Democratic Reconstruction of Ukraine

UKRAINE TODAY – EXTENT OF DESTRUCTION, HISTORY OF RECONSTRUCTION, AND POTENTIAL FOR FUTURE RECONSTRUCTION

URBAN PLANNING LEGISLATION IN UKRAINE: HISTORY AND REVIEW

CASE STUDY. MAPPING AND ANALYSING THE PROCESS OF CITIZEN INVOLVEMENT IN CHRISTCHURCH, NEW ZEALAND, AS A RESPONSE TO THE EARTHQUAKE IN 2011.

DANISH PLANNING SYSTEM IN THEORY AND PRACTICE

FJORD AND CITY: A STORY OF WATERFRONTS REGENERATION IN AALBORG

URBAN TRANSFORMATION IN EASTERN AALBORG: KICKSTART TORNHØJ AND RENOVATION OF SOCIAL HOUSING AREA KILDEPARKEN 2020. STRATEGIC URBAN MANAGEMENT AND SUSTAINABLE DENSIFICATION IN SUBURBAN RESIDENTIAL AREAS

POST-CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION AND THE ROLE OF ARCHITECTS AND URBAN PLANNERS

Wars and natural disasters — such as earthquakes or climaterelated hurricanes — often leave nations’ cities in a horrendously battered state. There is a need worldwide for the reconstruction of millions of buildings, city districts — and often, entire cities. Historically, we have seen this — in recent times, after the World War II, after the earthquake in New Zealand, after the civil war in Lebanon, but also as part of the reconstruction of economically unstable developing countries and cities.

In this publication, we discuss the role of architects and urban planners in the reconstruction process, looking at the urban planning legislation in both Ukraine and Denmark, studying post- disaster recovery cases around the world, and considering the role of finance distribution during the recovery process. We try to put this into a critical context with a focus on whether the billions of money used in connection with reconstruction is also spent in a sensible way, i. e. in relation to whether they leave behind good and sustainable urban communities — cities for people. This applies to cities with affordable housing, necessary infrastructure such as water and sewage systems, but also roads and green areas. And this applies to broad and transparent funding that benefits everyone and that leaves new cities or districts in a state that looks like we have learned from experience and, so to speak, build on the shoulders of good or bad examples from the past.

Several Ukrainian architects focus on history and specific examples, such as the reconstruction of Warsaw and Dresden, but also on the reconstruction of Ukraine, e.g. in the period after the World War II and during the Soviet era. The need for this — to provide a roof over one’s head — was strong and was characterised by modernism’s urban development and housing construction through often large and centrally controlled expansion of districts with lots of closely spaced concrete high-rises, which did not always have an eye on the needs of good and humane surroundings. But it gave “a roof over your head” — in a hurry.

In the present situation and in our age, the question is whether this can be done differently. And can we take our time for that? Ukrainian architects and urban planners have — even before the Russian fullscale invasion on 24 February 2022 — discussed this with a focus on a more democratic (re)building and urban transformation of the cities and towns in the great country. The Ukrainian Association of Architects, several universities, and not least a “working group” connected to the Ukrainian Parliament have a focus on “The Urban Development Code of Ukraine”. The working group has conducted good and thorough studies and conversations about this and about the structures that can lead to a different and more open and democratic view of the future cities and districts as well as, e.g. residential areas. The goal should lead to the revision of the

applicable construction and town planning legislation. The work should also focus on the protection of cultural heritage and values of the old, often beautiful, city parts, where they have not been totally destroyed due to the war. The UNDRR “build back better” is in focus. And so is the necessity of sustainability — environmental, economic, and social sustainability.

In this context, the Ukrainian Association of Architects, universities, and city councils in Ukraine have reached out to Denmark. At the Architects’ Association in Denmark, we have welcomed this and for two years worked together on a project we call “Democratic Reconstruction of Ukraine”. The project has not only focused on the city Denmark promised to help with reconstruction — Mykolaiv, — but also on a more general support for a democratic reconstruction with a greater involvement of decentralised authorities (regions and municipalities) and, not least, citizens’ influence via public participation in the reconstruction of Ukrainian cities. The Danish tradition for this is long and has left its mark on Danish cities both culturally and legislatively for more than half a century. In this publication, we review the Danish legislation and a case study for urban planning and development.

