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Faith and flag A guide to Christian nationalism

Foreword Ross Hendry, CEO of CARE

Contents Foreword

Christian nationalism or just Christian?

Defining Christian nationalism

How did we get here?

Christian nationalism: Five common concerns

Is Britain a Christian country?

Christian symbols: a Trojan Horse?

Can Christians be patriotic?

Do we need a Christian Prime Minister?

Why should Christians care about immigration?

Five perspectives on Christian nationalism

How to love people who think differently

‘But I say unto you...’

Resources for further research

7 ways to pray about Christian nationalism

What’s next?

It is just over twenty years since Alastair Campbell memorably said, ‘We don’t do God’. Those words summed up the spirit of the age: religion and politics should not mix. In a post-9/11 world, with new atheism in vogue, faith was seen as irrational at best and dangerous at worst. Christianity should be kept private, where it could do no damage. What a difference a couple of decades makes. In 2025, ‘The Telegraph’ ran a story entitled: “God is back in British politics. That changes everything”. Christianity is firmly on the agenda again, whether it is questions around ‘Judaeo-Christian values’ or about whether Britain is a Christian country. As Christians, we have never subscribed to the sacred-secular divide, which consigns faith to be practised behind closed doors. If we did, organisations like CARE couldn’t exist! The gospel is for all of life, including politics. We want to “seek the peace and prosperity of the city”, bringing God’s wisdom to public life, so that all may flourish. But at the same time, we do want to be discerning. Words can mean different things to different people. When people talk about Christianity in politics, it is worth us asking, ‘What kind of Christianity are we talking about’? We know that it is possible to honour God with our lips, proclaiming ‘Christ is King’, only for our hearts to be far from Him (Isaiah 29:13). CARE is strictly politically neutral; we neither support nor oppose any particular candidate (not even the Christian ones!), and we have productive relationships with people within each of the major political parties. No party has a monopoly on God! And we are also very aware that our supporters represent a range of different traditions, both political and theological. But as a Christian organisation working on the frontline of UK politics, we want to help the Church to respond thoughtfully and Biblically

to any new trends: what is there here which we can affirm? What might we want to critique? And what are some of the areas where Christians might have different convictions and consciences? The term ‘Christian nationalism’ is often used to describe the fusion of politics and faith, particularly on the political right. As you will read, it can be quite difficult to define. Some of us will feel excited about the opportunities it might offer. Others will feel far more cautious about the co-opting of Christian language by certain figures who, by their own admission, do not actually believe in Christ. ‘Christian nationalism’ first appeared as a phrase in the dictionary in 1947, although its usage rose extremely sharply in the 2010s, and particularly in the early 2020s. But many of the questions it raises have been debated by Christians for hundreds of years: should Christians pursue political power? What should the relationship be between church and state? Can Christians love their country, and if so, what does that look like? Others are more dictated by our particular circumstances here in the UK. In multicultural Britain, some wonder what the impact of certain policies will be upon ethnic minorities. And then how do we relate to other Christians in the pew next to us at church, who might hold very different convictions from us? These are some of the questions this topic guide seeks to address, and as you will see, they do not all have easy answers. It is not designed to be the final word on Christian nationalism, but we do hope that you will find it a helpful starting-point as you try and think through how to respond. And we pray, as Paul did 2000 years ago, “that your love may abound more and more in knowledge and depth of insight, so that you may be able to discern what is best and may be pure and blameless for the day of Christ, filled with the fruit of righteousness that comes through Jesus Christ—to the glory and praise of God” (Philippians 1:9-11).

Christian nationalism or just Christian? We want people to become Christians

If you feel conflicted about how Christianity is being invoked in the public square, you’re not alone. Many of us will hear talk about Christian values, or Jesus being honoured, and think, ‘Surely that is a good thing?’, even if we are uncertain about the people saying it. Many of the aims being discussed are good in and of themselves. As Christians, we care about human flourishing. Jesus said to His disciples, “You are the salt of the earth…You are the light of the world” (Matthew 5:13,14). As salt we are to preserve what is good, and as light, we bring the truth and the hope of the gospel to a world in darkness. We do not believe that faith is simply a private matter, or something to be hidden away. The term ‘Christian nationalism’ has been defined in various ways, and is sometimes used carelessly to invalidate Christians taking faith into the public square. Some beliefs are characterised as ‘Christian nationalism’ when they are simply standard Christian doctrine. So here are three areas where every Christian ought to be able to agree…and no, they don’t make you a Christian nationalist in and of themselves!

Some people are increasingly concerned about there being fewer Christians in the UK today. In its simplest form, this is something which we should all care about; all people have sinned, and are in need of God’s mercy, which we can have access to by the cross of Christ. Without personal trust in Jesus, our friends, family or neighbours will perish in their sins. Jesus commissioned his disciples in Matthew 28: “Therefore, go and make disciples of all nations, baptising them in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit”. We long to see more people come to faith in Jesus, for “there is no other name on heaven given to mankind by which we must be saved” (Acts 4:12). But it’s important to define ‘being a Christian’. 46% of people in the UK said they were Christians in the most recent census, but in reality, only 5% of UK adults attend church on a weekly basis, suggesting that many view it primarily as a cultural marker. And although Christian practice has been

in decline for decades among white Brits, the cries about Britain losing its Christian heritage have arisen more in response to mass migration and Islam than they did in response to the rise of atheism and secularism. Every Christian will long to see people turning to Christ; but to the real Christ, not to a cultural identity marker.

New Testament, we read about Erastus, the “director of public works” in Corinth. Perhaps most prominent is Daniel (and his friends) in Babylon: he serves for close to seventy years, and after Babylon is taken by the Persians, he is appointed as one of Darius’ three chief administrators, overseeing 120 satraps. We read, “Daniel so distinguished himself among the administrators and the satraps by his exceptional qualities that the king planned to set him over the whole kingdom” (Daniel 6:3). This does not mean that the only politicians we want are Christians; God can use anyone to achieve His purposes (and Christians do not always do a good job!). But just as “they could find no corruption in Daniel, because he was trustworthy and neither corrupt nor negligent” (Daniel 6:4), Christians should strive for the highest standards of integrity and ability and serve those around them.

We want Christians to be in politics In the Bible, we encounter various stories about faithful believers in politics, and can see the positive difference they make, even in a foreign land. Joseph serves as a quasi-Prime Minister in Egypt, organising the collection of food to see the country through a seven-year famine; Esther speaks for the Jewish people and prevents a genocide; Nehemiah organises rebuilding the city walls of Jerusalem; in the

We want Christianity to influence culture

This is the reason why organisations like CARE exist: we want a society, and laws, that reflect God’s heart, where justice is promoted, the powerful are challenged, and the vulnerable are protected. That might look like speaking on behalf of women trapped in the sex industry, or championing freedom of speech, or challenging companies who put profit before people. Our God “makes the sun shine on the righteous and the unrighteous” (Matthew 5:45). By common grace, His pattern for human flourishing - summed up, above all, in love of God and love of neighbour - will benefit everyone who follows it, regardless of whether they know the King or not, for it is the best way to live. Believing none of these things automatically makes you a Christian nationalist (although Christian nationalists may believe them). Rather, they make you an everyday Christian. If the term Christian nationalist is to mean anything at all, it has to mean more than this.

Although people need to trust in Jesus to be saved, that does not mean there is no benefit if British culture and laws are influenced by Christianity. People sometimes suggest that our country should be secular, as if it were the only neutral option. But secularism is no more neutral than any other worldview. Cultural vacuums never remain empty: in the UK’s case, we have idolised individualism since the 1960s and the Sexual Revolution. And because culture lies upstream of law, since then, we have passed the most liberal laws in Europe on abortion, almost introduced assisted suicide, and witnessed the decline of the traditional family unit and trialled drugs like puberty blockers on children questioning their gender. God commissioned mankind to “fill and subdue the earth” (Genesis 1:28). As humans made in God’s image, we are to reflect Him to the world around us. We believe we can find God’s desires for human flourishing in the Bible, and that God’s law “is perfect, refreshing the soul” (Psalm 19:7), even if we need to think through how to apply it to our own context today. And we know that God cares about injustice, and is on the side of the vulnerable and the downtrodden.

Defining Christian nationalism At the ‘Unite the Kingdom’ march in September 2025, a wide range of people gathered in London. Some were there for a political rally. Others came as groups from churches. Some waved flags. Others carried wooden crosses. Different political views mixed with different theological perspectives. Some expressed far-right and anti-Islamic views, but many Christians present would not have associated themselves with extremist organisations. The Lord’s Prayer was led from the platform, and on the stage, the flag of St. George flew alongside a flag declaring ‘Christ is King’. Those two flags represent the dilemma of Christian nationalism. How do we relate to our nation and to our faith as followers of Jesus?

What is Christian nationalism?

“People sometimes suggest that our country should be secular, as if it were the only neutral option. But secularism is no more neutral than any other worldview. Cultural vacuums never remain empty.” 6

Defining Christian nationalism is a difficult task: the Oxford academic Luke Bretherton, in a briefing to Church of England bishops, argued that the expression is counterproductive and shouldn’t be used. It is more frequently used about people than by them. I am more likely to label someone a ‘Christian nationalist’ than to encounter someone who claims the label for themselves. Nationalism is easier to pin down, although it still comes with different expressions. Some view it as little more than love of country; for others it is associated with national independence. Nationalism differs from patriotism in promoting loyalty to the nation above all other interests. How this develops

depends on the definition of ‘nation’. Along with geographical or ethnic boundaries, national identity can be defined around shared cultural ideas, such as faith, history, or heritage. Nationalism often appeals to those who feel disenfranchised from politics and government. Many at the rally expressed frustration with ‘the establishment’ and said that they weren’t represented in the Government or media. Distrust of institutions and pessimism about the state of the nation drives people to cling to a sense of identity and belonging. 7

For some, nationalism can provide someone to blame. It can promote a type of ‘Englishness’ or ‘Britishness’ which results in antagonism towards people who are different, often immigrants or those of other faiths. Christian nationalism brings together the nation and Christian faith and conflates them into one identity. Some people claim the UK is a ‘Christian nation’ not only because of Christianity’s historical legacy, but in the nation’s very identity. To be British means to be Christian. By implication, to have a different faith is un-British. In ‘Taking America Back for God: Christian Nationalism in the United States’, Andrew Whitehead and Samuel Perry define Christian nationalism in a US context as a “cultural framework that blurs distinctions between Christian identity and American identity, viewing the two as closely related and seeking to enhance and preserve their union.” Christian nationalism is more complex in the UK, because people understand Christian identity differently.

