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FIRST FRUITS: ISAAC ROSENBERG AND HIS CIRCLE IN PRINT, 1912-20 RACHEL DICKSON AND SARAH MACDOUGALL

EXTRACT FROM Whitechapel at War: Isaac Rosenberg and his Circle. DATE 2008. SOURCE Published by Ben Uri Research Unit (London, 2008) . Accompanies the Ben Uri Exhibition: Whitechapel at War: Isaac Rosenberg and his Circle. For further information see collection, exhibitions and research on Benuri.org

First Fruits: Isaac Rosenberg and his circle in print, 1912–20 Rachel Dickson and Sarah MacDougall ‘Young writers desirous of making a footing in the world of literature will find this magazine the best means for communicating their first fruits in [sic] the world.’ Reuben Cohen The Jewish Standard, 1 July 1915 Away from the grand gesture of the public venue and the rarefied atmosphere of the art gallery, ‘little magazines’,1 as recent research has demonstrated, have become an increasingly valuable resource in documenting the development of modernism from the late nineteenth century through to the first decades of the twentieth century. Functioning somewhere between newspapers, critical art and literary journals, and the newly-coloured ‘glossy’ magazines (some like Colour were glossier than others), these publications, as the Modernist Magazine Project 2 suggests, provided ‘an indispensable forum for modernist innovation and debate. They helped sustain small artistic communities, strengthened the resolve of small iconoclastic groups, keen to change the world, and gave many major modernists their first opportunities in print.’ 3

In a climate where anti-Semitism still lingered, these magazines, with their openness to material regardless of the identity of the contributor, became immensely fertile ground for the Whitechapel Boys, with the same roster of names: Bomberg, Gertler, Kramer, Leftwich, Meninsky, Rodker, Rosenberg and Winsten, appearing regularly across a range of publications. As Leftwich recalled in a Ben Uri publication many years later, ‘we all began to contribute to English literary magazines; Rosenberg, Rodker and I to Colour, Bomberg to Blast, Wyndham Lewis’ Vorticist journal, Rodker to the Egoist […] There was Voices, edited by Tom Moult where Louis Golding got his first work published.’4 In the same article he described the various intersecting groups which made up the Whitechapel Boys: ‘each was self-contained, but most of us knew each other, and sometimes we overlapped. Somehow we all linked together.’5 This observation applies as much to the presence of the Whitechapel Boys in the ‘little magazines’ of the period as in their everyday lives. The ‘little magazines’ were mostly small, independent ventures committed to new and experimental work across both literary and visual canons. Published monthly, quarterly or sporadically, some lasted for a single issue, others for more than a

decade, morphing from one publication into another. They were often marked by fluidity in editorship and in contributors: the editor for one publication might contribute to a second and criticise a third. For example, Art & Letters (1917–20), initially founded by Herbert Read (1893–1968), Kramer’s youthful mentor from Leeds) and Frank Rutter (1876–1937), Director of the Leeds City Art Gallery (1912– 17) and founder of the Allied Artists’ Association (AAA), was variously co-edited by Read, Rutter, Osbert Sitwell, Harold Gilman and Charles Ginner, who were also all contributors. Rutter himself had previously edited Art News, the journal of the AAA (1909–15). Similarly, New Paths: Verse, Prose, Pictures 1917–18 was co-edited by the publisher and writer C W Beaumont and M T H Sadler (the son of Kramer’s earliest patron Michael Sadler, Vice–Chancellor of Leeds University and noted collector of modern art). Sadler fils, together with Scottish colourist J D Fergusson, had previously assisted editor John Middleton Murry at the birth of the avant-garde magazine Rhythm (1911–13), which showcased the work of many of the painters later associated with Vorticism. 6

These magazines flourished not only because of this ready pool of energetic and visionary editors and contributors, but also through the increased use of images, both black-and-white and colour, bolstered by advances in photolithography techniques. A number of publications, such as Colour and its sister magazine The Apple, further encouraged artists to offer original artwork for sale, unusually taking no commission. Moreover, their formats were chosen to do justice to their artwork. It was noted, for example, that ‘the generous measurement’ of The Apple’s pages, ‘comparable in size to the long defunct Form’, allowed for ‘the reproduction of contemporary crayon and ink drawings with little or no reduction from the original’, so that, it was claimed ‘in this department The Apple takes at once the first place among contemporary artjournals, as Colour has held first place in regard to reproduction of paintings.’ 7

The rise of advertising also ensured a steady stream of revenue as well as a rich (if sometimes unintentionally humorous) juxtaposition of content. In Cohen and Rosenberg’s collaboration, Jewish Standard in July 1915, Rosenberg’s essays on ‘Art’8 are sandwiched between Cohen’s articles on a variety of subjects, ranging from ‘the condition of the Palestine Colonies’ to ‘the price of bread’ and ‘the needs of the incurable consumptive’, the latter interspersed with adverts for humble, local East 2

End goods and services such as ‘Ben’s Hairdressing’ and ‘Simco Flour’. Similarly, both Renesans, the Yiddish cultural journal which was supported by the Ben Uri Arts Society, and Voices, regularly carried adverts for Edward Good’s ‘Cameo Corner’, a jewelry business belonging to one of the Ben Uri’s founders (Edward Goodack, also known as Moshe Oved), which claimed to offer ‘all sorts of barbaric and beautiful things […] at prices within reach of all’.9 Meanwhile, the modernist images of the artist contributors spilled over into the advertisements, with Elspeth Phelps Ltd of Albermarle Street using a simple, Modigliani-like outline of the ‘modern woman’, with bobbed hair and bare shoulders, to advertise ‘Alluring clothes’. 10

The war years, with the rationing of paper, showed no marked decrease in this flurry of publishing activity. Indeed, shortages could be made into a positive selling-point. In the pages of the June 1918 issue of Art and Letters11 an advert for the forthcoming New Paths declared that its planned 7s 6d edition (as distinct from the numbered Special Edition) would be strictly limited (and, therefore, surely more desirable), ‘owing to shortage of materials’. (The difference between New Paths and the Jewish Standard’s likely readership was also marked out by the latter’s lowly 1d price tag.)

