POLICY BRIEF NO. 35 MARCH 2014
DOMENICO LOMBARDI
Domenico Lombardi is director of CIGI’s Global Economy Program, overseeing the research direction of the program and related activities, a member of the Financial Times Forum of Economists and editor of the World Economics Journal.
A FAILURE TO COOPERATE? RAISING THE RISKS AND CHALLENGES OF EXITING UNCONVENTIONAL MONETARY POLICIES DOMENICO LOMBARDI, PIERRE SIKLOS AND SAMANTHA ST. AMAND KEY POINTS • Central banks (and policy makers more generally) should seek a global consensus before implementing policies that may have global repercussions. • The global economy can only become more resilient to shocks when there is greater central bank cooperation. The G20 is a natural venue to promote cooperation and to help the global economy return to stronger economic growth, but other forums may also be appropriate.
PIERRE SIKLOS
Pierre Siklos is a CIGI senior fellow. At Wilfrid Laurier University, he teaches macroeconomics with an emphasis on the study of inflation, central banks and financial markets. He is the director of the Viessmann European Research Centre.
• The maintenance of financial stability is a common resource and should be treated as such. • Excessive reliance on sovereignty is counterproductive and contains the seeds of the next crisis.
INTRODUCTION In an environment where trade and finance are globalized, it is imperative that stabilization policies do not harm the global economy. When the global financial crisis (GFC) erupted in 2008-2009, China was driving global economic growth and emerging markets helped soften the economic downturn. Now, these economies are slowing down, in part, as a consequence of the largest advanced economies, such as the United States, seeking to exit unconventional monetary
SAMANTHA ST. AMAND
Samantha St. Amand is a research associate in the Global Economy Program at CIGI. Her current research focusses on the political economy of central banking and the international implications of monetary policy.
policies, which now risk becoming entrenched. Policy makers in several emerging markets are becoming vocal about what they see as wrong-headed, inconsiderate policy choices. In this environment, disagreement over the way forward risks stunting hope for global recovery, and the spirit of solidarity
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Authors’ Acknowledgement
that marked the early phases of the response to global
The authors are grateful to two referees for their valuable comments on an earlier draft of this policy brief.
economy shocks is also being undone, most notably within the G20. This brief highlights the stakes involved and outlines the choices that policy makers must make to succeed. Perhaps more importantly, the brief shows that it may be more costly for authorities to talk at each other than to act cooperatively. Central banks (and policy makers more generally) should develop a common understanding of the consequences of their actions, and should seek a global consensus before implementing policies that may have global repercussions. This amounts to a sort of Bretton Woods “revival,” namely, understanding that policy actions cannot always be defended on purely sovereign grounds; a globalized economy also requires shared understandings about what constitutes best practices. Price stability remains desirable, but central banks will need to prove their dedication to this objective in a flexible and credible manner.
CENTRAL BANKING BEFORE AND AFTER THE GFC By the late twentieth century, central banks, especially in advanced economies, congratulated themselves on delivering stable and predictable policies believed to be Copyright © 2014 by the Centre for International Governance Innovation The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Centre for International Governance Innovation or its Operating Board of Directors or International Board of Governors.
decisive in generating favourable economic outcomes. There was a consensus among central bankers on the best objectives, tools and the institutional framework necessary to deliver macroeconomic stability, which even spread to central banks in emerging market economies. At least informally, central banks effectively appeared to cooperate, though not coordinate, their policies.
This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-commercial — No Derivatives Licence. To view this licence, visit (www.creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/). For re-use or distribution, please include this copyright notice.
