Para-Scape: Landscape Architecture in Dubai
Abstract Para-Scape This paper explores the role of landscape architecture in the city state of Dubai has been, for most of its existence, a sleepy fishing and smuggling Dubai in the United Arab Emirates (UAE) [1]. Landscape architecture in port located on what was historically referred to as the ‘Pirate Coast’ of the Dubai is generally regarded as a benign force, but is a nonetheless im- Arabian Gulf. With the discovery of oil in 1968 the transformation of Dubai portant component of constructing Dubai’s global image and legitimiz- began from a town of 59,000 people (AMO, Reisz and Ota 2007: 76) to a gloing its socio-political hierarchy. Landscape, in broad terms, is analysed bal metropolis of approximately 1.6 million people, not including its ubiqthrough the lens of Para-Scape: a landscape derived from Koranic depic- uitous labourers. The growth of Dubai has relied, in part, on constructed tions of paradise. landscape to both market and legitimise the idea of the city. A survey of a range of landscape architectural projects leads to identiThe initial significant deployment of green landscape in the UAE was fication of the dominant landscape architectural typologies that under- instigated in 1971 by Sheikh Zayed bin Sultan Al Nayhan (Sheikh Zayed) lie and illuminate the ways in which culture and nature are perceived after the formation of the UAE[3]. As President of the UAE, Sheikh Zain Dubai. Primarily, landscape architecture in Dubai is enlisted to serve yed oversaw the miraculous transformation, which served as a powerful two grand narratives: the paradisiacal image of greening the desert (Para- model for Dubai’s ruling dynasty [4], of the Emirate of Abu Dhabi from a Scape), and making the city more attractive to global capital. The paper “dusty and dirt poor desert emirate into a booming city-state, a miragereveals and examines the way landscape is used within the city to serve like place of boulevards, towers and emerald parks” (Economist 2004: 90). these larger narratives. Comparing the work being carried out in Dubai During his reign, between 1971 and 2004 Sheikh Zayed oversaw the plantwith the tenets of the various charters of The International Federation ing of about 130 million trees in the Emirate of Abu Dhabi, in what he unof Landscape Architects (IFLA), it becomes apparent that what is hap- derstood to be a farsighted investment for a future in which oil had run pening is Dubai presents a fascinating discrepancy between theory and out (Economist 2004: 90). This greening project [5], as initiated by Sheikh practice[1]. As the handmaiden of global capital with, apparently, scant Zayed and further propagated by Dubai’s rulers, can be interpreted as beregard for pressing ecological and social issues, landscape architecture ing both theological and political in nature. There is considerable academin Dubai is arguably in a state of crisis. This paper explores this crisis ic and anecdotal evidence to suggest that the initial deployment of landin physical and theoretical terms – not in order to pass definitive judge- scape traded on a reading of verdant landscape as a symbolic recreation of ment on landscape architecture in Dubai but better to understand the the Islamic Paradise (Ouis 2002: 339). complexity of what would otherwise appear a superficial situation. What John Brookes explains that the potency of the image of Paradise in Isis happening in Dubai is interesting precisely because it so blatantly af- lamic culture is partly due to the fact that descriptions of the Garden of fronts IFLA’s ideals. Paradise are held up as something not only to aspire to in the afterlife but also to create here on earth (Brookes 1987: 21). Thus the greening project Dubai / Para-Scape / paradise / landscape / landscape architecture takes on moral and religious overtones within the context of the UAE. The landscape urbanism / ecology / ecological crisis / globalism / desert Koran itself emphasises the righteousness of such an undertaking:
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Journal of Landscape Architecture / spring 2009
AL KHATIB CRACKNEL
Julian Bolleter, Faculty of Architecture, Landscape and Visual Arts, University of Western Australia
Figure 1 The Para-Scape of Zabeel Park in Dubai
Figure 2 Dubai sits on the edge of the Rub al Khali desert.
“(God says) … If the day of reckoning comes upon any of you while he has a to the paradisiacal it also resonates with the idea of paralysis. The domiseedling in his hand let him plant it.” (Bagader 1994: 2) nance of paradisiacal (and its derivative pastoral and picturesque) imagery Since the action of greening the desert (and by extension urban devel- in much of Dubai’s landscape architectural work hinders Dubai landscape opment) effectively has God’s imprimatur then not only are the Emira- architecture from developing in other ways. The practice of landscape arti fulfilling their Islamic duty but their actions as political leaders - and chitecture in Dubai thus exists in a state of paradisiacal sclerosis, leading their power - are profoundly legitimized through the association of the to paralysis. While Para-Scape takes on a certain religious authority, the greening project with God’s will. As Sheikh Zayed himself said, “It was desert, by not conforming to the image of Paradise is deemed, in some rethrough God’s blessings and our determination we succeeded in trans- spects, to be contrary to God’s purpose. Whereas Para-Scape can be seen forming this desert into a green land. This encouraged us and we never to be associated with the divine, redemption and cultivation, the desert looked back.” (Ouis 2002: 338) (Fig. 2) becomes by implication associated with wilderness and savagery Whilst the wellspring of the intention to green the desert does in all [6]. The British explorer of Arabia, Wilfred Thesiger, referred to life in the likelihood lie subliminally, if not explicitly, in Koranic descriptions of Par- desert thus: “Bedouin ways were hard, even for those brought up in them, adise, the use of landscape architecture in Dubai can also be seen as part and for strangers terrible: a death in life.” (Thesiger 1991: 15) of a programme to create an image of a modern, progressive Islamic naIn the late 1960s and 1970s the rulers of the still-young United Arab tion (Ouis 2002: 339). Emirates initiated intensive settlement projects for the Bedouin tribes, The imminent exhaustion of oil reserves in Dubai has also led to the providing free state housing and associated infrastructure in a plan to employment of Para-Scape as part of marketing Dubai as a global mar- settle a politically problematic nomadic population (Ouis 2002: 335). Enketplace. Sheikh Zayed’s green legacy is continued by the current rulers ticements offered to the nomadic Bedouin to settle included housing and of Dubai in a plan to turn 8% of Dubai’s urban area ‘green’ (Fardan 2008). the infrastructure and welfare associated with a modern city. While this This has seen the conflation of expatriate landscape architects’ often (un- was a major determining factor in the decision of the Bedouin population derstandably) superficial views with the ruling Sheik’s vision of the city to settle, the rapidly forming image of Dubai as an expanded Paradise Garas a paradise garden. The conflation of these worldviews in an aggressive- den would also have been potent: for the desert-dwelling Bedouin, greenly commercial environment creates a hybridized landscape architecture, ery “marks the difference between life and death.” (Ouis 2002: 340) MythoPara-Scape (Fig. 1). While the etymology of ‘Para’ within Para-Scape refers logically, it also marks the difference between good and evil. Journal of Landscape Architecture / spring 2009
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