governing Mayors Reuter and Brandt. Records pertaining to the municipal public relations directors Hans Hirschfeld and Egon Bahr were especially revealing regarding the political exploitation of the Outpost narrative and how these men planted it in different media outlets.
On the American side, this study consulted the files of US authorities in West Berlin and media operations in postwar Germany, both held at the National Archives in College Park, Maryland. These files, covering the American occupation in its various guises as the Office of Military Government (OMGUS) from 1945 to 1949, the High Commission for Germany (HICOG) from 1949 to 1955, and the State Department’s US Mission to Berlin after 1955, offer crucial documentation on how officials sought to reconcile the mission of reorienting German political attitudes after National Socialism with waging the Cold War against the Soviet Union and its German Communist allies. To support this delicate political balancing act, US policy makers built up largescale media operations in postwar Germany. Coordinated by the Public Affairs Section (PUB) of OMGUS and HICOG, US assets such as RIAS were later transferred to the United States Information Agency, the global outlet of the American government in the Cultural Cold War. PUB files emphasize the political significance of the work of these US organizations. During his tenure as HICOG Public Affairs director from 1949 to 1952, Shepard Stone turned PUB into a political actor in its own right. Stone not only established extensive backchannel communications with contacts throughout the West German political elites, but also became one of the most trusted political advisors of his mentor, US high commissioner John McCloy. Together, the files of both the American occupation and media outlets highlight the surprising leverage of the remigré network in shaping the priorities of American Cold War foreign policy. The network’s German members quickly shed their
Introduction 7
par iah image by advancing the Outpost narrative, which resonated deeply among their de jure American supervisors.
The picture conveyed by files of the former East German Democratic Republic (GDR) stands in contrast to the documentation from Western repositories. For this study, the author examined files from the Bundesarchiv Berlin’s Central Party Archive of the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED), the GDR’s dominant Communist Party; East Berlin’s municipal administration at the Landesarchiv Berlin; and the Ministerium für Staatssicherheit, East Germany’s Stasi secret police at the Bundesbeauftragte für die StasiUnterlagen, Berlin (BStU). These materials proved crucial in two regards. First, they offer insights into the GDR’s reaction to the Outpost narrative and its regretful recognition of the narrative’s effectiveness in the Cold War. Second, East German intelligence memoranda confirm that the silence of West Berlin files on many key issues that complicate the historian’s task was intentional and merited. While the veracity of Stasi records is often problematic, these espionage dispatches from West Berlin are still vital to understanding the political tensions that tore the city’s fiber. Carefully cross-examined against West Berlin and American documentation and placed in context, they illuminate both the GDR’s efforts to counter the Outpost narrative and its alarm over the remigré network’s exploitation of that narrative.
Close examination of the personal papers of network members has proven an effective way to reconstruct the network’s composition and aims. In particular, reassembling correspondence scattered across Germany, France, Sweden, and the United States helped to balance the government files’ intentional silence. For instance, this strategy offered insights into the candid communication among the network’s members. For example, the papers of Hans Hirschfeld at the Landesarchiv Berlin, RIAS director Gordon Ewing at the George C. Marshall Library in Lexington, Virginia, and Shepard Stone at the Rauner Special Collections at Dartmouth College in Hanover, New Hampshire, collectively illuminate the coordination of the campaign to counter McCarthyism in West Berlin.
To assess the remigré network’s efforts to popularize the Outpost narrative through mass media, this study relies on research in both RIAS broadcasts and files. Deutschlandradio Berlin maintains an extensive archive of RIAS audio files and programming, while the Deutsches Rundfunkarchiv in Potsdam-Babelsberg holds the bulk of RIAS’s internal files. These contain, for instance, correspondence between network members and RIAS journalists that provides insight into the editorial policy of RIAS. In combination, the four sets of sources illuminate the remigré network’s cohesion and the political utility of the Outpost narrative in achieving the network’s goals in new detail.