WWW.CIGIONLINE.ORG POLICY BRIEF NO. 35 March 2014
Best practice in monetary policy included the maintenance of price stability, possibly using some form of flexible inflation targeting, normally achieved
A Failure to Cooperate? Raising the Risks and Challenges of Exiting Unconventional Monetary Policies
3
by manipulating a single instrument, such as an interest
by, for example, lengthening the maturity structure of
rate. Price stability was believed to be necessary for
their debt. Once the policy rate ceased to perform its
macroeconomic stability and the best contribution in
usual signalling function, central banks shifted their
promoting financial stability. Equally important, best
policies to influencing other interest rates along the
practice dictated that central banks should remain
term structure.
independent from political influence, ostensibly to counter the inflation bias of political authorities. Nevertheless, by the end of the first decade of the twenty-first century, even politicians agreed — at least publicly — that low and stable inflation was desirable. The consensus on best practice for central banks was no doubt fuelled by the “Great Moderation” — the decade and a half of relatively stable inflation and growth that began in the early 1990s. In retrospect, the Great Moderation proved illusory, as the Great Recession of 2008-2009 revealed missing ingredients in the consensus on best practice in central banking and monetary policy.
Unconventional monetary policy is partially intended as a vehicle for “borrowing time” for much-needed structural reforms, private-sector balance sheet repair and fiscal consolidation, particularly in the economies most impacted by the crisis (Bank for International Settlements [BIS] 2013). Such policies are also intended to boost aggregate demand as a way of easing the economic costs of reform. Economic growth in emerging markets remained strong, while advanced economies entered a sharp slump followed by sluggish growth. None of this is surprising, since much academic research, including the oft-cited Reinhart and Rogoff
To address the GFC, key central banks in advanced
(2009), explains that recovery is slow in the aftermath
economies quickly lowered their policy rate to levels
of a financial crisis like the GFC. Hence, while the
approaching, or at, the zero lower bound (ZLB).
GFC effectively resulted in an unprecedented global
Unable or unwilling to further stimulate the economy,
loosening of monetary policy, its impact was not evenly
some central banks switched to unconventional tools
distributed.
that considerably expanded their balance sheets, and devoted more effort to communicating their stance through more explicit guidance of market expectations. This included expressing a desire to maintain policy rates at the ZLB for an extended period of time. The major central banks, such as the US Federal Reserve, the Bank of England (BoE), the Bank of Japan (BoJ) and the European Central Bank (ECB), also introduced asset purchase programs expanding the size of their balance sheets, primarily through the acquisition of government securities or effectively backstopping certain forms of private debt. This lowered debt-servicing costs and permitted fiscal authorities to rely on the accommodative monetary policy stance to manage a sustainable debt position
Accordingly, pre-crisis thinking about the role of monetary policy changed, while the crisis highlighted the importance of a resilient and well-regulated banking system. Emerging markets complained about the negative spillover effects from the prospective withdrawal of ultra-loose monetary policy, while advanced economies countered that some emerging markets failed to use the opportunity to restructure their economies or correct persistent current account imbalances. Central banks in the economies most affected by the crisis also argued that boosting aggregate demand would trickle through the global economy. These developments created tensions between central banks, and the will to cooperate more explicitly
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dissipated. By their actions, some central banks revealed
as they have all considerably expanded their balance
what was a largely unspoken rule: domestic priorities
sheets through large-scale asset purchase programs (see
come first; international consequences come second.
Figure 1). The ECB, meanwhile, has not yet engaged
One of the central lessons from the crisis seemed to have
in aggressive quantitative easing (QE). In fact, its asset
been lost: financial crisis in a globalized environment is
purchases have only amounted to approximately 20
a shared burden.
percent of the asset purchase programs in the United
Against this backdrop, withdrawing monetary stimulus too early could halt or even reverse the recovery. Only recently, Fed transcripts from 2008 reveal an explicit acknowledgement that the US central bank was “behind the curve” (see Appelbaum 2014). There is little reason a priori to believe that the exit from ultra-loose monetary policy will be managed any better. Markets were roiled during the summer of 2013 at the mere mention of “tapering.” This does not even amount to a tightening of monetary policy, but to a slowing down of the rate at which the Fed provides monetary stimulus to the economy. Combine the difficulties of exiting with
States and the United Kingdom in terms of GDP, and the purchases were sterilized. Of course, the ECB’s policies, limited to the provision of liquidity, reflect the limits of its ability to “do whatever it takes” under the lenderof-last-resort restrictions imposed by the Maastricht Treaty. Indeed, the highly successful Outright Monetary Transactions (OMT) policy announced in September 2012 — essentially a bond-buying program with strings attached — remains in legal limbo because the German Constitutional Court suggested that the policy may well exceed the ECB’s authority to intervene in financial markets (see Münchau 2014).