In the first half of 1912 Rosenberg entered the public arena through the medium of print for the first time, appearing in three publications almost simultaneously. His inclusion in A Piece of Mosaic: being the book of the Palestine Exhibition and Bazaar (cat no. 60), edited by Cyril Picciotto and C M Kohan and published by T Fisher Unwin12 in May 1912, probably came about through his friendship with Ruth Löwy (whose first cousin was married to Picciotto). She had suggested in March that Rosenberg send Picciotto samples of his writing. (Rosenberg had been ‘very elated at Mr Picciotto liking my poems’, though his prose, which Rosenberg himself dismissed as ‘an early thing’,13 presumably, by its omission, Picciotto liked less.) However, Rosenberg’s inclusion also probably owed something to his guardian Frank Emanuel14, who had advised the editors and ‘throughout the preparation of this book most generously placed at our disposal the fruits of his taste and artistic experience.’ 15 Rosenberg’s poem ‘In the Workshop’ (which Leftwich recalled hearing and admired), appeared beneath a reproduction of one of his drawings – the only occasion during his lifetime that Rosenberg’s poetry and art would be published together. 3

Although A Piece of Mosaic functioned as a stand-alone text to accompany the Palestine exhibition and fundraising bazaar, which was held for two days in mid-May at the Portman Rooms in London, supported by the great and the good of AngloJewry, the format of literary and artistic contributions was more closely related to that of a ‘little magazine’ than an exhibition guide. Indeed, Palestine was scarcely mentioned, despite the purpose of the event, as previewed in the Jewish Chronicle, ‘to promote the industrial life of the Jews and Jewesses of Jerusalem […] and the beauty and artistic value of the products of the ateliers of the Evalina de Rothschild School of Girls and the Bezalel School for Arts and Crafts.’17 The paper also took the opportunity to promote A Piece of Mosaic as ‘a wonderful half crown’s worth […] contain[ing] many notable literary and artistic contributors.’18 Oddly, though Mark Gertler’s name is advertised among the Chronicle’s list of contributors and Rosenberg’s is omitted, this was reversed in the actual publication. It is not clear whether the paper made an error or whether the editors themselves made the substitution.

Both exhibition and publication were broadly Zionist in outlook, the latter in line with the internationalist views held by the publisher, T Fisher Unwin, although with its curious mixture of prose, poetry, scurrilous verses, fine art images and cartoons, it seemed to adhere little to the theme, besides including the poem ‘Bezalel’ by Professor Boris Schatz, the founder of the Bezalel School of Arts and Crafts in Jerusalem. Emanuel himself contributed the cover design depicting a scene that must have been far removed from the reality of the settlers’ new life in the Middle East. Other contributors were drawn from established names across European and AngloJewish contemporary cultural life, including Israel Zangwill, William and Albert Rothenstein, Arthur Schnitzler, J H Amshewitz, Lucien Pissarro, Solomon J Solomon and Herman Struck, august, if still mainly traditionalist, company for the newly published Rosenberg, whose drawing was markedly different from the work of the other artist-contributors.

It was also in May 1912 that Rosenberg published his only exhibition review in the Jewish Chronicle (‘Romance at the Baillie Galleries: The Works of J. H. Amshewitz and the Late H. Ospovat’).19 His main literary project for 1912, however, was the late4

spring publication of his 24-page booklet of poems entitled Night and Day, printed locally by Reuben Cohen at Israel Narodiczky’s press in the Mile End Road in an edition of 50. This was to be the first of a number of collaborations between Rosenberg and ‘Cohen the printer’, also known as ‘Crazy’ Cohen. A flamboyant character – ‘tall and thin, with a flaming red beard’ – Cohen had ‘pretensions to a career in journalism. He had worked for a number of the small makeshift printshops [sic] in the East End and planned one day to set himself up as a printer, newspaper publisher, poet and tycoon, but he could never make enough money to feed his wife and child, let alone buy machinery for his own shop.’20 Israel Narodiczky (1874–1942), Ukrainian born and ‘a lifelong Zionist and knowledgeable Hebraist’, 21 had trained as a typesetter, publishing works in both Hebrew and Yiddish in his homeland, prior to arriving in Britain in 1896, on an unfinished journey to participate in the South African gold rush. He subsequently set up his unique Hebrew, Yiddish and English printing shop at 48 Mile End Road, providing some of the earliest examples of printed works in Yiddish in England. In 1900 he became the publisher of Germinal, the new periodical edited by Rudolph Rocker, the East End-based, German (non-Jewish) promoter of the Jewish workers’ movement that so impressed many of the young Whitechapel writers, in particular Leftwich, Rodker and Winsten. Narodiczky’s Mile End premises also became an unofficial salon for fellow Russian émigrés to discuss politics and literature. As Narodiczky’s bibliographer, Marion Aptroot, comments, ‘although he would have preferred to publish only Yiddish and Hebrew books, his main business was commercial printing which was financially more rewarding […]. He was willing to print anything which he thought not to be racist, pornographic or illegal.’ 22 Therefore, when in April 1915, Cohen privately printed Rosenberg’s second volume of poems, Youth, financed by the sale of three pictures to Edward Marsh, it emerged from the heterogeneous mix of Yiddish newspapers, theatre posters, political pamphlets and instructions for taking medicine, which all emanated haphazardly from Narodiczky’s premises.23 Although Aptroot’s bibliography omits it, Narodiczky also published in 1915 the three issues of the short-lived literary periodical The Signature, edited by D H Lawrence, Katherine Mansfield and John Middleton Murry. Narodiczky was also to 5