Next, there are committed Christians who want the UK to reflect Christian values This group are followers of Jesus, who may not always hold to a traditional right-wing nationalist agenda, but believe Christianity should have a voice in politics. Many Christians fall into this category. They love their country, and believe the best way to love it is to shape its laws and government around God’s ideals. They affirm both faith and nation, and may fear that Christian representation in our country has been eroded in recent years. Many at the ‘Unite the Kingdom’ rally are in this group. Their views are well-expressed by Danny Kruger, who defected from the Conservatives to Reform, and who said in Parliament: “We are a Christian country, or we were, and we need to recover the sense that our values are not arbitrary but are grounded in the eternal truths of the Christian faith.” This is not just nostalgia for ‘Christian values’, but a belief in Christian faith as the bedrock of public policy. Finally, there are convinced Christian nationalists. This group are not only convinced of Christian faith, but theologically convinced by bringing together Christ and nation. They may claim the title of ‘Christian nationalist’ for themselves. Not many people in the UK today argue for a robust theological defence of Christian nationalism, but there are more in America. Stephen Wolfe’s book ‘The Case for Christian Nationalism’ is probably the best-known articulation of this idea. He writes: “Christian nationalism is a totality of national action, consisting of civil laws and social customs, conducted by a Christian nation as a Christian nation, in order to procure for itself both earthly and heavenly good in Christ.” This is the position closest to Whitehead and Perry’s definition of Christian nationalism, where church and nation become one and the same.

Three types of Christian nationalism First, there are cultural Christians who might also be nationalists. Some people have a nationalist political agenda and use Christianity to ‘package’ their ideas. There might not be faith behind their adoption of Christian themes and symbols, but there can still be a genuine affection for cultural trappings of the Christian faith: Christmas carols, visits to cathedrals, or a desire for Christian ‘values’. Cultural Christians tick ‘Christian’ in a census but might not attend church other than at Christmas. They may have nostalgia for a past where people were ‘more Christian’, even if that idea is difficult to pin down, and even if they don’t actually believe in Christian doctrine. Nigel Farage would fit into this category. He was raised as a Christian, but no longer goes to church, saying “I used to believe in it”. He has said that the UK is “fundamentally a Christian nation” and that Christianity “should be recognised by Government at all levels.”

Christian nationalism today Two hundred years ago, Alexis de Tocqueville wrote that an “abstract word is like a box with a false bottom: you put into it the ideas you want and take them out again unobserved.” It is easy to fall into this trap with ‘Christian nationalism’. Talking about Christian nationalism can be difficult, because people have very different understandings of what it is. Some might be labelled Christian nationalists, but want little more than their faith to be represented in politics. Others may pursue a nationalist agenda and put on a Christian veneer to make it seem acceptable. As Christians we need to be “as shrewd as snakes and as innocent as doves” (Matthew 10:16), discerning truth from error, and good from evil. The label ‘Christian nationalist’ matters less than whether we love God and neighbour in a way that glorifies Jesus above any nation. 9

How did we get here? Although the term ‘Christian nationalism’ has only gained widespread acceptance in recent years, the questions the movement poses have been around for centuries. Do we want the government to promote Christianity? Should the Church exercise political power? Should church and state be kept entirely separate? Ecclesiastes 1:9 reminds us ‘There is nothing new under the sun’. Across two millennia of theology, Christians have taken a range of positions. Interested in how it played out in practice? Here’s a quick survey…

Early Church Fathers - From persecution to imperial influence The earliest Christians lived under the often-hostile rule of Rome, but affirmed the goodness of human authority and that rulers (even their persecutors) were ordained by God. Christians took seriously the commands to live as good citizens, to pay taxes, and to pray for the Emperor. Tertullian even wrote that the Emperor “is more ours than yours [the pagans], for our God has appointed him.” However, they refused to participate in emperor-worship, obeying God over man when the two came into conflict. Things began to change under Constantine I, who favoured Christianity. Although the extent of his conversion is debated, he involved himself in church affairs, calling the Council of Nicaea in AD 325 to resolve the Arian controversy (around the full divinity of the Son). Nicene Christianity was proclaimed the empire’s official religion by Theodosius I in AD 380, and emperors continued to call synods to resolve theological disputes. After the empire split in two, Eastern Roman Emperors began to heavily influence the selection of Popes, particularly from Justinian onwards. Christians now had new realities to think through. Augustine wrote the ‘City of God’ in the early 5th century, and proposed there are two cities: the City of God (those who love God above all) and the Earthly City (those who love themselves above all). He rejected identifying any state, or even the visible Church, as the City of God, recognising the reality of sin, which affects every human institution. Instead, he distinguished between the responsibilities of political authorities (maintaining order and justice), and spiritual authorities (preaching the gospel and guiding people towards salvation), although he did believe in co-operation between the two, and he suggested that the state could support true religion.

Medieval Thinkers - The rise of Papal authority As the Catholic Church came to be more established, questions about the relationship between church and state became more prominent: some argued that the Church should have authority, as caring for eternal souls was more important. However, by this time, the Church’s authority had become centred around the Papacy, and excommunication was sometimes used as a political weapon. Pope Gregory VII argued in the 11th Century that only the Church had the right to appoint bishops, and even suggested that Popes could depose emperors. 200 years later, Pope Boniface VIII went even further: “It is absolutely necessary for salvation that every human creature be subject to the Roman Pontiff.” Others were more nervous: William of Ockham argued that secular rulers had legitimate authority, independent of the Pope, and that Papal authority had limits. These debates were still relevant in the build-up to the Reformation.

The Reformers - ‘Two kingdoms’ and the question of state power The Reformers agreed that Popes should not hold authority over kings, but what this looked like in practice varied. Martin Luther, expanding on Augustine’s teaching, developed what is known as the ‘two kingdoms doctrine’, which divides God’s rule into a spiritual kingdom (through the gospel, the Spirit and the Church) and an earthly kingdom (through civil authorities). Popes, bishops and priests should not be concerned with political power; and the state could not compel genuine faith, although in practice, Luther ended up relying on German princes to oversee church reform. John Calvin’s approach in Geneva was different. While believing that church and state had different roles, he believed the state should promote good, and that involved promoting true Christianity. Church and state co-operated closely, and magistrates not only defended the Church from threats, but punished blasphemy, including, in the case of Michael Servetus, up to execution. In Zurich, Huldrych Zwingli relied even more heavily on the city council to promote the Reformation. The Anabaptists took an alternate approach, and enforced the separation between church and state more severely. Many of them rejected the possibility of Christians serving as magistrates or soldiers, and they rejected state-churches. 11

The Anglicans - A monarch’s duty to preserve true religion

The Westminster Confession Defining the limits of the state

The Church of England began as a result of similar questions about church and state, after Henry VIII’s failure to convince the Pope to dissolve his marriage. Key Anglican figures, like Thomas Cranmer and Richard Hooker, tried to balance two positions: the positive influence of the Church upon society, and the duty of the monarch to promote true religion. Church and state were different, but linked. Given its roots, it was natural for Anglicanism to take a strong stance against Papal authority, and the King is still its Supreme Governor today; in practice, this has evolved over time, and the monarch’s influence diminished during the 17th century. The King’s role is now primarily ceremonial. Many evangelical Anglicans today take a pragmatic approach, recognising the advantages of a state church (such as in marriages or funerals), while not being wedded to its established function.

The Westminster Confession was written during the English Civil War, when the English Parliament summoned an Assembly, consisting largely of Puritans, to reform the doctrine and government of the Church of England. Chapter 23 said that civil magistrates may not assume preaching the Word or administer the sacraments, and that they do not have “the power of the keys of the kingdom of heaven”. However, it also said that they had a duty to preserve peace and unity in the church, to safeguard truth, to suppress heresy and blasphemy, and had the power to call synods. Its understanding is not dissimilar to Anglicanism, despite proposing different systems of church government. The Confession lost official status in England after the Restoration of the monarchy, but was widely adopted by Presbyterian churches and is still heavily influential today, although the American Presbyterian Church revised Chapter 23 in 1789, to remove the civil magistrate’s role in religious matters.

The Free Church - Freedom of conscience and protection from state corruption Some English Protestants opposed having a state church from early on; figures like Thomas Helwys, who died in prison, argued that the monarch had no authority over people’s consciences. Similarly, John Bunyan was imprisoned for preaching without a state licence, arguing the state could not compel him not to preach. Such figures emphasised the importance of personal conversion, and said the state could not enforce true worship. Others, such as Roger Williams in America, argued that state-involvement would corrupt the Church, and there should be a “hedge or wall of separation between the garden of the church and the wilderness of the world.” The Baptist preacher Charles Spurgeon later took a similar position, opposing government support for churches, because he believed state churches tended to result in nominal Christianity.

The Neo-Calvinists - ‘Sphere sovereignty’ and the Lordship of Christ Neo-Calvinism originated in the Netherlands in the late 19th century, with key thinkers like Herman Bavinck and the Dutch Prime Minister Abraham Kuyper, who developed the idea of ‘sphere sovereignty’: this splits society into different spheres, all accountable to God, and not just limited to church and state, but including the family, schools and hospitals. It is not the duty of the state (or the church) to control any of these spheres, because they are primarily accountable to God. For instance, the state should not control family life (although it could step in in extreme circumstances). Kuyper was particularly in favour of faith schools, where parents could establish schools which were rooted in their own convictions. The neo-Calvinists opposed the idea of a state church. But they believed government was accountable to God too, and that Christians should be involved in public life. Kuyper famously said: “There is not a square inch in the whole domain of our human existence over which Christ, who is Sovereign over all, does not cry: ‘Mine!’”