a benign neglect of the global consequences of their
As this brief is written, the Fed and BoJ balance
actions, and the major central banks impacted by the
sheets continue to be influenced by ongoing asset
GFC risk creating favourable conditions for a new crisis.
purchase programs without a predetermined or clearly
The challenge for managing the exit is for central banks
articulated end date; the BoE’s balance sheet is neither
to clearly define their objectives and decision-making
expanding nor contracting; and the ECB’s has begun to
processes, while acknowledging that their policies have
wind down as banks repay funds borrowed through
global consequences. The complaints emanating from
its long-term refinancing operations scheme. While
some large emerging market economies (such as India,
this may reflect improved economic conditions inside
Brazil or Indonesia) suggest that there is considerable
the euro zone, the resulting rise in short-term interest
room for improving central bank communication.
rates and the consequence of a return to less liquid money markets threaten future economic growth. The
MONETARY POLICY AND THE MEDIUM-TERM OUTLOOK Central banks’ balance sheet activity varies according to the state of their domestic economy and financial markets, their institutional authority and their policy mandate (see Archer and Moser-Boehm 2013). The policies of the BoE, the Fed, and the BoJ are similar,
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euro-area periphery is particularly vulnerable, because higher interest rates, coupled with the existing risk of deflation, raise the real cost of debt. This also promotes an appreciation of the euro, which has further negative implications for any economic activity that relies heavily on exports. While the ECB is now only a step away from the ZLB and must therefore consider a version of QE, it is limited by the Maastricht Treaty and also boxed in by
A Failure to Cooperate? Raising the Risks and Challenges of Exiting Unconventional Monetary Policies
5
FIGURE 1: BALANCE SHEET GROWTH OF THE MAJOR CENTRAL BANKS (2007=100) 550% 500% 450% 400% 350% 300% 250% 200% 150% 100% 50%
Fed
ECB
BoE
BoJ
Data sources: BoJ, BoE, Federal Reserve, ECB. The size of the BoJ’s balance sheet is indexed to 1999 because it began implementing QE in the early 2000s.
the German court’s ruling that its OMT policy may not
commitment thresholds are reached and that policy
be legal — at least based on that country’s constitutional
rates in these countries will remain at their ZLB for
framework.
at least two years. Central banks’ balance sheets will
The long-term paths for monetary policy appear similar in the United States, the United Kingdom and Japan, while the ECB’s policy path is, to date, divergent. In the United States, a relatively stronger recovery has
subsequently begin to wind down, and the monetary policy stance will tighten naturally as expectations concerning future short-term interest rates adjust and longer-term rates rise.
prompted the Fed to begin tapering its current asset
The ECB’s current policy stance is not yet as
purchase program. Although its balance sheet continues
accommodative as that of the other major central
to expand at US$65 billion per month, the unwinding
banks. The policy rate has not yet hit its effective ZLB,
process is underway. Both the US and British economies
its forward guidance is not as explicit and it is not
are projected to hit the unemployment target for their
engaged in any asset purchase programs — although
conditional commitments to the ZLB in 2014 or early
this is partly due to political and legal obstacles. As the
2015 (see Federal Open Market Committee [FOMC]
policy rate nears the ZLB, it is difficult to see how policy
2013; BoE 2014); however, as they approach their
can be made more accommodative without raising
respective unemployment rate thresholds, there are
the threat of a political and legal backlash. The ECB
already signs of dissention about assigning numerical
remains cautious in implementing aggressive policies
values to an economic state that might trigger exit from
that would only address short-term symptoms and not
ultra-low policy rates, which is eroding the value and
the underlying structural problems of the euro area.
credibility of forward guidance. The current expectation
Sluggish growth and low inflation, as well as fragmented
is that rates will stay low after the conditional
financial markets, are symptomatic of underlying
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structural problems and need to be addressed through
stance, the longer they may draw out the process of
balance sheet repair, responsible fiscal consolidation
debt consolidation and balance sheet restructuring.