become one of the founder-members of the Ben Uri Art Society, printing the Ben Uri Album in 1916, a remarkable collection of decorative designs by Ben Uri’s founder, the Russian-born artist Lazar Berson. 24 On 1 July 1915 Rosenberg and Cohen published their collaboration Jewish Standard. Rosenberg modestly contributed the opening paragraphs of his lecture ‘Art’ which he had originally delivered in South Africa and had previously published in the magazine South African Women in Council.25 Despite Cohen at the helm, portentously declaring that ‘Young writers desirous of making a footing in the world of literature will find this magazine the best means for communicating their first fruits in [sic] the world’, the magazine lasted only a single issue. (Nevertheless, the notion of ‘first fruit’ must have found some resonance, since the following year, while on active service, Rosenberg wrote a poem of the same title.) On 19 May 1916, during Rosenberg’s six days’ embarkation leave, Cohen also printed Rosenberg’s final work, his play Moses on Narodiczky’s press but under the name ‘Paragon Printing Works’. Founded in the summer of 1914 just prior to the outbreak of war, the glossy monthly magazine Colour was designed to showcase the relatively new (to England) process of full-colour printing. Although apparently edited anonymously, T Martin Wood prefaced each issue with fulsome comments about the range and quality of the illustrations to follow. Colour sat somewhat uneasily between the modernists and the establishment. Its strapline – ‘The most fascinating magazine in the world’ – certainly did not help and it was scorned by the avant-garde for its concentration on artwork from the traditionalists, such as Clausen, Strang and Brangwyn. Once war broke out, Colour’s broad scope led to a somewhat bizarre juxtaposition of images, so that it was not uncommon to find pleasant rural landscapes and fashionably dressed ladies placed cheek-by-jowl with harsher modernist depictions of the conflict, by artists such as C R W Nevinson, Eric Kennington and the brothers Paul and John Nash. Nevertheless, many of the Whitechapel Boys – Bomberg, Gertler, Kramer, Meninsky, Morris Goldstein and Horace Brodzky – published artwork here at least once, often (ironically) in striking monochrome. 26 Wolmark, by now a confirmed colourist (and medically unfit for military service), contributed prodigiously, including several 6

covers as well as a number of formally-composed images which were closer to contemporary poster design than the darker images of his fellow modernists, and highly suitable for reproduction. Others, like Wayner, whose ‘decorative black and white work’ had, according to the Jewish Chronicle received unqualified praise from some of our finest critics’,27 moved gradually from traditional realist depictions to sparer, more contemporary monochrome and graphic images, suggesting that he learned to tailor his work to the medium of print – and perhaps that the readership was becoming more appreciative, or at least more accepting, of modernist imagery. Wayner may also have been influenced by Horace Brodzky (1885–1965), who specialised in printmaking, excelling in the reprographic-friendly mediums of the woodcut and linocut. Australian-born and of Ukrainian Jewish descent, Brodzky lived and worked in both New York and London, contributing to a number of little magazines in both cities. Coming from a journalistic background, he had begun to produce ‘small portraits and caricatures for the Fleet Street papers’28 early on in his London career. He also sold etchings through Dan Rider’s bookshop in St Martin’s Lane, where he met the journalist Frank Harris, editor of Hearth and Home,29 who published some of his early drawings. Harris later edited the weekly journal Modern Society, where Brodzky was briefly on the staff. Brodzky also met Katherine Mansfield and John Middleton Murry at Rider’s, afterwards publishing drawings and woodcuts in Rhythm;30 by 1912 he had even purchased his own etching press.31 However, Brodzky was also a skilful colourist, placed by P G Konody, writing in The Observer, ‘somewhere between Brangwyn and the post-impressionists. His design has real power,’ Konody noted, adding ‘his colour is truly dazzling in its fearless strength.’32

Neither a resident of the ghetto, nor a Slade student, Brodzky nevertheless developed close links with his Whitechapel artist peers 33, illustrated by a number of reciprocal portraits c. 1913–15. Brodzky sketched Wolmark, Kramer and Epstein, and developed a close friendship with the French sculptor Henri Gaudier-Brzeska, who spent time sketching in the East End, transferring innumerable ‘Jewish street hawkers […] to paper, all without apparent effort.’ 36 Brodzky and Gaudier-Brzeska’s friendship resulted in further reciprocal works between the two artists. In 1913 Gaudier-Brzeska also sculpted a mask and busts each depicting one of his peers. 7

Appropriately, Brodzky and Gaudier-Brzeska’s friendship was initiated via the medium of print. Gaudier-Brzeska first contacted Brodzky after viewing his cover design for the December 1912 issue of The Art Chronicle.40

Gaudier-Brzeska returned to France in September 1914 and enlisted in the army; he was killed in action in 1915. Brodzky returned to New York the same year (where he remained until 1923) and continued his printmaking career. Following the publication of A Portfolio of Linocuts by Horace Brodzky by Egmont Ares in 1920, he was praised by New York’s World Magazine as ‘a Graphic Artist of Independent Proclivities.’42 According to his son John, Brodzky also at different times edited two New York magazines in which he promoted modern British artists. The first, Rainbow, which ran for only three issues in 1920 and in which he ‘promoted modern art and poetry’, introduced New York to ‘Isaac Rosenberg’s poems, Epstein’s sculpture and Gaudier-Brzeska work.’43 In the second magazine, Art Review, Brodzky published the series of articles he wrote on Gaudier-Brzeska, which were later worked up into his biography of the artist. On his return to England, Brodzky briefly worked for Colour, under the editorship of Wilson Barratt .44

Leftwich was also a regular contributor to Colour. The April 1918 issue included the poem ‘A Prayer’, ‘affectionately inscribed to my friend, Alfred A. Wolmark’, while the October 1919 issue bizarrely mis-attributed Leftwich’s memorial poem to Rosenberg, ‘Killed in Action’, to Rosenberg himself. And while it remains largely true, as Joseph Cohen has suggested, that ‘few poets could have been more out of place’ in the pages of such a ‘chic, bourgeois, coffee-table publication’45 than Rosenberg, he nevertheless found it a useful early mouthpiece for his poetry. ‘Heart’s First Word’ and ‘A Girl’s Thoughts’ were featured in consecutive summer issues in 1915 (though notably, unlike his contemporaries, Rosenberg never published artwork in Colour). Perhaps surprisingly, Colour also printed Yiddish material in translation including a folk story by Shalem Ash [sic] and a piece entitled ‘“The Rabbi and His Wife” from Yiddish of L Shapiro’, both translated by Hannah Berman,46 the latter sharing a page with The Student (possibly a self-portrait) by Morris Goldstein, published in 1917.47