The American Right - An opportunity for Christian values? In recent years, some in America have argued that Christians should seek political power again, and enforce Christian values for the benefit of the nation. This can be particularly seen in the alliance between some evangelicals and Donald Trump; while some have supported him due to his stances on transgender rights and abortion, he has drawn criticism from other Christians for his personal conduct, his muscular approach, and a perceived arrogance or narcissism. America has a heritage of religious freedom, rooted in the First Amendment, and has traditionally separated church and state. Those advocating for forms of Christian nationalism have different reasons; some, such as Stephen Wolfe, attempt to root their approach in the Reformers. Others, like Doug Wilson, are more shaped by postmillennial interpretations of the end-times, believing Jesus will only return after a unique period of Christian influence and flourishing on earth. ‘Christian nationalism’ is simply the latest development in a discussion that has lasted for hundreds of years. But as we learn from the debates of the past, we want to engage with the questions of today. What does Christian nationalism mean for us in 21st-century Britain...?

Christian nationalism: Five common concerns There are plenty of faithful Christians who identify with at least part of the Christian nationalist agenda. But within any movement, there will be things to critique, and particularly with one which is so loosely defined, and encompasses such a broad range of people. A number of people have expressed concerns about elements of Christian nationalism, including some who are very sympathetic to it. When concerns are raised, it is important to listen, and to weigh up whether we think they are valid. The points which follow certainly do not apply to everybody who supports Christian nationalism. But they can apply to somebody…

imposing belief by force and domination; we convince others by our gracious speech and transformed lives (1 Peter 3:16). The early Christians were a minority group without political power, and the Bible is more concerned with teaching us how to live under oppressive regimes like Babylon or Rome than with telling us to claim power for ourselves. Jesus says to Pilate that His followers do not fight to enact His kingdom, because it is not of this world (John 18:36). Some Christian nationalists in America advocate for rule by a ‘Christian prince’, a religious dictator who could enforce Christianity. A few have even suggested that Lack of truth and grace such a figure could punish people using Words are important, and as Christians, we blasphemy laws (in the most extreme cases, aspire to speak with both truth and grace, like even via capital punishment). Jesus did (John 1:14). Tim Keller writes, “Love without truth is sentimentality; it supports Racism and hostility and affirms us but keeps us in denial about When you equate Christianity with national our flaws. Truth without love is harshness; it identity, it can become easy to view those gives us information but in such a way that we of different nationalities with suspicion. For cannot really hear it.” example, Rupert Lowe, leader of Restore, has At times, the speech and tone of figures on said that being white and British means that the right, backed by some Christians, has your parents were born in the UK. He was even been unloving, and even harmful, particularly unwilling to affirm that King Charles was around immigration. While many of us have really British! One Reform candidate for a been sceptical about Britain’s immigration mayoral election said the then-deputy Prime policies, it is not helpful when politicians Minister, David Lammy, should “go home to speak about “stopping the invasion on our the Caribbean” where his “loyalty lies”. southern coast”. It may be necessary to enact stronger antiOthers who are on the fringes, such as Tommy immigration measures, but we must ensure Robinson, use the language of warfare, which they do not become a vehicle for enforcing can encourage people to act violently. He once a particular view of Britishness. It is also said: “The reality is this is a war…These people important to listen to the voices of non-white British citizens, some of whom describe are waging war on us.” feeling anxious or unsafe around certain Democracy or dominion? rhetoric. It is not intolerant to believe that Christianity is Racism can never be part of the kingdom of true and other religions are not, or to suggest God, because Jesus is king over the whole that not all cultural values are equal. However, earth and has created every person, white Jesus taught us to “love our neighbours or black, in His image. The Church is made as ourselves”: we cannot expect religious up of people from every country and culture, tolerance for Christians without freedom for anticipating the day when we gather around other religions as well, within usual limits. God’s throne as people “from every nation, The Christian faith has never prospered by tribe, people and language” (Revelation 7:9). 14

Troubling company?

Christians are to be good citizens, in whom people can find no fault. Peter writes, “Live such good lives among the pagans that, though they accuse you of doing wrong, they may see your good deeds and glorify God on the day he visits us” (1 Peter 2:12). Our actions are to be attractive to the outside world, so that people may come to know Jesus. In the ugliest sections of the Christian nationalist movement, sadly, they can be anything but.

In any movement, we need to be careful with the company we keep. We might not stoke fear of immigration and Islam, but others might. We may not define Britishness by ethnicity or advocate violence, but others might. One of the most prominent figures associated with the Christian nationalist movement is Tommy Robinson, who has organised the ‘Unite the Kingdom’ marches. Previously convicted of multiple assaults, fraud, using a false passport, and harassing journalists, he has expressed views which Christians should be very concerned about being associated with, and was described by Nigel Farage as a “thug” in 2018. He posted on social media in 2016, “I’d personally send every adult male Muslim…back tomorrow if I could”, and encouraged people to continue to riot during the Belfast riots in 2026. Robinson was reported to have become a Christian while in prison in 2025. While only the Lord sees the heart, it is not unfair to be cautious about such claims. Faith will be backed up by actions.

Does all this invalidate Christian nationalism? Not in and of itself, no! Any political movement, whether left or right, will have its problems, because all are affected by human sin. But it should give us pause for thought, as we reflect on both the positives and negatives of a Christian nationalist agenda. Jesus advised us, “by their fruit you will recognise them” (Matthew 7:16). This article has focused on the worst excesses within Christian nationalism. The reality is that most people who attend a march or vote for a particular political party would be appalled at them, and would call such behaviour out. The Bible tells us that “Faithful are the wounds of a friend” (Proverbs 27:6), and we are particularly grateful to those on the right who continue to highlight such abuses and challenge them. The Christian nationalist movement has some goals many of us will agree with, and some admirable people within it. We hope that as it becomes more defined here in the UK, it will be able to promote what is good, and to curb what is not.

Impact on Christian witness For better or worse, Christian nationalism will affect how some people view Christian faith. As the saying goes, ‘You will be the only Bible some people will ever read’. If people see videos of nationalists marching with Christian symbols and slogans, while speaking hostility, hate speech, or even advocating for violence, they might be left thinking that this is what Christians are like. 15

Is Britain a Christian country? are all basically fish swimming in Christian seas. And last, of course, there’s the numerical argument. At the 2021 census, 46.3% of people in the UK still identified as Christian, which, while no longer a majority, remains the largest religious grouping in the country (the next largest is ‘no religion’ which came in at 37.2%, with Muslims at 6.5% and Hindus at 1.7%). Now all of this would suggest those who claim Britain is a Christian country have a point. And yet in my view it’s a category mistake to call it that in an uncritical way. In the New Testament, the people that gather to worship Jesus are called “a chosen race, a royal priesthood, a holy nation…” So, strictly speaking, the only truly ‘Christian nation’ is the Church. The Church, as grafted onto Israel, the people of God in the Old Testament, is the true ‘holy nation’, in other words, a nation set apart for the purposes of God from within the entire human race. No other people can claim such a place or role. It seems to me that both sides of this debate are tempted to confuse the vital relationship between the Church and the State. Some think that both the Church and the State must both be equally exclusive and ‘Christian’. However, when it comes to its core identity, when you have to define what it is, the Church

WRITTEN BY

Graham Tomlin Graham Tomlin is Editor-in-Chief of seenandunseen.com, and a former Bishop of Kensington. He is also President of St Mellitus College.

Is Britain a ‘Christian nation’? Of course, it all depends on what we mean by the phrase. We could mean it in a constitutional sense. The fact that we have bishops in the House of Lords, Anglican Chaplains in every prison in the country by legal statute, a monarch who is supreme Governor of the Church of England, and numerous other legacies of the Christian past all show how Christianity is baked into the constitutional and legal framework of the UK in unique ways. Then there is the cultural aspect. If even Richard Dawkins can call himself a ‘cultural Christian’, enjoying a Christmas carol or two, hot cross buns and Handel’s ‘Messiah’, surely that is further evidence of the pervasiveness of Christianity in our cultural heritage. Then there’s the social aspect, that we as a society are broadly shaped by Christian norms and ideals, as many recent authors from Tom Holland to Bijan Omrani have argued. According to them, whether atheist, Muslim, agnostic or Christian, if we live in the UK, we 16

must be exclusive whereas the nation has to be inclusive. The Church is made up of those who believe in Christ, who confess Christian faith and are baptised into Christ – in that way it has to be exclusive. Britain as a nation, however, has to include citizens of many faiths and none. It’s impossible to be a devotee of Islam and Christianity at the same time, or an atheist Christian for that matter, without stretching the bounds of Christian orthodoxy. It is perfectly possible, however, to be a Muslim Briton, a Jewish Briton, or an atheist Briton. Yet others make a different kind of mistake, thinking that when it comes to its stance towards others, both the Church and the State have to be indiscriminately inclusive, welcoming all. Although the Church may be exclusive in its nature, it has to be inclusive in its welcome. Anyone is welcome to come along to a service at their local church. It doesn’t matter whether you’re a Muslim, Hindu, atheist or Rastafarian, if you turn up wanting to come, you are welcome - the doors are open. However, the State cannot be quite so accommodating. When someone turns up on our shores wanting to come in, the State has to make distinctions as to who is or is not allowed to enter. We have immigration rules and citizenship tests. They are perhaps not as strict as some would like, but any state has to be discriminating as to who it allows to enter and start living there and those to whom it refuses entry. The point is that the Church and the State play different roles in our corporate life. Where the Church needs to be exclusive, the State needs to be inclusive. And where the Church needs to be inclusive, the State needs to be exclusive. And when we confuse these roles, we get into a muddle. Having said all that, to return to our early discussion of the Christian heritage of the

nation, whether you look at it constitutionally, culturally, socially or even numerically, it’s hard to dispute the deep impact and ongoing influence of Christianity on our national life. Although on the surface, the majority of the country seems pretty secular, you don’t have to dig very deep to uncover the profound impact Christian faith has had upon this country. When the Queen died in 2022 and we had to look into the nation’s historical playbook on how to mourn a past monarch and enthrone a new one, it was Christian to the core. Yes, there was a right and proper nod in the direction of other faiths in the coronation service, but you could not dispute the profoundly Christian character of a service which involved readings from the Bible, a Holy Eucharist, Christian anointing with oil, and an Archbishop performing the act of crowning. Tom Holland’s ‘Dominion’, surely one of the most influential books to have been published in recent years, pointed out: “That human beings have rights; that they are born equal; that they are owed sustenance and shelter, and refuge from persecution; these were never self-evident truths.” All of these ideas that we take for granted are, he argues, deeply Christian in origin. So what are we? To say we are a ‘Christian nation’ is theologically confused and exclusive towards Britons who have all the rights and privileges of citizenship but yet who do not happen to be Christian. At the same time, we are a nation that has been influenced by Christianity more than any other philosophy, religion or way of life. Understanding that distinction won’t solve all our problems, but it may help to clarify our debates.