and EU governance initiatives. Measures to address
This may lead the government or the financial sector
these problems are all in progress. The ECB’s current
to pressure the central bank to buy them more time
policies ensure that there is ample liquidity for money
by keeping its policy easy for a longer period of time.
markets, but they also recognize that there are limits to
If monetary policy objectives or the decision-making
monetary policy and that engaging in unconventional
process become influenced by these actors, central
policies may carry more costs than benefits over the
banks essentially lose their de facto independence
medium term.
and their credibility along with it (Hannoun 2012). Central banks can protect themselves by following
THE CONSEQUENCES OF STAYING TOO “EASY” FOR TOO LONG What are the costs of balance sheet policies? Have the major central banks already gone too far? It is widely believed that unconventional policies were effective
the adage of former Bundesbank President Karl Blessing, who argued that a “central bank which never fights, which at times of economic tension never raises its voice...will be viewed with mistrust” (quoted in Marsh 1992, 256-7).
at preventing the collapse of certain market segments
Although the potency of these risks varies by country,
and widespread financial instability, and in stimulating
they are not negligible in the United States, the United
recovery in the real economy (see IMF 2013; Williams
Kingdom or Japan. The risk of distorting securities
2013). These policies, however, become less effective at
markets is larger for the BoE, the BoJ and the Fed, who
the margin while the risks continue to grow.
hold, respectively, approximately 27 percent, 18 percent
There are three economic risks and one institutional risk with keeping monetary policy too easy for too long. The first economic risk is market distortions. These could render the use of the policy rate ineffective during the exit process. The second economic risk is renewed financial instability. With negative real yields, investors may become imprudent in the search for yield. Financial institutions might, once again, undertake irresponsible lending practices. A third risk is global spillover effects:
and 13 percent of outstanding government securities, while holdings by the ECB are less than five percent. The risk of financial instability from the search for yields and abrupt asset repricing is also higher in the United States, the United Kingdom and Japan because their government yields are at an all-time low, and equity and corporate bond prices could begin to bubble if easy monetary policy encourages a higher risk appetite (Rawdanowicz, Bouis and Watanabe 2013).
exchange rate and capital flow volatility in emerging
The risk of financial instability is even stronger in the
markets and developing countries can spark financial
United Kingdom because it also faces a potential housing
and macroeconomic instability abroad.
bubble. The monetary policy bodies at the Fed and the
The institutional risk relates to the de facto independence and credibility of the central bank. The more accustomed fiscal authorities and financial institutions become to the accommodative policy
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BoE are monitoring the potential buildup of financial risks through the search for yield or imprudent lending practices. Those at the Fed generally view these risks as moderate, but they continue to play a key role in the
A Failure to Cooperate? Raising the Risks and Challenges of Exiting Unconventional Monetary Policies
7
short-term monetary policy decision-making process.
emerging markets can manage their economies using
Those at the BoE believe that monetary policy does not
domestic macroeconomic policies while the United
pose a threat to financial stability that the macro- and
States oversees its own. Chair of the Federal Reserve
microprudential supervisors and regulators could not
Board of Governors Janet Yellen (2014) solidified this
contain. This story has been heard before. So long as the
view during her testimony to US Congress, stating: “We
effectiveness of macroprudential regulations remains
have been watching closely the recent volatility in global
in question, we should remain hopeful but skeptical.
financial markets. Our sense is that at this stage these
In Canada, for example, the impact of the Ministry of
developments do not pose a substantial risk to the U.S.