With the support from the Dreyer’s foundation, Ukrainian and Danish architects, urban planners, politicians, and NGO’s have discussed the necessary measures.

It is our hope that this publication will be used in praxis in the urban planning and development in the effort to rebuild Ukrainian cities in a democratic and sustainable way.

Education: Work title:

OLENA OLIYNYK

Architect, PhD

Professor of Architectural Department at the National Academy of Arts and Architecture in Kyiv, Ukraine; Vice-President of National Union of Architects of Ukraine; corresponding member of Ukrainian Academy of architecture; member of ICOMOS (UNESCO); member of UNESCO-UIA Architectural Education Commission & UNESCO-UIA Validation Council; regional coordinator of the EU granted Project “U-RE-HERIT Architects for Heritage in Ukraine” (2023–2025).

Olena’s work involves design and research on both the architectural and urban scales, currently focusing on urban spaces, heritage preservation, and historic city centres development. Olena Oliynyk is an author of more than 20 urban development projects for the regeneration of historic city centres in Ukraine, the United States, and Cabo Verde, many residential and public buildings.

Education: Work title:

ANNA KYRII

Architect, MBA

Owner of “Anna Kyrii Architectural and Projecting Group” LLC; Vice Chair of Architectural Chamber of the National Union of Architects of Ukraine; Head of the Board of the Foundation of Ukrainian Architectural Chamber.

Education:

Work title:

DARIA BOROVYK

BArch (Bachelor of Architecture), MSc. (Master of Urban Planning and Design) Urban Designer and Researcher

Ukrainian architect and urban planner. After graduation from Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, has gained experience from working in architectural practices in Denmark, the Netherlands, and Ukraine, working in strategic development with the focus on community engagement, training, and capacity building.

Daria is currently working as urban designer at Gehl and as a researcher at Restart, Ukrainian agency, that focuses on creating comprehensive and strategic plans for rebuilding Ukrainian cities and villages.

Education: Work title:

PEDER BALTZER NIELSEN

Architect, MArch (Master of Architecture)

An independent architect with his own consulting business

Peder has 42 years of experience in strategic urban development, designing cities and urban spaces, involving citizens in urban planning and architecture. He has worked as a City Architect in the city of Aalborg and before that, in the Danish Ministry of the Environment on land planning and regional planning. Peder is a member of the Board of the Danish Architecture Centre, the Association of Architects, and the Danish Town Planning Institute.

ANNE JUEL ANDERSEN

Education: Work title:

Architect, PhD Strategy Team Leader, City of Aalborg (Municipality)

Anne was the Project Manager for the planning of Aalborg Central Waterfront regeneration 2000–2010. Anne has a great experience in strategic planning as well as working with the transformation of urban worn-down areas, from urban renewal of blocks and open spaces to brownfield areas and waterfront regeneration.

Education: Work title:

Architect, Master of Strategic Urban Planning Project Manager, Strategy, City of Aalborg (Municipality) Manager, the local branch of the Association of Architects in North Jutland

Bodil was the Project Manager for the transformation of the Eastern Aalborg 2011–2021. Bodil has a great experience in the field of urban renewal, e.g. from the strategic planning to the 1:1 renewal of structures and urban spaces, and has worked extensively with partnerships and commitment processes in urban development.

Education: Work title:

NICOLAI STEINØ

MArch (Master of Architecture), PhD, GDBA Associate Professor at Aalborg University, Department of Architecture, Design and Media Technology

Nicolai is a member of the Danish Architects’ Association. He teaches architecture and urban design. His fields of research are design pedagogy, form-making, parametric design and post-conflict reconstruction. Nicolai Steinø runs CityPeople, a small architecture and urban design consultancy. He has substantial international experience from across Europe and beyond and regularly presents his works in academic journals and conferences.

UKRAINE TODAY – EXTENT OF DESTRUCTION,

RECONSTRUCTION, AND POTENTIAL FOR FUTURE RECONSTRUCTION

data does not generally include minors

SCALE OF DESTRUCTION

Eurostat

Since the onset of the invasion, one third of Ukrainians have been forced to flee their homes. Internal migration has led to a triple decrease in the population of eastern regions, while the population of the western regions increased accordingly (Figures 1 and 2).