Organization of the book
After an introduction to conditions in postwar Berlin, this study is organized chronologically. It traces the remigré network’s formation from its origins in
8 Introduction
Naz i-imposed exile in the 1930s through the development of the Outpost narrative until the Quadripartite Agreement of 1971/1972 that awkwardly normalized the status quo in Berlin as the cornerstone of Chancellor Brandt’s Neue Ostpolitik. Each of the six chapters explores a transition in the narrative or the network, advancing it in greater detail. Overall, this study reveals that a path existed from the margins of exile to the Federal Republic’s most eminent posts, and that path ran through West Berlin. This book throws light upon that route, the remigré network’s success in tacking against the currents of the Cold War, and the American support the network elicited.
Notes
1. Ernst Reuter, “Rede auf der Protestkundgebung vor dem Reichstagsgeb äude am 9. September 1948 gegen die Vertreibung der Stadtverordnetenversammlung aus dem Ostsektor,” in Schriften, Reden, edited by Hans E. Hirschfeld and Hans Joachim Reichhardt, Vol. 3, 4 vols. (West Berlin: Propyläen Verlag, 1974), 477–79.
2. This b ook uses the term remigrés to highlight their adaptation of foreign experiences to local customs; see: Arnd Bauerkämper, “Americanisation as Globalisation? Remigrés to West Germany after 1945 and Conceptions of Democracy: The Cases of Hans Rothfels, Ernst Fraenkel and Hans Rosenberg,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 49, Nr. 1 (1. August 2004): 153–70, doi: 10.3167/007587404781974243. This term avoids false dichotomies between “exile” and “emigration” and instead focuses on émigrés and remigrés as cultural translators.
3. Cf. Ti mothy Garton Ash, In Europe’s name, Germany and the Divided Continent (New York: Random House, 1993); John Lewis Gaddis, The Cold War. A New History (New York: Penguin Press, 2005); Bernd Stöver, Der Kalte Krieg 1947–1991. Geschichte eines radikalen Zeitalters (München: C.H. Beck, 2007).
4. Vol ker Berghahn, America and the Intellectual Cold Wars in Europe: Shepard Stone between Philanthropy, Academy, and Diplomacy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001); Michael Hochgeschwender, Freiheit in der Offensive? der Kongress für Kulturelle Freiheit und die Deutschen (München: Oldenbourg, 1998); Giles Scott-Smith, Western Anti-Communism and the Interdoc Network: Cold War Internationale (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012).
5. Thom as Lindenberger, Marcus M. Payk, and Annette Vowinckel, eds. Cold War Cultures: Perspectives on Eastern and Western European Societies (New York: Berghahn Books, 2012).
6. Cf. Axel Schildt und Detlef Siegfried, Deutsche Kulturgeschichte: die Bundesrepublik, 1945 bis zur Gegenwart (München: Hanser, 2009).
7. Alex andra Richie, Faust’s Metropolis: a History of Berlin , 1st Carroll & Graf edn (New York: Carroll & Graf, 1998); David Large, Berlin (New York: Basic Books, 2000); Wilfried Rott, Die Insel: eine Geschichte West-Berlins 1948–1990 (München: Beck, 2009).
8. Udo Wetzlaugk, Die Alliierten in Berlin , Vol. 33, Politologische Studien (Berlin: Berlin Verlag Arno Spitz, 1988); Harold Hurwitz, Die Anfänge des Widerstands, Vol. 4, 4 vols, Demokratie und Antikommunismus in Berlin nach 1945 (Köln: Wissenschaft und Politik, 1990); Arthur Schlegelmilch, Hauptstadt im Zonendeutschland , Vol. 4, Die Entstehung der Berliner Nachkriegsdemokratie 1945–1949 (Berlin: Haude & Spener, 1993).
Introduction 9
9. Hanno Hochmuth, Kiezgeschichte: Friedrichshain und Kreuzberg im geteilten Berlin, (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2017); Stefanie Eisenhuth, Die Schutzmacht: Die Amerikaner in Berlin 1945–1994 (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2018); Konrad H. Jarausch, Scott H. Krause, and Stefanie Eisenhuth, eds. Cold War Berlin: Confrontations, Cultures and Identities (London: Bloomsbury, 2019).