Finance tightening mortgage lending rules is undercut
economic outlook.” Outside the United States, views
by the Bank of Canada’s (BoC’s) low policy rate for the
are different. Even if the feedback loop into the United
foreseeable future. The BoC believes that its policies,
States is negligible, this seems to assume that emerging
which include a form of moral suasion intended to temper
markets will adopt the correct policies, but it is hard to
banks’ ability to freely lend credit, work well in tandem
imagine that a slump in BRICS countries would not
with the ministry’s stand. However, internationally,
reverberate back. Taken at face value, reactions such as
policy rates close to the ZLB also encourage a search for
these ought to increase the challenge of coordinating
yields, and consequently, heighten the incentive for risk-
monetary policies around the globe. Nevertheless,
taking by investors, both domestic and foreign. While
effective communication is not a science, and the Fed’s
there may not be a property bubble in Canada, the fact
previous failed attempt to signal the coming tapering in
that, in the aftermath of the crisis, private debt to GDP
May 2013 suggests that pleas by some central bankers
is higher than in the United States lends ammunition to
for more cooperation should not be ignored.
critics of the macroprudential solution. International markets are particularly sensitive to the
WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?
Fed’s monetary policy because of the dominance of US
Central banks are beginning to face the difficult
treasury securities in global markets. Recent tapering by the Fed has created an outflow of funds from emerging markets, particularly in Brazil, India, Indonesia, Turkey and South Africa, weakening currencies that are needed to fund foreign denominated debt.1 In response, central banks in these countries have been tightening monetary policy, but this depresses economic activity. The Fed’s current attitude toward the international effects of its monetary policy appears to be that it will communicate the expected path of its policies so that
challenge of managing the risks associated with exiting extraordinarily accommodative policy stances. Transitioning away from the price stability objective toward a “new normal,” which includes a financial stability function, requires a shared coordinating mechanism
across
domestic
and
international
institutions. Too much concern over the risks to financial stability might lead central banks to preemptively withdraw stimulus, which risks halting or even reversing the recovery. Governmental, financial and international authorities might pressure central
1 On a positive note, recent events may well reinforce emerging markets’ desire to issue debt in their own currencies. Whether investors will be encouraged to take up this kind of debt is another matter beyond the scope of this brief.
banks to maintain lower policies longer to buy time to consolidate debt, restructure balance sheets and
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THE CENTRE FOR INTERNATIONAL GOVERNANCE INNOVATION
implement much-needed structural reforms, but
The global economy can only become more resilient
unfortunately, the resulting delay raises the risks
to shocks when there is greater collaboration among
of moral hazard, leading policy makers to put off
central banks. The G20 is a natural venue to promote
the inevitable, with potentially larger economic
cooperation and to help the global economy return to
consequences.
stronger economic growth. The best contribution that
The BIS has stressed that there are limits to monetary policy and that it cannot borrow time forever. Policy makers must address the effects of the monetary policy stance on the government’s fiscal position, balance sheets in the private sector and in international markets. Coordination among domestic policy authorities is necessary for delivering stable macroeconomic and financial conditions, but coordinated efforts to secure a sustainable recovery cannot rely on monetary policy and should not infringe on central bank autonomy. By virtue of central bank intervention along the term structure, especially in influencing long-term interest rates, the domestic element in achieving a successful exit has taken on even more importance in the aftermath of the GFC (Turner 2011). Perhaps more importantly, policy makers and central banks risk misreading the implications of
political leaders can make is to convince the public that monetary authorities must remain the autonomous guardians of price stability and central to managing financial stability. The G20 should underscore the need for central bank consultation, but it may be seen as too political an organization for spurring genuine conversations among central bankers; the BIS might be a more appropriate forum for such conversations. These are already taking place — albeit outside in a nontransparent fashion. The current bimonthly meeting of central bank governors at the BIS should not be replaced; rather, there may be a way to use these informal discussions as a springboard to communicating to the G20 and the public that cooperative solutions are being sought.
RECOMMENDATIONS
spillover effects as each economy puts its house
Central banks were the front-runners stabilizing the
in order. International policy cooperation was
economy and financial system, and promoting growth
relatively straightforward at the height of the GFC
throughout the GFC. The major central banks that
when stimulative domestic macroeconomic policies
engaged in aggressive, unconventional monetary
were necessary for stabilizing domestic and global
policies are facing pressure to unwind and withdraw
demand and financial markets. At the time, domestic
stimulus in the coming year or two, and it is clear that
monetary and fiscal policies reinforced each other and
their monetary policies will have global implications.