“The Church and the State play different roles in our corporate life. Where the Church needs to be exclusive, the State needs to be inclusive. And where the Church needs to be inclusive, the State needs to be exclusive. And when we confuse these roles, we get into a muddle.” 17

Christian symbols: a Trojan horse? WRITTEN BY

Helen Paynter Helen Paynter, PhD, is a Baptist minister and tutor in Old Testament at Bristol Baptist College. She is the founding director of the Centre for the Study of Bible and Violence.

In the last few years, Christian language and symbolism have been far more visible in our public spaces and political discourse than they have for some time. Is this something we should welcome? Or might this present a cause for concern? There is much that we can welcome here. When Alastair Campbell said ‘We don’t do God’ (2003), his words were symptomatic of the aggressive secularisation of public discourse which had been developing for some time in this country, and which regarded the views of anyone with a faith commitment as automatically under suspicion. And while these strands are still visible (see the National Secular Society and Humanists UK’s comments on faith leaders who spoke into the recent assisted suicide bill), there is also evidence for a turning tide which is making the public sphere a place where voices of faith are welcome once more. But there may also be elements that should concern us. At times, Christian language and symbols are being used to lend impetus to a political purpose, in ways which I would consider bear little connection to their true spiritual significance. We are in a highly charged and deeply polarised society right now, and the use of Christian-sounding language is sometimes exacerbating the divisions rather than promoting love of neighbour in healing and reconciliation. I’m here referring to the use of such language by ‘far right’ groups – some embedded within our political institutions and some beyond them. Please note: my use of the term ‘far right’ is not as a pejorative slur, but in a clearly defined way. I use it to refer to politically right-leaning groups whose ideology would undermine elements of liberal democracy,

such as the protection of minorities, freedom of speech and the independence of the press and judiciary. Now, it is important to note that there are some very sincere Christians within some of these movements, both at leadership level and among their grassroots followers. Some of the thought-leaders have offered careful theological arguments for the stances that they take. These arguments deserve respectful and careful engagement, which is a task that I am actively engaged in. They are not the subject of the rest of this piece. But it cannot have escaped our notice that Christian-sounding language and symbols are also being used by some people who do not evidence any genuine Christian faith. And this presents a danger. Because when political actors offer slogans and soundbites that we instinctively agree with – that sound like things we might say in church, perhaps – we are more likely to listen receptively to their broader message. In this way, Christians can sometimes be ‘played’ by those whose intentions, and perhaps actions, bear no resemblance to the message or person of

Jesus Christ. Bluntly, there is the danger that we become unwittingly co-opted to movements that are dangerous and divisive. Allow me to name five themes, images and tropes being used at present, and offer some questions for us to consider when we see them at work in political spaces. First, when we sing of the kingship of Christ in church (and in our personal devotions) we are probably leaning upon a rich matrix of Biblical ideas. We might be recalling the servant king who rode into Jerusalem on a donkey and washed his disciples’ feet. We may be thinking of the promised king who sits on David’s throne and will enact God’s perfect judgment. And we may have in mind the Lamb at the centre of the throne, before whom all nations will bow. So when we see and hear ‘Christ is king’ being used in political ways, we should consider whether these themes are likewise being invoked. Or is the phrase being used as a slogan, to promote a particular political cause, or in order to make a grab for power? Perhaps the best question is: to what end is this declaration being made?

Second, the language of ‘restoring our Judaeo-Christian heritage’ is a popular trope at present. Again, this may be appealing to many who lament the loss of certain Christian moral standards from society. But what is actually being proposed when such an appeal is made? Is it operating with a rich and nuanced view of the complexities of our Christian heritage? We might well remember and celebrate the activism of the Clapham sect or the prophetic leadership of Archbishop William Temple (for example). But is there simultaneously a convenient amnesia about the Christian rationales provided for colonialism or slavery? Is nostalgia for the 1950s glossing over the structural inequalities of the day, such as those evidenced by the common sign in boarding houses, ‘No Irish, No Blacks, No Dogs’? Indeed, we might ask: who would belong in such a restored JudaeoChristian nation? And who would be excluded? And by what means? Next, two additional theological ideas that are at work in some of these movements, often less through slogans than in embedded thought-patterns and consistent messaging, are that Christians should have ‘dominion’ in society, and that God is ‘on our side’ – by which, I think, is meant He’s in our pocket. Again, we should consider such claims carefully. Jesus’ instructions that we should be salt and light in our culture, and His command to make disciples, absolutely preclude quietism – we should be bold and willing to speak and live out our faith in winsome, transformative ways (see 1 Peter 3:15). But should Christians expect to rule in some way? To exercise control over those of no faith, or

to suppress other faiths? There are some who would make such claims, and we should be aware that these ideas are in the mix. We might want to consider whether we agree with them, in case we inadvertently find ourselves caught up in political movements whose ideological foundations are more autocratic than we originally realised. And Scripture teaches us that God is in no-one’s pocket. Fifth, we should notice where the cross is being employed as a visual symbol in political spaces. When we see it being displayed, we might ask: what is it saying in this space? Is it being used as a mascot, a rallying point? If so, do we consider that an appropriate use? Is it being used to assert dominance, to intimidate people of other faiths? It might be a helpful exercise to jot down what we believe the cross symbolises, and then use this framework to evaluate what is going on, when we see it being used on our streets. The apostle John urges us to “test the spirits” (1 John 4:1), and Jesus tells us to be as “wise as serpents” while remaining as “innocent as doves” (Matthew 10:16). These calls upon the Christian are important in every age, but never more so than in our day when there are some cynical political actors who would use our own faith-language as a Trojan horse; who – to put it bluntly – would seek to play us for fools. As the old hymn goes, ‘Grant us wisdom, grant us courage, for the facing of this hour’.

“When we see and hear ‘Christ is king’ being used in political ways, we should consider which themes are being invoked. Is the phrase being used as a slogan, to promote a particular political cause, or in order to make a grab for power? Perhaps the best question is: to what end is this declaration being made?” 20

Can Christians be patriotic? WRITTEN BY

Peter Ladd Peter Ladd is CARE’s Head of Content and Communications. He previously studied Classics and Theology at Oxford University, and is also a lay preacher.

I love being British. I love our history, I love visiting National Trust properties, and I love a Sunday roast and a cream tea (cream first, not jam!). I cheer when Hugh Grant sticks it to the U.S. President in ‘Love Actually’, and I devour all things Olympics or World Cup related. In short, I feel patriotic. But patriotism has become contested in recent years, with focus on Britain’s problems, not its successes. What about colonialism? Isn’t Britain racist? Politicians seem reticent to express a love of country. ‘Patriotism’ feels like a dirty word, particularly on the left, and when it is referenced, it sometimes feels performative. Patriotism and nationalism are not the same thing. Whereas patriotism refers to pride and love of country, as one good among many, nationalism elevates the state into the ultimate good. Patriotism recognises a nation’s place under God. Nationalism turns the nation into god, or conflates a particular political agenda with God’s will. 21

Patriotism unites rather than excludes

the good of the country means seeking the good of all British people, not making citizens feel alienated, lesser, or even afraid.

As Christians, we seek the good of the country where we are placed. This is not just a patriotic principle, it is a Biblical principle: even when Israel was carried into exile, to a land of foreign gods and hostile powers, God told them: “Seek the peace and prosperity of the city” (Jeremiah 29:7). There is nothing wrong with wanting the UK to prosper. We want our government to do a good job: to promote good and restrain evil, and to help everyone to flourish. We believe in the common good, and that God’s wisdom is good news for everyone, whether it be around the economy, the environment, or education. But seeking the good of the city cannot be abstracted from the good of the people. A nation is more than a plot of land. Patriotism ought to include, to provide people with a shared heritage, and to unite them around love of country. Nationalism tends to do the opposite: major figures sow division, people who are legally British are told they are ‘not really British’, and flags are paraded like war-banners rather than a sign of national pride. But Christians are to “love our neighbour as ourselves”, regardless of creed or colour, as the Parable of the Good Samaritan demonstrates. Even in Old Testament Israel, ‘resident aliens’ (people who had permanently moved there) had the same legal protections as Israelites. Seeking

Patriotism involves pride, but doesn’t rewrite history Humans have been tasked by God with “cultivating the world and subduing it” (Genesis 1:28), sometimes known as the Cultural Mandate. These verses provide the basis for Christian engagement in everything from the arts to the sciences. Around 20 years ago, the historian Niall Ferguson wrote the book: “Empire: How Britain created the modern world”. Few countries have laid foundations for our world like the UK. James Watt and the steam engine; Michael Faraday and the electric generator; Tim Berners-Lee and the World Wide Web. Charles Dickens, Jane Austen and JRR Tolkien; the Beatles, Queen and the Spice Girls; football, rugby and cricket. One 2015 article estimated that 40% of inventions in the previous 50 years came from the UK. And at times, Britain has been a force for real good; from the abolition of slavery to facing the Nazis in the early 1940s. But a healthy Christian view of a nation cannot rest in smug superiority, or brush over failures, as the parable of the Pharisee and the Tax Collector warns. Each nation’s history comprises both good and evil, because its people are both made in the image of God and sinners who fall short of His glory.