According to UNHCR (2024), there are 6,004,100 (as of 15 February 2024) refugees from Ukraine recorded in Europe; 475,600 (as of 27 January 2024) refugees from Ukraine recorded beyond Europe; and 6,479,700 (as of 15 February 2024) refugees from Ukraine recorded globally.

Environmental damages are calculated as damages from air emissions and are not direct damages of

Logistics and transport systems have also been severely affected. Ukraine has lost half of its airports, most of its seaports, and a third of its highways and railways (Figure 3).Ukraine now has only three transport corridors out of eight (Figure 4).

Preliminary estimates assume that in general, due to hostilities, 25,000 km of roads and 340 bridges and overpasses of state, local, or communal importance were destroyed (Espreso, 2022). Hostilities are taking place in the territories where the most powerful industrial and urban centres were established in peacetime (Figure 5).

Back in 2003, the Ukrainian Institute of Dipromisto developed the National Scheme of Regional Planning. It includes an analysis of resources, as well as peculiarities and capabilities of the country as a whole and of each region in particular (Lushnikova, 2022). The settlement scheme shows that the largest industrial enterprises were concentrated in the eastern and northern regions. It was there that the biggest attacks of the Russian army were directed at (Figure 6).

The economy has lost 30% to 50% of its productive capacity, with losses concentrated in the east of Ukraine (Slim, 2022).

By the number of destroyed and damaged facilities, Kyiv, Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv, Mykolaiv, and Zaporizhzhia regions were most affected. Housing, infrastructure, and industry faced the biggest losses.

By the number of destroyed and damaged facilities, Kyiv, Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv, Mykolaiv, and Zaporizhzhia regions were most affected. Housing, infrastructure, and industry faced the biggest losses.

As of the beginning of 2024, infrastructure damage reached $36.8 billion, while direct industry and businesses damages accounted for $13.1 billion. The latest data shows that 78 small, medium, and large private enterprises, as well as 348 state-owned enterprises, faced destruction or damage (KSE, 2024).

Hostilities continue leading to the growth of direct damages from the destroyed energy sector infrastructure, and now they have reached $9 billion. Damages in agriculture amount to $8.7 billion. Moreover, as of the beginning of 2024, direct damages in housing and public utilities accounted for $4.5 billion, while healthcare faced another $1.4 billion increase, totalling $3.1 billion in damages (KSE, 2024).

Now, with the beginning of the full-scale Russian invasion, we are faced with a direct threat both to the lives of our people and to the historical and cultural heritage of Ukraine. More than 1,100 such objects have been destroyed and damaged (Mérai, 2024).

Obviously, in such conditions, the general strategy for the development of Ukraine’s regions is completely uncertain.

Priority sectors

transformation

Increase of added value with focus on priority sectors (e.g. defence, metallurgy & machinery, energy, agriculture, IT)

Strong human capital

Effective infrastructure

Improvement of quality of living, upgrade of social infrastructure, and attraction of talents from abroad

Energy efficiency and modernisation of infrastructure and housing, stronger integration of Ukraine's logistics into the EU

The Prime Minister of Ukraine presented the Recovery Plan of Ukraine in Lugano in July 2022. The national recovery plan, which is designed for 10 years and consists of 15 national programmes, gives preference to foreign investments (National Recovery Council, 2022).

Different programmes aim at ensuring a clean and protected environment and restoring social infrastructure, healthcare, and educational systems. However, very little has been written about the restoration of housing and nothing about the cultural heritage lost and rebuilding of national identity.

Taking into account an almost completely destroyed industry and extensive damage to the eastern regions, it becomes obvious that the restoration of these territories will require a lot of time and repurposing of cities.

Now, we cannot decide even on the general strategy of the future regional planning of Ukraine. Still, it is obvious that the general reconstruction strategy must combine the principles of sustainable development with the restoration of national identity at all levels.