consequently, there was no conflict. But international
Securing a stable global economic recovery will
cooperation, let alone coordination, has become more
require clear and credible communication and
complicated because economies require different
carefully designed policies during the exit. A state
levels of stimulus. The best policies for many advanced
may be reached when, as central bankers have stated
economies, especially the United States, might not
repeatedly, monetary policy can no longer stimulate
produce net benefits for the rest of the world as was
the economy, but only perpetuate and encourage
once assumed (see Bernanke 2012).
existing global economic imbalances. The following
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A Failure to Cooperate? Raising the Risks and Challenges of Exiting Unconventional Monetary Policies
recommendations would help stabilize a transition
convenient
protection
of
sovereignty
away from unconventional monetary policies and
developing and implementing policies.
9 when
shift the burden toward other stabilization policies that are in need of repair:
WORKS CITED
• G20 leaders should encourage central banks to
Appelbaum, B. 2014. “Fed Misread Crisis in 2008,
come to a shared understanding about transitioning to more conventional monetary policies. While
Records Show.” The New York Times, February 21.
coordination among central banks is unlikely, given
Archer, David and Paul Moser-Boehm. 2013. “Central
their domestic mandates and competing policy
Bank Finances.” BIS Papers No. 71, Monetary and
interests during the exit, cooperation would likely
Economics Department. Basel: BIS.
improve economic and financial stability.
Bernanke, Ben. 2012. “U.S. Monetary Policy and
• Concerns over the loss of central bank independence
International Implications.” Speech given at the
are misplaced. The best way for central banks to
Challenges of the Global Financial System: Risks
remain autonomous is to show that monetary and
and Governance under Evolving Globalization
fiscal policy can act in harmony.
Conference, Tokyo, October 14.
• The channels through which domestic monetary
BIS. 2013. 83rd BIS Annual Report 2012/2013. Basel: BIS.
policy affects international actors and the global
BoE. 2014. Inflation Report: February 2014. London: BoE.
economy are not well understood. More research on the transmission mechanisms of international spillover effects ought to be promoted, identifying the differences between emerging market and advanced economies.
BoJ. 2013. Outlook for Economic Activity and Prices: October 2013. Tokyo: BoJ. FOMC. 2013. Economic Projections of Federal Reserve Board Members and Federal Reserve Bank Presidents,
• The importance of central banks and the relative
December 2013. New York: Federal Reserve System.
stability of inflation throughout the GFC underscore
Hannoun, Hervé. 2012. “Monetary Policy in the Crisis:
the fact that the benefits gained through price stability should not be abandoned. While the crisis has revealed that there is a role for central banks in financial stability, their basic monetary
Testing the Limits of Monetary Policy.” Speech given at the 47th South East Asian Central Banks Governors’ Conference, Seoul, February 13-14.
policy strategies remain sound and will provide a
IMF. 2013. “Unconventional Monetary Policies —
necessary source of stability during the recovery.
Recent Experience and Prospects.” Background
The focus should be on a clearer definition of the
Paper. Washington, DC: IMF.
financial stability concept and an acknowledgement that managing differing objectives might require institutions to stop hiding behind the politically
Marsh, D. 1992. The Bundesbank: The Bank That Rules Europe. London: Heinemann.
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Münchau, Wolfgang. 2014. “Germany’s Constitutional Court Has Strengthened the Eurosceptics.” Financial Times, February 9. Rawdanowicz, Lukasz, Romain Bouis and Shingo Watanabe. 2013. “The Benefits and Costs of Highly Expansionary
Monetary
Policy.”
Economics
Department Working Paper 1082. Paris: OECD. Reinhart, C. and K. Rogoff. 2009. This Time Is Different: Eight Centuries of Financial Folly. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Turner, Philip. 2011. “Is the Long-term Interest Rate a Policy Victim, a Policy Variable or a Policy Lodestar?” BIS Working Paper No. 367, December. Williams, John. 2013. “Lessons from the Financial Crisis for Unconventional Monetary Policy.” Panel discussion at the NBER Conference, Boston, October 18. Yellen, Janet L. 2014. Semiannual Monetary Policy Report to the Congress. Before the Committee on Financial Services, US House of Representatives, Washington, DC, February 11.
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