Nation makes for a flawed idol, for in our island story there are moments of tragedy, just as there are moments of celebration. Concentration camps in the Boer War. The Amritsar Massacre. The treatment of the Mau Maus in Kenya. Within our own borders, 4.5 million children grow up in poverty. Inequality is so pronounced that 17% of British adults skip meals each month because of the cost of living. There are more than 200,000 abortions every year. Patriotism cannot mean sweeping evil under the carpet. Countries are never just all good, or all bad: the truth is far more complex.

loss for the sake of Christ.” Paul’s Israelite credentials had been impeccable: ‘a Hebrew of Hebrews’. But any earthly community we are part of is nothing compared to our primary identity: being in Christ. At times, we will not feel at home in the world around us: Peter describes us as “foreigners and exiles” (1 Peter 2:11). As resurrection-people, we are ourselves a glimpse of God’s new creation, stuck between this fallen world and the world to come. We may be citizens of the UK, but our deeper, truer citizenship is of the heavenly Kingdom (Philippians 3:20). That does not mean turning our back on this world: as heavenly citizens, we can bring a glimpse of heaven to earth. Every year, on Remembrance Sunday, the hymn ‘I vow to thee my country’ is sung across the country, about love and duty to the nation. But its second verse speaks of “another country, I’ve heard of long ago… We may not count her armies, we may not see her King; Her fortress is a faithful heart, her pride is suffering; And soul by soul and silently her shining bounds increase, And her ways are ways of gentleness, and all her paths are peace.” As Christians, we can be patriotic: we can love our nation, seek its best, and be proud of its successes and conscious of its faults. But let us not confuse it with our true home. For it is to another country - the heavenly city - that we owe our true allegiance; and to the King who we do not see now, but who, one day, we will see face to face.

Patriotism places the nation under God Many things form our identity: our age, our sex, our relationships. Our nationality is also a part of who we are. As a Brit, I don’t mind queuing, I’m used to the rain, and I enjoy cricket and afternoon tea. These things don’t stop being part of who we are when we become a Christian. When Paul wrote that “in Christ there is neither Jew nor Greek, neither slave nor free, neither male or female” (Galatians 3:28), he did not mean these things cease to exist: he addresses men and women individually, and gives slaves advice on how to relate to masters. But they are not the primary part of our identity. He lists a series of identitymarkers in Philippians 3, including nation, tribe and religious practice, only to say: “whatever were gains to me I now consider

Do we need a Christian Prime Minister? WRITTEN BY PETER LADD

I remember my surprise when a friend said: “My vicar told me to vote for them because they were a Christian.” The question of whether a candidate’s faith – or lack thereof – should matter is an important one. The worldview any individual holds shapes the values they believe in, and accordingly, what they are likely to do in office. In a diverse, multi-cultural country where Christianity has lost its influence, and in a society which has abandoned traditional values for more liberal ones, some argue that we need a strong Christian leader to lead us back from the brink. Just as many US evangelicals have aligned themselves with Donald Trump to ‘Make America great again’ and voted accordingly, some Christian nationalists here in the UK may believe that putting a Christian in charge will reverse the decline. So do we need a Christian Prime Minister? And will it sort out all our problems?

teaching, rebuking, correcting and training in righteousness, so that the servant of God may be thoroughly equipped for every good work” (2 Timothy 3:16-17). Politics matters, because the decisions which politicians take directly impact people’s lives, for good or ill. We want to see Christians bringing God’s wisdom into the public square, whether it is about life issues, marriage and sexuality, or caring for the vulnerable, because this is the way to human flourishing. Believing Christians serve in Parliament across the political parties, and we pray for their witness and for wisdom in this crucial role.

…but they also get things wrong “The multitude of your sacrifices— what are they to me?” says the Lord…Learn to do right; seek justice. Defend the oppressed. Take up the cause of the fatherless; plead the case of the widow.” (Isaiah 1:11,17) Christians are not naive about human nature. “All have sinned and fallen short of the glory of God” (Romans 3:23), and that is just as true of us as everyone else. Not even the most godly Christian leader can fully live up to God’s standards, and the Bible is littered with examples of leaders who began well, only to fall, including Israel’s first three kings: Saul, David and Solomon. And not everyone who says they are a Christian actually is one. Although only God can truly judge us, recent Prime Ministers have claimed to be Christian, but introduced policies which suggest otherwise. For some, faith is little more than nominal. It is one thing to say you follow Jesus. It is another to enact policies which glorify him. In Isaiah, God warns he is less interested in prayers and sacrifices than how people are treating one another. We need to ask whether Christian candidates will reflect God’s Kingdom in their actions and policies. The theologian Chris Wright, warns of: “[the mentality of] getting ‘our man in the White House’ – the precise words that a dear American friend said to me when I landed in

Christians can do good things… “The fear of the Lord is the beginning of knowledge, but fools despise wisdom and instruction.” (Proverbs 1:7) Politics is, as Tim Farron calls it, ‘A mucky business’. Politicians can enter Parliament with good convictions, and easily lose their way. They can be torn between representing God, their constituency, and their party. The job can involve impossible choices, competing voices, and juggling weighty responsibilities. Sometimes, there will genuinely be no good options. But Christians can do immense good in politics. We see this not only in the Bible (Joseph, Daniel etc.), but in history, from the anti-slavery reforms of William Wilberforce to the faithful Christian MPs who speak against assisted suicide, gender ideology or poverty today. Christians have a uniquely privileged insight into how we should live, because the Author of Creation has revealed His wisdom to us. The Bible is “God-breathed and is useful for 24

the United States a few days after a previous presidential election. “He holds a prayer meeting in the Oval Office!” she went on, with obvious delight. I could not help but recall the prophet Amos… what matters to God, Amos would say, is not what a president says in his prayers but what his government does in practice.” Christianity is more than a label: it is faith being translated into action. We want to see Christian leaders who have been faithful in small things, and can be entrusted with larger things. And we hope for leaders whose priorities - regardless of whether we agree with them on everything - echo something of God’s priorities.

personality, or whether they believe in Him. He uses the great empires - Assyria, Babylon or Persia - to accomplish His purposes, like putty in His hands. In Isaiah, we read about Cyrus, who was chosen as God’s vessel so that the Jews could return to Judah: “He is my shepherd and will accomplish all that I please” (Isaiah 44:28). In the next chapter, God calls him ‘His anointed’, a quasi-Messianic figure. God is the potter, and we are the clay. By His common grace, non-Christians can achieve good, just like Christians can.

How big is our God? So do we need a Christian Prime Minister? If we automatically think a ‘Christian’ will be superior, regardless of character or policies, we may find ourselves disappointed. The candidate my friend voted for was actually Liz Truss! We have to examine the promises and character of political leaders. Will they steward power with integrity? Will they reflect God’s heart for the vulnerable? What have they said about key issues, like assisted suicide or addiction, and do they communicate with truth and grace? It is possible for a nonChristian to propose something closer to a Biblical vision than a misguided Christian. We long to see Christian leaders shining like stars and bearing witness to the gospel. But we worship a God who is not limited by our faith or folly. He will work His purposes out, until the day when the “earth will be filled with the knowledge of the glory of the Lord as the waters cover the sea” (Habakkuk 2:14). If we think we need a Christian in Number 10 to advance the Kingdom, perhaps we ought to ask ourselves: how big is our God?

God can use non-Christians too “In their hearts humans plan their course, but the Lord establishes their steps.” (Proverbs 16:9) Every human is created “in the image of God”, and has some awareness of right and wrong. Paul writes in Romans of the Gentiles, who did not have access to God’s written law: “They show that the requirements of the law are written on their hearts, their consciences also bearing witness” (Romans 2:15). C.S. Lewis spoke of the moral law imprinted upon each of us: deep down, all humans know what they ought to do. The UK has had leaders whose allegiance to Jesus has been tenuous at best and non-existent at worst: David Lloyd George and Clement Attlee, or more recently, Rishi Sunak and Keir Starmer. Even Winston Churchill himself, despite his support for the establishment of the church, once declared, “I do not accept the Christian or any other form of religious belief.” We worship a sovereign God who can work through anyone, regardless of their ability,

3 We welcome strangers Why should Christians care about immigration?

can be good 1 Immigration In the Old Testament, Israel had boundaries and borders. But immigration sometimes had positive benefits. King David employed a workforce composed of the “foreigners residing in Israel” in preparing for the temple, later built by Solomon. This wasn’t brute force labour: instead he “appointed stonecutters”, who were skilled craftspeople (1 Chronicles 22:2). The British economy makes use of legal immigration in its workforce. Non-British nationals comprise a quarter of all health and care jobs and 22% of NHS staff in England. Our country has benefitted from the presence of those from overseas.

WRITTEN BY

Dan Wells Dan Wells joined CARE as Content Writer in 2025, after a number of years in ordained ministry, including at All Souls, Langham Place, and Holy Trinity Church, Richmond.