Fulfillment of Copenhagen criteria

Strengthening of institutional capacity

Supportive trade regimes with the key export markets

Synchronisation with the European Green Deal

Investment attractiveness (rule of law, tackling corruption)

Streamlined regulation and growth-promoting fiscal system

Efficient and effective labour market (incl. reskilling programmes)

Entrepreneurship development and SME support

Access to capital

Sectors’ prioritisation in the context of economic opportunities, Ukraine’s competitive advantages, global trends, and Green Deal “Catalyst projects” to unlock private investment into priority sectors

Competitive cost of capital (esp. in the context of military risks)

Increased quality of life (education, social protection, health care, environment, culture, sport) and strong identity

Proactive and efficient immigration policy aimed at brining Ukrainians back to Ukraine as soon as possible

Debottlenecking of logistics to reroute sea exports

Upgraded physical infrastructure to ensure quick logistics between Ukraine and Europe

Modernised and energy efficient housing and urban design

Developing digital infrastructure (inc. 5G) to transform Ukraine to a digital hub for European and Asian traffic

Fiscal stability (incl. growth-promoting taxation and customs system, budget and debt policy)

Effective banking system and financial markets

Effective public wealth management

Adequate level of defence spending, self-sufficient military industrial complex able to produce weapons for self-defence

Energy security

Ecosafety

RECOVERY PLAN

CREATING NEW IDENTITY

The recovery plan should consider local contexts and current trends and rely on UNESCO’s goals. Reconstruction offers Ukraine an opportunity to leapfrog technologically. Cities (Kharkiv, Chernihiv, Mariupol, etc.) will need to be rebuilt. Nevertheless, we should not try to restore Soviet-style housing and other infrastructure. Reconstruction should focus on using modern technologies and urban planning with preserving of Ukrainian identity at all levels.

The main goal of Ukraine’s reconstruction should be the recovery of identity — in society, culture, and architecture.

Ukraine already has a bitter experience of post-war reconstruction. The first large-scale restoration began immediately after World War II. In 10 years, the centre of Kyiv was completely rebuilt by a team of Ukrainian architects who included national identity features in the image of the rebuilt city.

By the end of 1980s, Ukraine rebuilt the cities destroyed in World War II.

Later, in 1986, the Chornobyl disaster forced thousands of people to become displaced.

Then, in a short time, the task of relocating a large number of people from the affected area was solved.

Despite the destruction and losses, our country has a chance to make its cities better than they were before the war. Not only our own vision, but also a positive reconstruction experience of other countries will assist us. However, the analysis of reconstructed cities demonstrates that only a few ones have managed to preserve the features of their own identity. Sarajevo, Warsaw, Rotterdam, or Skopje can hardly be called successful examples of reconstruction.

Other cities, such as Gdansk, Essen, and Dortmund, are more successful. For example, the Ruhr region was recognised as the European Capital of Culture in 2010 thanks to its complex cultural and ecological reconstruction. The main interests and goals of rebuilding participants included public work, participatory practices for local residents, development of cultural infrastructure, and rethinking of the roles and functions of the region’s cities (Keil & Wetterau, 2013). Gdańsk, which had been destroyed by 80%, was reconstructed thanks to the efforts of local restorers and is now one of the most interesting cities in Poland.

Aspirations

Ties with Europe

Sustainability & democracy

17 UNESCO goals

Oligarchic capitalism

Cultural heritage development

National Identity

Independence

Soviet imperial positions

Identities

Ties with russia

As the analysis of post-war reconstruction shows, there is always a potential threat of loss of national identity in this process. In Ukraine, the concept of national identity is closely related to independence and, therefore, to the process of strengthening democracy on the way to the European Commonwealth.

The ties with Russia, which affected the national identity of our cities, remained quite strong in Ukraine until the beginning of the full-scale war. The task now is not to restore the Soviet identity during reconstruction, but to create a new one based on our ties with Europe and sustainable development principles.

The main priorities in city planning should include flexible planning, creation of a system of pedestrian zones and public spaces, sustainable development, and security issues.

In architecture, identity should rely on preserving existing traditional types of spaces and cultural heritage, as well as emphasising achievements and heroic memory.

planSustainable development Safety and resource availability

• Flexible planning system

• City-forming factors

• Urban planning documentation

• Development of pedestrian zones and public spaces system

• 17 UNESCO goals

• New technologies

• Energy saving and efficiency

• Recycling and reuse

• Air, water, and greenery

• Low-rise buildings

• Integrated public spaces

• Borders and shelters

• Development of underground spaces

IDENTITY IN ARCHITECTURE

Town-planning tools

• Cultural heritage development

• Preserving types of urban spaces

• New ideological public spaces

• Axial composition

• Museumification of battle sites

• Memorialisation of recent history

REFERENCES

Architectural tools

• Symbolisation of achievements

• Explaining goals

• Attention to styles

• New advanced technologies

Artistic and social tools

• Monuments, museums, memorials

• Symbols and signs

• Toponymics

• Accessible public spaces

• Serendipity

Espreso, 2022. “Over 25,000 km of roads are damaged or destroyed in Ukraine due to

Russian invasion”. Available at: https://global.espreso.tv/over-25000-km-of-roads-are-damagedor-destroyed-in-ukraine-due-to-russian-invasion. [Accessed 26 February 2024].