The regular critic ‘TIS’ (Herbert Furst, later art critic at Apollo) was also one of the earliest non-Jewish critics to acknowledge the formidable artistic contribution of the Whitechapel Boys (though he did not use this term and notably excluded Rosenberg and Gertler). Noting that these Jewish artists formed part of a unique group, he called them ‘a remarkable phenomenon’, commenting on ‘the presence among the young Jews whose fathers have escaped from the suffering of the Russian pale, of so much artistic talent. Epstein, Wolmark, Kramer, Meninsky, Bomberg and Naviasky represent, I believe, the first English generation of Polish Jewry.’48 Nevertheless, with its middle-class credentials, Colour was ripe to be satirised by Wyndham Lewis in Blast: Review of the Great English Vortex. Championed by Ezra Pound and with the irascible Lewis at its helm, this iconoclastic journal first sounded its rude trumpet in July 1914, proclaiming its official manifesto, which ‘Blasted’ England with typical aggression for (among other things) its ‘climate […] its sins and infections’, but particularly its Victorian values, while ‘blessing’ it for its industrial strength and satirical tradition. In a pre-launch advertisement, the Vorticists claimed to be ‘the English Parallel Movement to Cubism and Expressionism’, as well as the ‘Death Blow to Impressionism and Futurism’. Indignantly repudiating the charge of Futurist influence (they were highly critical of the Italian movement and its blurred depiction of speed), the Vorticists, though associated with the dynamism of the new age, focused more sharply on form. Their visual language drew on Cubist techniques of fragmentation, combined with hardedged, machine-inspired imagery, shot through with a palpable energy, but with a stillness at its core ‘where all the energy is concentrated. And there, at the point of concentration,’ Pound explained, ‘is the Vorticist.’

Naturally, the voices of Lewis and Pound were dominant in Blast, but the first issue also carried original illustrations by Lewis himself, Wadsworth, Roberts, Epstein and Gaudier-Brzeska, and literary contributions from Rebecca West and Ford Madox Ford (under his pre-war name, Ford Madox Hueffer). Although planned as a quarterly, the second and final (though not intended as such) issue, the War Number, appeared belatedly in July 1915. In addition to Lewis’s pro-Vorticist text and images, Ezra Pound and T S Eliot published prose and poetry, as well as ‘the historic instructive aesthetics’ of ‘Vortex (written from the Trenches)’ by Gaudier-Brzeska, composed 9

just before his death in France. Lewis also reviewed the recent London Group exhibition, confining himself to a ‘consideration of the pictures in the Vorticist or Cubist section’.49 He clearly considered that Kramer was sufficiently a ‘Vorticist’ to be included both in the article and as an individual contributor to Blast itself, with a satirical cartoon. Perhaps here Kramer (still technically a Russian) was demonstrating in some small way his solidarity with his fellow artists who were experiencing the real theatre of war. Perhaps too, it also represented Lewis’s idea of a ‘good’ satirical cartoon since in the same issue, in an article entitled ‘Modern Caricature and Impressionism’, he damned the ‘ineffectiveness of the English variety’.51 Although there is little evidence that Kramer’s works were Vorticist in the same way as those of Bomberg or William Roberts, or even Lewis’s own, Lewis also promised that Kramer’s work would be included in the proposed third volume of Blast. Unfortunately, this was never realised, as by then, as Lewis admitted, ‘All of Europe was at war and a bigger blast than mine had rather taken the wind out of my sails.’ 52

The first edition of Art and Letters, an illustrated quarterly, was published in July 1917. It was co-founded by Frank Rutter and Herbert Read, with Osbert Sitwell and the Camden Town and London Group painters Harold Gilman and Charles Ginner as sometime editors. Sitwell (who also contributed to Wheels, edited by his sister Edith) eventually took on a third share. Born in the midst of the war, the publication originally had a very specific task in hand: ‘Friends serving at the Front – some of whom contribute to this first issue – remind us that there are educated men in the Army who would gladly welcome an addition to the small number of publications which appeals to them. Engaged as their duty bids, on harrowing work of destruction, they exhort their elders at home never to lose sight of the supreme importance of creative art.’53 As a serving officer Read was not permitted to take any public role in administering the project but was in effect joint-editor and contributed to the original costs. With his ‘manifesto’, he was clearly making a sly dig at what he felt to be the number of inferior publications already in circulation: ‘Objections on the score of scarcity of paper and shortage of labour may surely be overruled when we remember the reams of paper wasted weekly and the hundreds of competitors daily misemployed on periodicals which give vulgar and illiterate expression to the most vile and debasing sentiment.’54

In the face of criticism from other, more revolutionary, quarters, however, Read (writing his diary on active service during August 1917) defended the opening issue: ‘It is not fair to judge Art and Letters by a first number appearing in war-time. It […] is but a pale edition of what we do intend it finally to be. Against the New Age we intend to insist upon the primacy of beauty – even in economics. And hence a return to the socialism of Morris in preference to Karl Marx. Qualitative rather than quantitative ideas.’55 He acknowledged its early limitations (‘Of course, it isn’t so “sumptuous” as it might be, or as it will be after the war’) but also endorsed it as ‘modern without being cranky. I think Ginner’s article sums up the present position of modern art to perfection. [Charles] 56 Marriott on dancing is good too.’57 Art and Letters survived until spring 1920 with a diverse selection of modernist contributors including Lewis, Eliot, Pound, John Nash, Orovida Pissarro and Gino Severini. For the winter 1918–19 issue, Lewis not only provided the cover design but also both prose and poetry with a war slant, alongside a melange of reproductions by Picasso, Edward Wadsworth and the late Gaudier-Brzeska, while Kramer contributed a drawing. Rutter used the spring 1919 issue to advertise the opening of his own Adelphi Gallery,58 at the same address as the magazine, with its intention of ‘supply[ing] good work at democratic prices’ and focusing on ‘the best work of the younger generation’. It promised forthcoming exhibitions by Wadsworth (March– April) and Kramer (May). In the summer 1919 issue five of Rosenberg’s poems were featured posthumously,59 alongside one of his pencil studies – only the second time his poetry and art had been published together – and an ‘In Memorium’.60