Of all the areas pro-Christian nationalist voices speak about, perhaps immigration is the most prominent. In recent decades, mass migration has led to a change in UK demographics, with a rise in the number of people from ethnic minority backgrounds or certain religious backgrounds, such as Islam. Until 1994, immigration and emigration numbers were roughly the same. But in almost every year since 1998, immigration has exceeded emigration by more than 100,000 every year. In 2025, the net migration figure was 171,000. This is considerably lower than the peak of 944,000 in 2023. There are different types of immigration: legal and illegal, economic and exploitative. In 2025, there were 39,000 entries via small boats, of which 95% claimed asylum. 19% were referred as possible victims of modern slavery. There are several reasons why people might be concerned about immigration, many of which are valid. Almost every political party agrees immigration needs to be fixed. Each of us will have a ‘gut feeling’ about it, shaped by our background, family, experiences, and the media. But research in the U.S. found that 90% of evangelical Christians said the Bible had no impact on their views about it. Here are six things the Bible tells us about immigration’s upsides and its downsides…

2 Integration is necessary The Bible distinguishes between different types of migrants. The Hebrew word ‘nekar’ is used for foreigners who temporarily reside within Israel, perhaps for trade. ‘Ger’ is used for someone settled in the land, living under God’s law, and the same worship instructions as the Israelites: “The community is to have the same rules for you and for the foreigner residing among you… You and the foreigner shall be the same before the LORD.” (Numbers 15:15) Integration is important: not erasing cultural differences but gathering under shared values and norms. Ruth was born as a Moabite, but married an emigrant from Israel. After his death, she joins her mother-in-law in returning to God’s people, saying: “Your people will be my people and your God my God” (Ruth 1:16). Her integration ends with her becoming the great-grandmother of David, part of Jesus’ family line. 26

should treat people with dignity 5 We

The Israelites were to welcome foreigners and show hospitality: “The foreigner residing among you must be treated as your nativeborn. Love them as yourself” (Leviticus 19:34). Welcoming the foreigner reflects God’s character: he ”defends the cause of the fatherless and the widow, and loves the foreigner residing among you” (Deuteronomy 10:18). Israel’s love for immigrants was also rooted in its own experience: “And you are to love those who are foreigners, for you yourselves were foreigners in Egypt” (Deuteronomy 10:19). Christians today still live as “foreigners and exiles” in the world, and although no longer defined by nationality, we are still to show kindness to strangers. “Do not forget to show hospitality to strangers, for by so doing some people have shown hospitality to angels without knowing it” (Hebrews 13:2).

Every person should be treated with respect, for the image of God is in every person. All who come to our shores are human beings created and loved by Him. This does not mean that we must relax our immigration policies, but we should treat migrants well and avoid dehumanising language, such as ‘invasion’, or ‘epidemic’, which reduces human beings to insects and viruses. Words have power. We should also care about those who cannot remain. It is right to care about how they are treated and what happens to them next. Detention centres and mass deportation can be used to tackle immigration, but only if people are treated with dignity. Theologian Russell Moore writes: “The Bible does not give a comprehensive public policy for migration or asylum. Christians of good faith can disagree on those things. But the Bible does give a comprehensive view on what we are to think of human beings, including migrants.”

has its limits 4 Immigration

6 We need not be afraid

The Bible affirms that there are limits to immigration: it does not support open borders. While immigrants were welcomed into the worshipping life of Israel, they could not participate in certain things, such as the Passover: “No foreigner may eat it” (Exodus 12:43). That was only for those born into God’s people, or who had their family circumcised – a deeper integration than imagined for most foreigners! In the New Testament, support also has limits. Paul tells Timothy: “Give proper recognition to those widows who are really in need” (1 Timothy 5:3). Widows are not the same as immigrants, but the principle is helpful. Those in genuine need should be protected. Those who have other means of help should draw on that, whether family (for widows) or at home or other nations (for immigrants). Limiting immigration is not unloving. Just as the church had to prioritise resources, so countries must consider their capacity. We balance the desire to welcome with our needs at home.

The prevailing narrative around immigration is fear: fear of the unknown, or the country being overrun. But fear is never a good rationale for public policy. Theologian Barnabas Aspray writes: “Fear has never been a motivator of wise, just, and righteous action. Fear draws our attention away from the poor and needy towards our own plight… Fear drives us to seek our own advantage, something Jesus never did.” When we see anyone different as a threat, we ought to be concerned. The Bible says much about showing compassion, but its most common command is ‘Do not be afraid’. There genuinely are legitimate questions to be asked about immigration, around trafficking, policing, and resources. But as followers of Jesus, we should not be afraid, because we follow a king who says: “Do not let your hearts be troubled and do not be afraid” (John 14:27).

Lachlan When I think of Christian nationalism, I just think of a Christian nation. By that, I mean a nation which honours God in the way it carries out the things which make nations nations, namely law-making, protection of its people, diplomatic relations with other nations, and promoting civil order. Romans 13:4 tells us that ‘the one in authority is God’s servant for our good’. The state, according to Paul, is part of God’s created order. God has given us authorities, including national governments, for our good. Governing authorities then ought to govern with respect to their own subordination to God’s rule. Jesus commanded His apostles to ‘make disciples of all nations, teaching them to obey everything I have commanded you’. Jesus’ command is for nations to be reached with the gospel. And so I think a healthy and sincere form of Christian nationalism would come about if the population of a nation repented and put their trust in Jesus. That would be genuine Christian nationalism, the sort of thing that happened in Nineveh, or in ninth century England under Alfred the Great, namely, national repentance. We should pray it happens here once again.

Mariam

Five perspectives on Christian nationalism

Ayomi When I think of Christian nationalism, I think of a Christianity which has become problematically associated with national identity. It understands Christianity primarily as an important ideology to the nation, rather than on its own terms. The term ‘Christianism’ is similar and is useful to explain the concept: it is “not a substantive Christianity… It’s a secularized Christianity as culture… It’s a matter of belonging rather than believing” (Rogers Brubaker). In practice, this can look like invocations to Christian values, without much reckoning with what those values actually are. For example, Pete Hegseth (U.S. Secretary of Defence) frequently misuses Scripture to suggest God’s blessing on U.S. military operations. He often does not engage with the correct context, or the many examples in the Bible where Christians are called to peace. I think Christian nationalism is a reactionary movement which reaches for Christian history as something to use to define its nation, ignoring parts of the Bible that don’t serve its agenda.

As we’ve seen, ‘Christian nationalism’ can mean different things to different people. For some, it is an exciting opportunity to promote the gospel here in the UK. Others who hear it might feel concerned, or even afraid, particularly if they are from an ethnic minority background. And some will just feel conflicted, agreeing with some of what is said, while being nervous about who is saying it. Understanding the views of fellow Christians enables us to love our brothers and sisters well, even if they have different convictions to us. We asked a range of Christians what came to mind when they heard the words ‘Christian nationalism’. Here’s what they came back with… 28

If Christian nationalism meant Christians lovingly shaping society, strengthening our laws and institutions for human flourishing and religious freedom, count me in. If it meant loving Jesus, loving our country, being salt and light, and living boldly for Christ wherever He places us, who could object? But in practice, it seems to me that Christian nationalism is driven by a nostalgic longing for cultural dominance and political power for a particular expression of Christianity. It rarely reflects the Christianity of turning the other cheek, giving the shirt off your back or carrying the cross. Too often, its political allies are those pursuing a culturally, racially, or ethnically homogeneous nation. Regardless of our birthplace, ethnicity, or passport, our first allegiance is to Christ and His global Church, not to a flag, a nation, or an ethnic identity. Because of this, when I think of Christian nationalism, I think of a movement that claims Christ’s name whilst being fundamentally not of Him.

Patrick

Brenda

I speak as someone brought up in the Church of England, and I know how easily faith, identity and nationhood can become tangled. I feel this most when watching football. Before England played Mexico, I jokingly sent a message to our church staff asking them to pray for “God to ignore any Mexican prayers for victory whilst, of course, comforting them afterwards in their loss”. Although flippant, it exposed something real. We all have loyalties. I am English, and I am a child of God. That is why Christian nationalism concerns me. Flags can be positive symbols of identity, belonging and a shared history. But when St George’s flags appear at night, put up by masked people, they can send a different message: “If you are not like us, you are not welcome.” Symbols that should unite can become boundary markers, feeding suspicion and fear. ‘Christian’ can become little more than an empty label masking fear, superiority or exclusion.

I never think of ‘Christian nationalism’, as the words do not belong together in my mind. The political climate in the USA reveals a growing mindset that I thought was a thing of the past – in America but also in South Africa where I grew up. Apartheid was an expression of a deeply held belief that white people were God’s people and therefore had superiority and authority over all other races. The result was the oppression, marginalisation and great suffering of the ‘non-white’ people of South Africa despite them being the vast majority. Recent abuses of power by those in Christian leadership only serve to reinforce that our problem is the human heart, not the position of authority. There is a place for Christians to influence politics and laws and leaders, but we have not been called to make a Christian nation. Christians are called to show the love of Christ, whatever our tribe or ancestry or passport we hold.

How to love people who think differently

Be fully convinced “Each of them should be fully convinced in their own mind.” (Romans 14:5) It is easy to look down on people for thinking differently without thinking things through ourselves. Jesus calls us to love God “with all our minds”, rather than being swept along by others, or dismissing them without engaging with what they say. But we also need to be critical of our own positions. It can be easier to see problems with others’ ideas than to critique the extremes of our own ideologies. Helen Paynter, founder of the Centre for the Study of Bible and Violence, urges Christians not to criticise those who think differently before we consider those who are more extreme from our own positions. She suggests we say to them, “How dare you take my good and moderate and reasonable opinions and make them into something divisive and hateful. I will not defend you for that.”

WRITTEN BY DAN WELLS

Part of everyday life is encountering people we disagree with. Some will be people with a different worldview; others will be fellow Christians. Politics is an area where it is very easy to fall out with people: think of the family arguments over the dinner table at Christmas, or the church small-group discussion which becomes a bit heated. How can we respond to those we disagree with, and especially to fellow disciples of Jesus? Paul considered questions like these two thousand years ago. Written to Christians with different debates, the book of Romans communicates timeless truths about how the gospel shapes our interactions. Here are six things it tells us about loving people who think differently...