Keil, A. & Wetterau, B., 2013. Metropolis Ruhr. A Regional Study of the New Ruhr. Available at: https://www.geographie.uni-wuppertal.de/uploads/ media/Metropolis_Ruhr-1_02.pdf. [Accessed 26 February 2024].

KSE, 2024. “$155 billion — the total amount of damages caused to Ukraine’s

infrastructure due to the war, as of January 2024”. Available at: https://kse.ua/about-the-school/news/155-billion-the-total-amountof-damages-caused-to-ukraine-s-infrastructure-due-to-the-waras-of-january-2024/. [Accessed 28 February 2024].

Lushnikova, N., 2022. Urban Planning and Housing Policy. The challenges of Post-war

reconstruction of Ukraine. Available at: https://wise-europa.eu/wp-content/uploads/2022/10/URBAN-ANDHOUSING-POLICY_EN.pdf. [Accessed 27 February 2024].

Mérai, D., 2024. Heritage in War: A Key to Define the Future of Ukraine. Available at:

https://revdem.ceu.edu/2023/03/28/heritage-in-war-a-key-to-definethe-future-of-ukraine/. [Accessed 26 February 2024].

National Recovery Council, 2022. Ukraine’s National Recovery Plan. Available at:

https://assets-global.website-files.com/621f88db25fbf2475879 2dd8/62c166751fcf41105380a733_NRC%20Ukraine%27s%20 Recovery%20Plan%20blueprint_ENG.pdf. [Accessed 27 February 2024].

Slim, A., 2022. “The economic cost of the war in Ukraine, the future reconstruction, and UNHCR, 2024. “Ukraine Refugee Situation”. Available at:

the role of cryptocurrencies”. Available at: https://ukrainian-studies.ca/2022/06/01/the-economic-cost-ofthe-war-in-ukraine-the-future-reconstruction-and-the-role-ofcryptocurrencies/. [Accessed 28 February 2024].

https://data.unhcr.org/en/situations/ukraine?ref=tippinsights.com. [Accessed 26 February 2024].

URBAN PLANNING LEGISLATION IN UKRAINE: HISTORY AND

REVIEW

The decision-making system in urban planning of modern Ukraine inherited the totalitarian principles of the Soviet system, with the main of them being:

• strict state centralisation of decision-making on what, where, and how to build;

• lack of citizens’ voice, influence, and responsibility when making urban planning decisions.

Since gaining its independence, Ukraine has developed as a democratic state. Democratic reforms covered all the spheres of social and legal relations. In urban planning and architecture, reforms were held under the slogan of liberalisation, but in fact involved reduction of control — state, municipal, institutional, and even public — over the construction business. Such “liberalisation” resulted in the chaotic development of cities, decline of professional institutions, predominance of one industry stakeholder over others, and imbalance of the entire urban planning system.

Here is how the principles of the totalitarian Soviet system of urban planning decision-making are being overcome:

• Implementation of the decentralisation reform somewhat improved the situation, but during the full-scale war, the state has once again centralised reconstruction decisions.

• Society voice was limited to formal participation in public hearings during the consideration of urban planning documentation already developed without citizen participation. During the war, there have been attempts to limit even this participation by passing respective state laws.

The urban planning reform in Ukraine before the full-scale invasion was also held under the slogan of liberalisation. However, the concept of new reforms not only ignored the negative consequences of the previous ones, but also, on the contrary, enhanced them.

BRIEF OVERVIEW OF THE HISTORY OF URBAN PLANNING LEGISLATION IN UKRAINE

In 1991, when Ukraine gained independence, it had Soviet urban planning legislation. In the 1990s, respective fundamental laws were adopted: “On investment activities” (1991, in force with amendments), “On the basics of urban planning” (1992, in force with amendments), “On architectural activities” (1999, in force with amendments), and “On planning and development of territories” (2000, expired in 2011). These laws aimed to establish a legal basis for private investment absent in Soviet times, establish the principles of and basis for urban planning, regulate relations regarding territories’ planning and development, and regulate architecture activities. Also, by-laws, in particular the state building regulations (SBR), began to be changed and updated.