Many of the Whitechapel Boys inevitably crossed-over with New Paths (‘VerseProse-Pictures 1917–1918’) co-edited by the publisher and writer C W Beaumont and M T H Sadler. Published in May 1918, one month after the death of Rosenberg, and with the war still ongoing, New Paths was ‘Dedicated to the memory of Rupert Brooke, Gaudier-Brzeska, Gerard Chowne, Dixon Scott, A Noel Simmons, C H Sorley, Edward Thomas, Pelham Webb and to all those gallant gentlemen who, but for having died in the service of their country, would have been pioneers along the new paths of literature and art.’ 61 It featured work by Gertler, Gaudier-Brzeska, Epstein, Kramer and Meninsky among others, arranged indiscriminately and unusually located together at the back of the volume rather than integrated into the

text. Gaudier-Brzeska was represented by a pencil drawing and an early sculpture, and Gertler by a Cézanne-esque study. New Paths further promoted its serious and modern credentials by providing a comprehensive ‘Bibliography of Some Recent Books of Verse’62 and ‘Bibliography of Noteworthy Young Novels’63 alongside ‘Pictures: Tendencies in Present-Day English Art’.64 However, Rosenberg is notable by his omission as either painter or poet. Voices: in poetry and prose was a new literary periodical much favoured by the Whitechapel Boys. Established and edited by Thomas Moult (1893–1974), a journalist and critic on subjects ranging from music, art and literature to sport, as well as being one of the Georgian poets, it first appeared in January 1919, nine months after Rosenberg’s death. Founded ‘immediately on the declaration of the Armistice in the belief that the barren years of the Arts since 1914 were about to be succeeded by rich aspiration among young artists towards the utmost freedom and strength of expression’, Voices had distinctly pacifist leanings. An early issue included D H Lawrence’s ‘Rondeau of a Conscientious Objector’65 and was dedicated to the pacifist writer Romain Rolland ‘because of Jean Christophe’. 66 A selection of Stephen Winsten’s poetry, written during his three-year imprisonment as a conscientious objector, appeared in the November 1919 issue,67 prior to its publication in Chains (1920). However, in its second birthday issue (January 1921), Moult claimed that Voices was ‘one of the few publications in which there has ever been printed any vital truth about the war as a human experience. For it is written, to a large extent, by men who fought in the war, and it is chiefly the poets among these men who are putting on record the only faithful account of the spiritual adventures of the combatant troops, anything of the sort having had to be suppressed, for temporary reasons, during the actual war, and being a drug in the market of the general press after it.’68 The summer 1921 issue, which had a war theme, posthumously published Rosenberg’s poem ‘The One Lost’, beginning ‘I mingle with your bones’,69 and a memorial tribute to Rosenberg by Samuel Roth (in which he commented wryly that ‘this “Moses” of Rosenberg’s, alas, is sometimes so little like a Jewish leader he talks almost like a contributor to the Egoist’70). Voices provided a platform for newly-emerging writers, including A E Coppard, Louis Golding, F V Branford and Neville Cardus, as well as for the Whitechapel

Boys. Indeed, its title was taken from a quote by Israel Zangwill, chronicler of the ‘Ghetto’: ‘Voices, Voices we want – not echoes. Better the mistaken voice of honest individuality than the soulless bleat of the flock.’ 71 After the publication of two further poems and a prose piece in the February 1920 issue,72 ‘S. Winsten’, as he always signed himself, became a regular presence on the magazine. Throughout 1920, together with Moult and Louis Golding, he was one of the commentators in the regular column ‘Notes on Present-Day Art’.73 Work by the Whitechapel artists, particularly those who were members of the London Group, such as Gertler, Bomberg and Kramer, as well as Clare Winsten, and associates such as Gaudier-Brzeska and Wyndham Lewis, was often reproduced or reviewed. Poems and prose by Israel Zangwill and Leftwich (as well as Winsten) were featured, as was an extract from the novel by Louis Golding Forward from Babylon, describing an immigrant Jewish family, now settled in England, looking back at times of persecution in Russia74 (Kramer provided a woodcut to illustrate this which eventually appeared well over a year later in November 1920).75 In turn, Louis Golding regularly reviewed the Whitechapel Boys’ contributions to the London Group and other exhibitions, often singling out Gertler and Bomberg for praise.76 Both artists were generally positively reviewed by their contemporaries from the overlapping Whitechapel circles, such as S Winsten on David Bomberg, ‘A Force in Modern Art’,77 and J[ack] Isaacs praising Gertler and Bomberg as the outstanding contributors to an exhibition at the Hampstead Gallery.78 But critical voices were also raised. O Raymond Drey (who had previously contributed art criticism to Rhythm),79 wrote of Bomberg’s Russian Ballet book, ‘I am still at a loss to understand how so promising an artist could condescend (or was it a lapse?) to the trivialities of this little book.’80 And in 1919, when reviewing Kramer’s show at the Adelphi, Golding remarked, somewhat ambiguously, that he was struck by the emotional force of the ‘terrifying rat-like stupidity’ of a work by Kramer’s.81 Operating in a mutually supportive and inclusive environment, the little magazines energetically advertised and promoted like publications and companion exhibitions – Art & Letters advertised New Paths, and Voices regularly devoted pages to fellow magazines under the heading ‘Periodicals: A Survey of Contemporaries’. The Apple

and latterly, in April 1920, Renesans (translated as ‘Renaissance’), the new Yiddish art and literary monthly emanating from the East End, were singled out for praise. The latter clearly captured the zeitgeist of which the Whitechapel Boys were so much a part:

We welcome The Renaissance edited by Mr Leo Koenig [sic], which, we imagine is the only Jewish art-journal in existence. It has now reached its third number, and in the world-literature of Jewish artists it is quickly attaining to a leading place. Yiddish being the language of The Renaissance, and an international language also, there is no reason why this monthly journal should not circulate all over the globe.83 Despite this, Renesans enjoyed only a brief life, publishing six issues during 1920. Supported by the Ben Uri and edited by Leo Kenig, with Leftwich as Editorial Secretary, its features, all written or translated into Yiddish, included an article on Leo Bakst by Wolmark; Lucien Pissarro on his father Camille; poetry and prose by S Winsten (including a review of Bomberg's exhibition at the Adelphi Gallery) and Kramer’s essay on art, ‘Form and Shape’,84 which summed up his aesthetic philosophy. Kramer and Bomberg also supplied cover images. (Leftwich recalled many years later that Bomberg first published his war poetry in Renesans, but no evidence has been found to support this.85) Art by Simeon Solomon, Camille and Lucien Pissarro, Chagall, Modigliani, Kisling, Epstein, Bomberg, Kramer, Meninsky, and Clara Klinghoffer was also reproduced, many of them for the first time in a Yiddish publication. Moult also drew attention to Renesans’ ‘unique quality: there is no dependence in its pages on the well-established writers and artists; in letterpress and painting alike it is the younger men who are being encouraged.’ In fact, this was hardly true of the painters, as the list above indicates. Solomon and Pissarro (father and son) could hardly be termed ‘the younger men’ and many of the Whitechapel Boys were by now established names. However, Moult did point to literature which might otherwise have been confined to a limited readership: ‘Moysha Oyved’s [sic] remarkable inspirational poetry, essays of a lofty spiritual tone by the editor [Kenig], and poetry by Mr. Joseph Leftwich […] In its art and literary criticism The Renaissance discusses

the work of the younger Jewish writers who are expressing themselves in English, and translations – exceedingly good – are made of work by English writers who express sentiments sympathetic to the Jewish temperament.’ 86 Notably, Moult blamed ‘a great journalistic failure in America’ for intensifying ‘the struggle which the promoters of the Renaissance are experiencing’, concluding with a finality which perhaps suggested its imminent demise that it was ‘a brave, a good work, however great and overwhelming ultimately that struggle may be.’87

Notably absent from all these publications, however, is John Rodker. In the years leading up to the war he had made his name as the ‘poet of the ghetto’ in some of the best-known modernist mouthpieces of the age including A R Orage’s The New Age: A Weekly Review of Politics, Literature and Art,88 which listed among its contributors Beatrice Hastings, T E Hulme, Katherine Mansfield, Ezra Pound and Herbert Read (commentators also reviewed modernist artists, such as Gertler, whose ‘extraordinarily attractive’ work was noticed by Anthony Ludovici in January 1913).89 Rodker further contributed to The Egoist, Dora Marsden’s successor to The New Freewoman, a bi-monthly which ran from 1914–19 and published major works by Eliot, Joyce and others, as well as to and Lewis’s The Tyro,90 and Harriet Monroe’s Poetry: A Magazine of Verse in Chicago.91 (After Pound recommended some of Rosenberg’s poetry to Monroe in summer 1915, Rodker sent in Rosenberg’s ‘Marching – As Seen From the Left File’ in January 1916 and Rosenberg submitted his ‘Break of Day in the Trenches’ that September. Both poems were finally printed in the magazine in December 1916.)92 Drawing on his Whitechapel cultural background and connections, Rodker also published essays ranging from ‘The Theatre in Whitechapel’ (Poetry and Drama)93 to ‘The New Movement in Art’ (The Dial Monthly), where he also contributed an article on the Futurists and an explanatory caption to Bomberg’s Racehorses.94

Both Rodker and Leftwich (the latter promoted, along with Miss Jean Guthrie-Smith, by Thomas Moult in Voices as ‘the best of the poets’)95 contributed poetry to The Apple [of Beauty and Discord] (1920–21), the short-lived sister publication to Colour, published quarterly at a price of six shillings. Founded and edited by Herbert Furst (art critic for Colour and later Apollo and champion of the modern woodcut,96 as well as a publisher), The Apple, ‘like its arboreal namesake’, the foreword suggested, was 15

‘intended to be looked at, bought, enjoyed and digested by “high and low” without distinction […] It is the hope of the editors that the juxtaposition of harshly opposite types of mind will prove to be a more healthy diet of thought than the peptonised preparations of the daily, weekly and monthly press.’ Although a larger and less glossy format than its sibling and intended ‘to do for “Black and White” in Art what Colour Magazine is doing for Colour’, The Apple published a similar contingent of artists and writers, in the main traditionalists but punctuated regularly by the contradictory or controversial offering of a modernist. Pound criticised the London museums (‘The Curse’97), ‘TIS’ condemned Picasso and abstraction in ‘Picassine Poisoning’;98 and work by Gaudier-Brzeska, Wadsworth and Lewis was reproduced. The Apple also sporadically featured work with a distinct Jewish/Yiddish appeal, including a number of short stories by Hannah Berman (who had also been published in Colour) and J L Peretz, the Yiddish author, also translated by Berman.100

Post-war, despite the efforts of Renesans and The Apple, the Whitechapel Boys gradually began to drift away both from the ‘little magazines’ and from each other. Bomberg withdrew from London life and Kramer returned to Leeds (although he provided Vorticist-inspired portraits for the New Coterie with its cover by William Roberts).101 In 1923 when Gertler published two little-known essays on art, he did so outside the Whitechapel circle in The Adelphi – a newly-launched periodical under the editorship of John Middleton Murry and the Russian Jewish translator S S Kotelianksy (‘Kot’), Gertler’s close-friend, who also worked with Leonard Woolf at the Hogarth Press. Rodker set up the Ovid Press in 1919, which lasted scarcely a year, but published within that period the first edition of Pound’s Hugh Selwyn Mauberley (1920)102 and portfolios of drawings by Lewis and Wadsworth.103 At the same time, Rodker also replaced Pound as the London editor of the New York magazine The Little Review,104 which declared candidly on its cover, ‘A Magazine of the Arts: Making No Compromise with the Public Taste.’