Do not quarrel

“Accept the one whose faith is weak, without quarrelling over disputable matters.” (Romans 14:1) Christians have to agree on the fundamentals of the gospel. But we can disagree about lesser things and still be brothers and sisters in Christ, for they are not the core of Christian faith. Holding a particular political view does not make you less of a Christian. But we are not to quarrel over ‘disputable matters’. This does not mean we cannot discuss or even disagree over politics. There is Bear with each other nothing wrong with good debate. But our aim “We who are strong ought to bear with the failings should never be to love the argument, but to of the weak.” (Romans 15:1) love the person behind it. Someone we disagree with may be ‘weak’ (or Followers of Jesus should not be quarrelsome. so it appears to us). But that should not lead Argument for argument’s sake is unproductive to pride, but humility. If we think we have more and can easily be unloving. understanding, we should bear with them, not attack them. If we challenge them, we do so Don’t put up obstacles with love and respect. “Instead, make up your mind not to put any We can “bear with” them by speaking well of stumbling block or obstacle in the way of a brother them. Name-calling, hurtful comments, and or sister.” (Romans 14:13) personal attacks should not be our practice. Those we disagree with are made in God’s We need to be careful not to turn regular image and people for whom Jesus died. Even disagreements about politics into obstacles if someone uses dehumanising language, to people’s Christian walk, such as by making Jesus calls us to meet curses with blessing, them feel unwelcome at church. We also need ill-treatment with prayer, and hate with love to ensure that others do the same, and are aware of the impact rhetoric can have, as we (Luke 6:27-28). strive to live in unity. If I disagree with someone, I can be respectful while refuting their argument. If my friend Paul writes: “Let us therefore make every thinks differently about immigration, I can effort to do what leads to peace” (Romans think they are wrong without thinking they are 14:19). When we encounter someone stridently wicked. If someone says something I feel is promoting ideas we disagree with, we react hateful, I can rebuke them without resorting with peace, without allowing our opinions, or theirs, to become a stumbling block. to hateful speech myself. 30

Do politics for the Lord “None of us lives for ourselves alone…If we live, we live for the Lord; and if we die, we die for the Lord.” (Romans 14:7-8) Loving those who think differently is at the heart of healthy politics. Theologian Luke Bretherton writes: “Politics is the answer to that most basic of human questions, which is what do I do when I meet a stranger, someone I don’t like, find threatening, or whose way of life is different, even scandalous to me?” He explains we have four options when faced with someone who thinks differently: we can kill them, dominate them, make life unbearable for them, or do politics. Some today see domination or unpleasantness as solutions. This is not the way of Jesus. We only have one path: to do politics. Christians do politics differently, because we live all of life for the Lord, including politics. We resolve to love God and our neighbours, including those who think differently. We speak truth while speaking well of those who disagree. We love people more than arguments. And we honour Jesus above our own opinions, knowing that we live, speak, and do politics for Him.

Accept one another “Who are you to judge someone else’s servant?” (Romans 14:4) When someone thinks differently to us, our natural reaction can be to judge them. ‘How could they think that? They can’t be much of a Christian.’ We look down on people because their views differ from our own. Paul says in Romans 14:10, “You, then, why do you judge your brother or sister?” We might have good reason to disagree, but we should not judge other Christians for thinking differently. We should accept them because God has accepted them (Romans 14:3), and because God has accepted us. “Accept one another, then, just as Christ accepted you”, Paul writes (Romans 15:7). If Jesus accepts us with all our mistakes and misunderstandings, we should accept those who we think may be mistaken. 31

‘But I say unto you...’ WRITTEN BY PETER LADD

Arguably the most famous passage of Jesus’ teaching comes in Matthew 5-7, in what we know today as the Sermon on the Mount. In it, Jesus takes the assumptions which his audience hold - both from the Old Testament and from everyday life - and turns them on their head. ‘You have heard it said… but I say to you’, he says, calling his disciples to a higher standard. As disciples today, we need to be open to having our assumptions reshaped too, sometimes in challenging (or even disturbing) ways. This goes for our questions around politics and the pursuit of power, just like it does in every other area of life. It almost feels logical that if you want to shape the world for good, you need power to do it. For how else can you exercise the influence you want? The Bible has an ambiguous relationship with power. It does not tell Christians not to pursue it; but it doesn’t suggest they should either! Some leaders exercise power well (Moses), some abuse it (Ahab) and others are corrupted by it (David). These questions take on a new dimension in the context of the debates around Christian nationalism today. Many people lament the increasing marginalisation of Christianity in the UK. But some suggest Christians should

fight back, framing things as a battle, even if it means aligning ourselves with genuinely farright characters. So how can we let Jesus reshape our own assumptions? Here are three things which it’s important to remember…

Remember to be like Jesus By 30 AD, Judaea had been under Roman occupation for decades. Messianic pretenders had arisen, and been swiftly cut down. Surely, one day, God would send His true leader to defeat Israel’s enemies, to unleash His revenge upon evildoers and to establish His new age? This was the landscape in which Jesus walked. It is why His ministry felt so confusing: when Peter said, “Lord, this will never happen to you” (Matthew 16:22), he could not conceive of a suffering Messiah. Jesus was supposed to be the one to defeat the Romans, not to be killed by them. In John’s gospel, we read that after the crowd witnessed the feeding of the 5000, recognising that Jesus had power, they “intended to come and make him king by force” (John 6:15). God’s primary concern is to make us more like Jesus. Yes, Christian influence may be a good thing, but how we get there matters: for Christians, ends do not justify means. God is less interested in our earthly success, and

more invested in who we are becoming: “He predestined [us] to be conformed to the image of His Son” (Romans 8:29). In the last couple of years, far-right voices have encouraged Christians to fight for their culture. Elon Musk told the ‘Unite the Kingdom’ in 2025 rally: “you either fight back, or you die”. Others have encouraged rioting and violence. While we want to see more Christians in public life, any attempt to take power by force is utterly out of step with Jesus. Jesus came from the Father full of “grace and truth” (John 1:14). He warned that “all who draw the sword, will die by the sword” (Matthew 26:52). If we want to be more like Him, we will resist the urge to demonise those who disagree with us. We will respond with love, even when we are met with hostility. And “if it is possible, as far as it depends on you, [we will] live at peace with everyone” (Romans 12:18). Christians are to be people everyone speaks well of and whose light shines before others as a witness.

plan to raise up Christian leaders in the UK and establish a revival here - such a move would surely be pleasing to Him - and yet it doesn’t always work like that. We see in the Psalms the confusion which we so often feel: “How long, Lord, will the wicked, how long will the wicked be jubilant?” (Psalm 94:3). Sometimes, God’s plans seem to work against His own people, such as when Jerusalem is sacked and the Temple destroyed. We wonder what He can be doing. But we know those purposes do exist, even if for now, we “see through a glass darkly” (1 Corinthians 13:12). His political leaders might not be the ones we would choose, and His purposes might not even be the ones we want, but He is still working. We don’t need to try and make God’s plans for Him; if He wants Christians to be in power, then they will be. If He calls us into politics, we obey. But if not, He will still be at work. The irony is that Christians have far more power already than many of us realise. God has given us His Holy Spirit: “that power is the same as the mighty strength He exerted when He raised Christ from the dead” (Ephesians 1:19-20). An ordinary Christian has supernatural power inside them. But it’s a power expressed not by getting our own way, but by God having His way in us, transforming us into the people we are meant to be.

Remember where power really comes from It is natural to think that we need Christians to be in power for God to be at work; how else is God going to build His Kingdom? We can so easily convince ourselves that our plans are actually His plans, that our chosen politicians are His chosen politicians. God is sovereign over all things, including elections and politicians. No leader - even the very worst - is in office without his say-so. Pilate asked Jesus: “Don’t you realize I have power either to free you or to crucify you?”. Jesus flips Pilate’s assumptions on their head: “You would have no power over me if it were not given to you from above” (John 19:1011). But those plans and purposes are often a mystery to us. We might think that it is God’s

Remember how the victory was won Two thousand years ago, the greatest victory in the history of the world was won. It was the hour “when darkness reigned” (Luke 22:53) and the powers of hell could do their worst. The mighty enemies of sin, death and evil, which had ruled over humanity almost from the very beginning, were cast down and crushed. But it wasn’t won by the swing of a sword. Jesus could have called upon legions of angels, yet He did not open his mouth. He was a Suffering Servant, obedient, even to death, and death on a cross. Christianity has undoubtedly lost much of its influence in recent decades. Laws have been liberalised; culture has changed; the Church is perceived as irrelevant at best. Whether through mass migration or culture wars, the UK of today is very different to what it was fifty years ago. In response, we might think that the only way back is to flex our muscles and to fight back. 33

But the Church has not always been very good at being in power, for we are susceptible to corruption and hypocrisy too. For its first three centuries, the Church was not in power; persecuted by Rome, living in poverty, eschewing violence. But we see in what followed how Christians can be seduced by power, or how the persecuted can become the persecutors, spreading the gospel by the sword, rather than by the Spirit. Chris Wright comments, “It seemed natural, perhaps even providential, that the power of the state should promote and protect the interests of Christianity, while it might be hoped that Christianity would sanctify the workings of the state. Unfortunately, the price Christianity paid for its protection was its own corruption and complicity in the greed, ambition, immorality, endless conflicts, and endemic violence of all-too-fallen and sinful human power structures, and those who used them for their own enrichment. In gaining the world (or at least a continent), we lost our own soul.” Jesus shows us the pattern and the path to glory: “Now if we are children, then we are heirs… if indeed we share in His sufferings in order that we may also share in His glory” (Romans 8:17). His death and resurrection prove that humility is not weakness, and that the power of evil can be broken by the power of sacrifice. He reshapes what we think of as reality and shows us another, better way to live. We worship a God whose power “is made perfect in weakness” (2 Corinthians 12:9): perhaps the most powerful thing we can do, when Christian influence is diminished, is to love our enemies, and surrender ourselves to our God. For when we put our trust in Him, rather than ourselves, we can say, as Paul did, “when I am weak, then I am strong” (2 Corinthians 12:10). “You have heard that it was said, ‘Love your neighbor and hate your enemy’” (Matthew 5:43). You might even have heard it said that Christians should fight back and scrap for every inch of territory. “But I say unto you...”