10. Cultural history studies of the Federal Republic precipitated this turn, cf. Axel Schildt, ed. Moderne Zeiten: Freizeit, Massenmedien und “Zeitgeist” in der Bundesrepublik der 50er Jahre (Hamburg: Christians, 1995). Earlier initial political histories of the Federal Republic have stressed the conservative dominance during this time, cf. Karl Dietrich Bracher, Nach 25 Jahren: Eine Deutschland-Bilanz (München: Kindler, 1970); Wolfgang Benz und Detlev Moos, Das Grundgesetz und die Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1949–1989: Bilder und Texte zum Jubiläum (München: Moos & Partner: Rehm, 1989).
11. Norbert Frei, Adenauer’s Germany and the Nazi Past: the Politics of Amnesty and Integration (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002); Patrick Wagner, Hitlers Kriminalisten: die deutsche Kriminalpolizei und der Nationalsozialismus zwischen 1920 und 1960 (München: C.H. Beck, 2002); Eckart Conze et al., Das Amt und die Vergangenheit: deutsche Diplomaten im Dritten Reich und in der Bundesrepublik, 2. Auflage (München: Karl Blessing Verlag, 2010).
12. Most recently Gerd Gemünden, Continental Strangers: German Exile Cinema, 1933–1951 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014); Jost Hermand, Culture in Dark Times: Nazi Fascism, Inner Emigration, and Exile (New York: Berghahn Books, 2013); Ehrhard Bahr, Weimar on the Pacific: German Exile Culture in Los Angeles and the Crisis of Modernism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007).
13. Claus-Dieter Krohn, “Anfänge der Exilforschung in den USA. Exil, Emigration, Akkulturation,” in Exilforschungen im historischen Prozess, edited by Claus-Dieter Krohn, Erwin Rotermund, und Lutz Winckler (München: Edition Text+Kritik, 2012). For an example of this scholarship, cf. Lewis Joachim Edinger, German Exile Politics: the Social Democratic Executive Committee in the Nazi Era (Berkeley, Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1956).
14. Claus-Dieter Krohn, “Vorwort,” in Exilforschungen im historischen Prozess, edited by Claus-Dieter Krohn, Erwin Rotermund, und Lutz Winckler (München: Edition Text+Kritik, 2012), xiii.
15. For Berlin, see Siegfried Heimann, “Politische Remigranten in Berlin,” in Rückkehr und Aufbau nach 1945: deutsche Remigranten im öffentlichen Leben Nachkriegsdeutschlands, edited by Claus-Dieter Krohn und Patrik von zur Mühlen (Marburg: Metropolis, 1997), 189–210.
16. Marita Krauss, Heimkehr in ein fremdes Land: Geschichte der Remigration nach 1945 (München: C.H. Beck, 2001).
17. Ulrich Herbert, “Liberalisierung als Lernprozess: Die Bundesrepublik in der deutschenGeschichte–eineSkizze,”in WandlungsprozesseinWestdeutschland: Belastung, Integration, Liberalisierung 1945–1980, edited by von Ulrich Herbert (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2002), 7–44; Konrad Jarausch, After Hitler: Recivilizing Germans, 1945–1995 (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 14
18. For an introduction to westernization, see Anselm Doering-Manteuffel, Wie westlich sind die Deutschen?, Amerikanisierung und Westernisierung im 20. Jahrhundert (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1999), www.gbv.de/dms/ faz-rez/FR120000225302501.pdf
19. Peter M. Haas, “Introduction: Epistemic Communities and International Policy Coordination,” International Organization 46, no. 1 (1992): 3, doi:10.1017/ S0020818300001442.
10 Introduction
20. Cf. Michael Gehler, Wolfram Kaiser, and Brigitte Leucht, eds. Networks in European Multi-Level Governance: From 1945 to the Present (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2009); Tanja A. Börzel und Karen Heard-Lauréote, “Networks in EU Multi-level Governance: Concepts and Contributions,” Journal of Public Policy 29, Special Issue 02 (2009): 135–51, doi:10.1017/ S0143814X09001044.
21. For proponents of a consistent transfer, cf. Doering-Manteuffel, Wie westlich sind die Deutschen?, 12–13, 34–47.
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12 Introduction