In a career dedicated to literature, most significantly as a publisher and translator, Rodker went on to publish the second edition of James Joyce’s Ulysses and French translations of Joyce, as well as establishing a number of short-lived projects including the Casanova Society (1923–7, for limited editions), the J Rodker imprint (for Occult subjects), the Pushkin Press (1937–48), which published only a dozen 16

titles, including Oliver Elton's English version of Evgeny Onegin; and finally, the Imago Publishing Company (1938–61), set up to publish Sigmund Freud after the psychoanalyst arrived in London in 1938 in flight from the Nazis, who destroyed the remaining stocks of his work. (Rodker worked with Freud’s daughter Anna to publish a complete edition, which was eventually completed in 1952.) Leftwich continued to forge a career as a pioneer of Yiddish translation, publishing anthologies of Yiddish verse and literature, and survived to be a grand old man of letters and chief chronicler of the Whitechapel Boys. In conclusion, the sheer energy and variety of the large number of ‘little magazines’ proliferating in the early modern British period provided an important voice for many of the Whitechapel Boys. Despite the ephemeral quality of many of these magazines, many of the writers established a sufficient literary presence to go forward with their future careers, while for the artists these publications helped – both through exhibition reviews and perhaps more importantly, through the new medium of high-quality reproduction – to keep their names and work in the public arena. Although Rosenberg took little advantage of this new opportunity – only twice appearing as combined poet and painter and never as a painter first and foremost – these early forays into print nevertheless provided him with an outlet for his poetry not readily available elsewhere and allowed an extraordinary talent which, fighting against so many odds could easily have been submerged, to surface and go onto greater things. Despite only a small presence in the literary magazines of the period, Rosenberg undoubtedly went on to make one of the most important, original and lasting contributions to early twentiethcentury literature.

Defined as ‘a magazine not intending or achieving mass circulation’ (ed., Bury, S Breaking the Rules: The Printed Face of the European Avant Garde 1900–1937 (London: British Library, 2007), p. 38. 2 The project is directed by Professor Peter Brooker (University of Nottingham) and Dr Andrew Thacker (De Montfort University) and is supported by the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) for four years from 2006. 3 Home page from MMR website: http://www.cts.dmu.ac.uk/exist/mod_mag/index.htm 4 Leftwich, J ‘Jewish London 50 Years Ago’ in ed., Sonntag, J 1915-1965: Fifty Years Achievement in the Arts – Commemorative Volume to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the foundation of the Ben Uri Art Society (London: Ben Uri, 1966), p. 15. 5 Leftwich, ibid., p. 14. 6 Including Henri Gaudier-Brzeska and Jessica Dismorr, under the art editorship of J D Fergusson, as well as drawings and woodcuts by Horace Brodzky (see ‘The Life and Times of Horace Brodzky Artist and Etcher’ by John Brodzky, unpublished typescript in Tate Gallery Archive, TGA 931/9 (p. 6). Work by other key modernists, such as Picasso, was also featured. Rhythm’s less-celebrated contributors included Laurence Binyon ‘Return to Poetry’ and Thomas Moult ‘Vision’ in Rhythm: Art Music 1

Literature Quarterly vol. 1, no. 4 (London: The Saint Catherine Press, Stephen Swift & Company, Martin Secker, Spring 1912). 7 Moult, T ‘Periodicals: A Survey of Contemporaries, Jan-Feb’, Voices, vol. 3, no. 2 (March 1920), pp. 84–6. 8 The Jewish Standard, 1 July 1915, pp. 2–3. 9 Advertisement for Good’s Cameo Corner, Voices, vol. 3, no. 2 (March 1920). 10 Advertisement for Elspeth Phelps ‘alluring clothes’, ibid. 11 Art & Letters, vol. 1, no. 4, (June 1918), unpaginated. 12 The firm's publications reflected the internationalist views that T Fisher Unwin held in line with his liberalism and interest in world politics, and featured such writers as George Bernard Shaw, Henry James, W B Yeats, Joseph Conrad, Rudyard Kipling and Israel Zangwill. 13 Isaac Rosenberg to Ruth Löwy [1912, ?March], CW79, pp. 185–6. 14 See Isaac Rosenberg the Painter, part 1: ‘Art is not a Plaything’. 15 Art & Letters, vol. 1, no. 1, (June 1917), Preface. 17 Jewish Chronicle (10 May 1912), p. 24. 18 Ibid. 19 Jewish Chronicle (24 May 1912), p. 15. See ‘Isaac Rosenberg the Painter, Part I: “Art is not a Plaything”’. 20 Cohen, op. cit., p. 47. 21 ed., Aptroot, M Jewish Books in Whitechapel: A Bibliography of Narodiczky's Press (London: Duckworth, 1991), ‘Israel Narodiczky and his Whitechapel Press’, pp. vi–xii. 22 ibid. 23 The printing cost Rosenberg £2.10s for 100 copies, which Rosenberg sold at 2s 6d or gave away. He funded the venture by selling three life drawings to Edward Marsh (see Noakes, V, op. cit., p. xlii.) 24 For a full account of its birth see Mazower, D ‘A cultural moment in the midst of change: background to the times of the establishment of the Ben Uri Society’, The Ben Uri Story from Art Society to Museum and the influence of Anglo-Jewish Artists on the Modern British Movement (London: The Ben Uri Gallery, 2001), p. 38. 25 Part I of the lecture and the poem ‘Dead Heroes’ appear in the December 1914 edition; Part II and the poem ‘Beauty’ in that for January 1915 (see Noakes, V, op. cit., p. xlii). 26 Horace Brodzky The Painter, Wyndham Lewis, Colour, vol. 1, no. 6 (January 1915), p. 224; Mark Wayner Chief Rabbi, Colour, vol. 5, no. 2 (September 1916), p. 66; David Bomberg Poster Design, Colour, vol. 15, no. 2 (Sept 1921), unpaginated; Mark Gertler Agapanthus, Colour, vol. 2, no. 2 (March 1915), p. 69; Jacob Kramer Maxim Gorky, Colour, vol. 5, no. 5 (December 1916), p. 174; Bernard Meninsky, Mother and Child, Colour, vol. 6, no. 2 (March 1917), p. 47; Morris Goldstein, The Student, Colour, vol. 6, no. 2 (March 1917), p. 50. 27 Jewish Chronicle (15 May, 1914), p. 10. 28 Brodzky, J, op. cit., p. 6. 29 Frank Harris wrote to Brodzky (28 February 1913, TGA 949. 2.7) that he hoped that publication of Brodzky’s photo and some of his ‘sketches’ in that week’s issue would ‘get your really fine work better known’. In the early twenties in New York, Brodzky renewed his acquaintance with Frank Harris, then editor of Pearson’s Magazine. 30 Brodzky, J, op. cit., p 10. 31 Ibid., p. 9. 32 Cited ibid., p. 8. 33 Bomberg also included him in the ‘Jewish Section’ of Twentieth Century Art: A Review of Modern Movements at the Whitechapel Art Gallery in May 1914. 36 Brodzky, H Henri Gaudier-Brzeska (London: Faber and Faber, 1933), p. 118. The book was published in England by Faber and Faber in 1933 upon the recommendation of A R Orage. 40 Edited by the wood engraver H G Webb, Art Chronicle was published in London from 1909 to 1914 and eventually incorporated Art News, the journal associated with the Allied Artists Association. It published images primarily by more traditional artists, such as Frank Emanuel. 42 cited John Brodzky, op. cit., p. 16. 43 Ibid., p. 16. 44 Ibid., p. 17. 45 Cohen, S, op. cit, p. 114. 46 Hannah Berman was listed by Leftwich as one of the founding members of the ‘Focussers’ (see Part 3: Whitechapel at War). 47 Colour, vol. 6, no. 2 (March 1917), p. 50.