Resources for further research To read The Christian think tank Theos has produced a very helpful and detailed article called ‘Christian Nationalism: an explainer’ within a British context, and is currently working on an extended piece of research, to be published in the next couple of years. Several American writers have written good articles on Christian nationalism: Barnabas Aspray, who is an Associate Professor of Systematic Theology in Baltimore, writes for Seen & Unseen about how Christian politics should be different in ‘Love is not an executive order’. Joe Carter has written a fascinating article for The Gospel Coalition about how an accidentally fabricated religion can inform our understanding, entitled, ‘What Wicca’s Origins Teach Us About Christian Nationalism’. Kevin DeYoung writes for Clearly Reformed about why he is not a Christian nationalist, but why he almost could be, in ‘6 Questions for Christian Nationalists’.

To study If you want to think more about the way Christianity has contributed to the UK, you may want to read ‘God is an Englishman’ by Bijan Omrani (Forum, 2026) or ‘Dominion’ by the historian Tom Holland (Abacus, 2020). Churches Together in England have also produced a response to Christian nationalism called ‘Kingdom over Nation’ along with Bible study materials to think through the topic further. There have been an increasing number of books written in America by authors who identify as Christian nationalists. Probably the best known argument for Christian nationalism is ‘The Case for Christian nationalism’ by Stephen Wolfe (Canon 2022), but there is also ‘Mere Christendom’ by Douglas Wilson (Canon 2023) and ‘Frequently Shouted Questions About Christian Nationalism’, also by Wilson (Canon 2025). Some of the views expressed in these are extremely controversial, and there would be much we disagree with, but it can be useful to understand what its proponents are arguing. On the other side of the argument, there is ‘The Church, The Far Right, and The Claim to Christianity’ by Helen Paynter and Maria Power (SCM Press 2024) and ‘Reclaiming Patriotism in an Age of Extremes’ by Steven Smith (Yale University Press 2023).

To watch or listen Theos has run a series of very useful interviews with various authors about Christian nationalism for their Reading our Times podcast. Of particular note are the discussions with Tobias Cremer about weaponising Christianity and with Bijan Omrani about what England owes to Christianity. Revd Dr Helen Paynter of the Centre for the Study of Bible and Violence has recorded a talk entitled ‘Unpacking the Theology of Christian Nationalism’ which is available to watch on YouTube. 35

7 ways to pray about Christian nationalism WRITTEN BY

Celia Bowring Celia has been part of CARE from the very beginning and is CARE’s Prayer Champion and Team Chaplain. She was ordained as an Anglican minister in 2023 through the Caleb Stream, and writes CARE’s quarterly prayer diary.

Britain’s Judaeo-Christian heritage “Happy is the nation whose God is the Lord, the people whom he has chosen as his heritage. The Lord looks down from heaven; he sees all humankind. From where he sits enthroned, he watches all the inhabitants of the earth— he who fashions the hearts of them all and observes all their deeds.” Psalm 33:12-15 (NRSV) Everlasting God, thank You that Christianity came to Britain so early on, shaping our culture throughout history. We treasure its many benefits across society, but above all we celebrate the gospel message of salvation, which through the Church has transformed countless lives and blessed our communities. In Jesus’ name. Amen.

Christians in politics “I urge, then, first of all, that petitions, prayers, intercession and thanksgiving be made for all people – for kings and all those in authority, that we may live peaceful and quiet lives in all godliness and holiness. This is good, and pleases God our Saviour, who wants all people to be saved and to come to a knowledge of the truth.” 1 Timothy 2:1-4 (NIV) Lord, we remember Christians involved in politics: elected representatives, advisors, assistants, civil servants and others. Please keep them strong in their faith and grant them protection, discernment, courage and integrity as they seek to promote godly laws and policies that are of benefit to all the people of this country. For Christ’s sake. Amen.

Authentic expressions of faith “To do what is right and just is more acceptable to the Lord than sacrifice.” Proverbs 21:3 (NIV) Father God, we pray about the unhelpful utilisation of Christian symbols – crosses, national flags, religious slogans, depictions of Jesus, prayers and singing – to represent nationalistic politics. Please help those involved with this movement who are truly Christ’s disciples to speak out with integrity and help people to encounter You as Saviour and Lord. Amen.

Servant-hearted authority “Jesus said, ‘You know that those who are regarded as rulers of the Gentiles lord it over them, and their high officials exercise authority over them. Not so with you. Instead, whoever wants to become great among you must be your servant.’” Mark 10:42-44 (NIV) Lord, we pray that any figures who engage in militant rhetoric - for example stirring up aggression towards Muslims and other groups and seeking to dominate others - will be challenged to consider Jesus’ words about the place of humility, compassion and sacrifice in authentic Christian leadership. In His name. Amen.

Communicating with grace and truth “Walk in wisdom towards outsiders, making the best use of the time. Let your speech always be gracious, seasoned with salt, so that you may know how you ought to answer each person.” Colossians 4:5-6 (ESV) God of all truth, we pray about the confusion and deceit caused by any misinformation and biased communications relating to Christian nationalism. Please help Christians to recognise its positive aspects whilst speaking with grace and compassion where there is disagreement. For Christ’s sake. Amen.

Caring for those from other countries “When a stranger sojourns with you in your land, you shall not do him wrong. You shall treat the stranger who sojourns with you as the native among you, and you shall love him as yourself.” Leviticus 19:33-34 (ESV) God of justice, in the midst of differing views about immigration among politicians and the general population we humbly ask You to show us as a nation how to be compassionate towards people in great need and wise in responding to the complex challenges caused by increasing numbers of people seeking to come here. In Jesus’ name. Amen.

Positive patriotism “Be careful to live properly among your unbelieving neighbours… For the Lord’s sake, submit to all human authority—whether the king as head of state, or the officials he has appointed. For the king has sent them to punish those who do wrong and to honour those who do right.” 1 Peter 2:12-14 (NLT) King of kings, although we know ‘our citizenship is in heaven’ (Philippians 3:20) You urge us to ‘seek the welfare of the city’ - the earthly community in which You have placed us. May we as Christians willingly serve our nation well, our patriotism flowing from our gospel faith, in accordance with Your will. For Jesus’ sake. Amen. 36

What’s next? “You are the light of the world. A town built on a hill cannot be hidden... let your light shine before others, that they may see your good deeds and glorify your Father in heaven.” Matthew 5:14, 16

James Mildred, Director of Church Engagement Well now you’ve read the topic guide... so what’s next? At CARE, our vision is to see Politics Renewed and Lives Transformed, which we strive to achieve by engaging with the church, equipping politicians and empowering future leaders. For more than forty years, we’ve tried to bring God’s better story to our broken world. At times it has felt like that world wanted nothing to do with Christianity or religion. But now, people can’t stop talking about it again! We love to serve the Church by helping Christians to think in-depth about politics and culture. We’ve already recommended some other books, blogs and podcasts where you can go to learn more about Christian nationalism, but if you’d like to keep in touch with us, and to follow everything we’re doing on it, here are a few suggestions…

is starting to arise more in your church. Maybe you’re under pressure to become more political from the pulpit? If you’d value a conversation about pastoring through political differences, please do reach out, and we’d love to hear from you and explore how we can best support you.

Spread the word!

If you’d like to access further content from CARE about Christian nationalism, or the variety of other causes we work on, then do keep in touch with us by following us on social media, or sign-up for our weekly email, Impact Direct, which provides you with a Christian perspective on everything you need to know in UK politics. You will also find a wide range of other articles and resources on our website, care.org.uk, including videos, Biblical deepdives, our ‘Engage’ podcast, and similar topic guides on assisted suicide, pornography and engaging effectively with your MP. I do hope you’ve found this topic guide thought-provoking and helpful, whether you’re encountering Christian nationalism for the first time, or whether you’ve been thinking about it for years. It’s our prayer that as the Church here in the UK continues to grapple with these issues and think about how it interacts with politics, we might resemble the true “city on a hill”, provide a foretaste of heaven and “let our light shine before others, that they may see our good deeds and glorify our Father in heaven” (Matthew 5:16).

Introduce us to your church Is this Topic Guide something you could use at your church? Maybe you could read it together in your small groups and discuss some of the points it raises? Or perhaps you would love a CARE speaker to come and run a seminar on Christian nationalism? At CARE, we love to serve local churches by sending our Speakers Team to provide specialised knowledge on the big questions facing the church today. If that would be of interest, why not email speakers@care.org.uk?

Look out for more content…

Hopefully the articles in this guide have helped you to feel informed about Christian nationalism. And if you’ve found it useful, why not give this copy to a friend or order some more for your church? All you need to do is email the CARE office at mail@care.org.uk, or phone our Development Team on 0207 455 0455 and we’ll send it to you, free of charge.

Pray with us At CARE, we believe prayer is powerful, and that God loves to hear His children speak. We pray every week as an organisation about the state of politics in the UK, and we want to equip you to do so too! I hope the prayers we have included in this guide can be a useful starting-point, but if you want to pray more regularly with us, sign up for our quarterly prayer diary, or join us on some of our monthly ‘Pray for Politics’ sessions on Zoom: further details can be found on our website.

Continue the conversation Perhaps you’re a church leader, and you’ve noticed that the topic of Christian nationalism 38

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CARE (Christian Action Research and Education) | Chief Executive Ross Hendry | Co-Founder Rev Lyndon Bowring | 53 Romney St, London, SW1P 3RF | 020 7233 0455 | mail@care.org.uk CARE is a company limited by guarantee registered in England and Wales at 53 Romney Street, London, SW1P 3RF Company No: 3481417 | Charity No: 1066963 | Scottish Charity No: SC038911 CARE is strictly politically neutral and does not advocate on behalf of any particular party or candidate. All content in this booklet is accurate as of August 2026.