TIS ‘About Naviasky’, Colour, vol. 12, no. 3 (April 1920), pp. 46–9. Lewis, W Blast (London: John Lane, The Bodley Head, 1915), pp.78–9. 51 Ibid., p. 79. 52 Lewis, W Blasting and Bombardiering (London: Eyre & Spottiswode, 1937), p. 90. 53 Art & Letters, vol. 1, no. 1 (July 1917), pp. 1–2. 54 Ibid. 55 Read, H The Contrary Experience (London: Faber and Faber, 1963), p. 102. 56 Charles Marriott (b. 1869) was an art critic and writer, with a particular interest in modern art. 57 Read, H, op. cit., p. 99. 58 Art & Letters, vol. 2, no. 2 (Spring 1919), p. iv. 59 Ibid., vol.2, no. 3 (Summer 1919), pp. 106–8. 60 Ibid., p. 109. 61 eds., Beaumont, C W and Sadler, M T H New Paths (London: C W Beaumont, 1918), dedication page. 62 Ibid, pp. 7–11. 63 Ibid., pp. 85–92. 64 Ibid. pp. 112–119. J G Fletcher commented, ‘Jacob Kramer is far more essentially hebraic in his outlook than Gertler, whose Jewish outlook seems to me to be over-emphasised. Kramer is a grim, bitter realist’ (ibid., p. 117.) 65 Voices vol. 2, no. 1 (July 1919), pp. 1–2 66 Romain Rolland (1866–1944) was a French writer, dramatist and Nobel prizewinner; a pacifist, he was best known as the author of the novel series Jean-Christophe (1904–12). 67 Voices, vol. 2, no. 5 (November 1919), p. 188. 68 Ibid., vol. 5, no. 1 (January 1921), p. 1. 69 Ibid., vol. 5, no. 3 (Summer 1921), p. 73. 70 Ibid., p. 74. 71 Zangwill, I Voices, Vol. 1, no. 1(January 1919). 72 Voices, vol. 3, no. 1 (February 1920) includes two poems and a prose piece by S Winsten. 73 See ‘Whitechapel Girl’. 74 Ibid., vol. 2, no. 1 (July 1919), pp. 5–17. 75 Ibid., vol. 4, no. 5 (November 1920), unnumbered plate. 76 L G ‘Pictures: The London Group’, Voices vol. 1, no. 5 (May 1919), ibid, vol. 2, no 6 (December 1919), pp. 261–2, commends ‘the masterful canvases of Bomberg […] the bass harmonies […] of Gertler, once more huge and anguished, Form resolving from jealous Chaos.’ 77 S Winsten, Voices, vol. 4, no. 1 (July 1920), pp. 38–9. (vol. 4, no. 1 (July 1920), pp. 38–9). 78 Isaacs, J Voices vol. 4, no. 2, (August 1920), pp. 75–6. 79 Rhythm, vol. 2, nos. 11 and 12. 80 Drey, O R Voices, vol. 2, no. 4 (October 1919), pp. 174–5. The same issue included an article ‘Are the Jews a Nationality?’ by Israel Zangwill. 48 49

Ibid., vol. 3, no. 3 (April 1920), pp. 127–8. Renesans, vol. 2, no. 3 (June 1920) , pp. 162–168 85 Leftwich, J ‘Jewish London 50 Years Ago’, op. cit., p. 15. 86 Voices vol. 3, no. 3 (April 1920), pp. 127–8. 87 Ibid. 88 The New Age was under A R Orage’s influential editorship from 1907–22. 89 Ludovici, A The New Age, January 1913, 12:11: 260: ‘Building upon his thoroughly conscientious method he ought to do wonderful things’, Ludovici predicted. ‘He appears to be young. When he has found and appropriated his love, all this painstaking and severe painting of his will stand him in good stead. He will unbend. Let us hope that grace will follow.’ 90 Lawson, P ‘John Rodker: Minority Modernist’ in Anglo-Jewish Poetry from Isaac Rosenberg to Elaine Feinstein (London, Portland, Or: Valentine Mitchell, 2006), p. 78, fn. 24. The same volume contains the essay ‘Isaac Rosenberg: Roots and Regeneration’, pp.19–46. 91 Poetry: A Magazine of Verse was founded in Chicago by Harriet Monroe in 1912. 92 See Whitechapel at War. 93 Rodker, J ‘The Theatre in Whitechapel’, Poetry and Drama, March 1913, pp. 43–4. 94 Ibid., ‘The New Movement in Art’, The Dial Monthly, May 1914 95 Moult, T Voices, vol. 3, no. 2 (March 1920), pp. 84–5. 84

He published The Modern Woodcut, a Study of the Evolution of the Craft in 1924. Furst also started a series of part-publications called Modern Woodcuts and went on to found the annual The Woodcut in 1927, which lasted for four issues (see Carey, F, op. cit., p. 11). 97 Pound, E ‘The Curse’, The Apple vol. 1, no. 1, First Quarter (January 1920), p. 22. 98 TIS, ‘Picassine Poisoning’, The Apple vol. 2, no. 1, First Quarter (1921), p. 2. 100 Peretz, J L ‘The Stagnant Pool’, translated by Hannah Berman, was published in The Apple, vol. 1, no. 4, Fourth Quarter (1920), p. 246. 103

Voices, vol. 3, no. 3 (April 1920) acknowledged a Gaudier-Brzeska reproduction courtesy of Rodker’s Ovid Press. 104 First published in March 1914.