1991–2011

(Law No. 1699-ІІІ)

MUNICIPALITIES

have a weak influence

CITIZENS

have a weak influence but there are public discussions

STATE AUTHORITIES SPECIALISTS DEVELOPERS

have the greatest impact: numerous approvals and permits; construction control; Soviet-type inflexible master plans

have influence through Urban Planning Councils and respect for the profession

have a weak influence; forced to pay bribes for each permission

During the 1990s, urban planning faced a crisis caused by the financial crisis of 1998 and the formation of new market relations.

In 2002, the Law of Ukraine “On the General scheme of planning the territory of Ukraine” was adopted to approve the main principles of regional development and graphic materials (developed for 20 years; hence, the General scheme expired in 2022).

In the early 2000s, significant capitalisation of cities and rapid urbanisation began in Ukraine. This caused a construction boom that lasted until the 2008 financial crisis. At that time, an active development of large cities with high-rise housing based on the microdistricts principle and with multi-storey residential complexes started; besides, point high-rise buildings arose in cities’ historical centres. The construction market was growing rapidly, while urban planning procedures were too complicated. Each step of the construction customer had to undergo numerous approvals. Architectural and urban planning councils reviewed each construction site. Public participation involved public hearings on urban planning documentation, but they were held formally, with no live meetings with developers and discussions regarding each construction object. The whole procedure was imperfect and caused injustice. In 2008, the first anti-development protests in big cities occured.

The 2008 crisis stopped the credit construction bubble. Urban development started to decline again.

In 2009, the Law of Ukraine “On construction regulations” was adopted (in force with amendments). In 2007–2010, the first draft of the Urban Planning Code was developed, which was adopted by the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in the first reading in 2010 (there was no second reading).

Qualification certificates were introduced to conduct architecture activities. Responsibility was shifted from a legal entity to an individual — an architect.

Narrowing influence

Increasing influence

In 2011, a liberal reform of urban planning was held. The Law of Ukraine “On regulation of town-planning activities” was adopted to replace the Law of Ukraine “On planning and development of territories” with the basic provisions that:

• introduced new types of urban planning documentation: a detailed territory plan and a zoning plan (zoning);

• reduced the number of approvals, in particular, banned the procedure for approval of project documentation by any municipal and state authorities;

• narrowed the powers of chief city architects;

• narrowed the powers of architecture and urban planning councils (for them to consider only urban planning documentation rather than projects of individual architecture objects);

• narrowed public participation (leaving formal public hearings on urban planning documentation and prohibiting public hearings on individual construction objects);

• formed a state body of architectural and construction control (State Architectural and Construction Inspectorate);

• obliged local governments to openly publish urban planning documentation;

• cancelled urban development rules and unified all development rules at the national level;

• introduced a declarative principle of obtaining construction permits.

2011–2015 (Law No. 3038)

MUNICIPALITIES

have a weak influence; state authorities have control in cities

SPECIALISTS

do not have influence through Urban Planning Councils, respect for the profession is lost, copyright neglected by developers

DEVELOPERS

great influence: sharp reduction in procedures, liberalisation, lack of consent with the city, residents, and specialists; this leads to low-quality chaotic construction

CITIZENS

have a weak influence; anti-development protests

STATE AUTHORITIES

great influence: permits, construction control in cities, establishment of the same building rules for all cities at the state level

This reform did not reduce corruption but significantly limited public and expert participation in decision-making and led to a chaotic development of cities’ historical centres and, in response, to numerous public anti-development protests. Starting from 2011, a wave of public anti-development protests unfolded in large cities of Ukraine, most of which aimed at preventing high-rise construction and preserving the historic environment of city centres.

Since 2011, 63 laws have introduced numerous changes to the Law of Ukraine “On regulation of town-planning activities”. Simultaneously, various international technical assistance projects, which cooperated with the Government, have been launched in Ukraine. The GIZ White Book (GIZ, 2023), “Concept of Public Administration in the Field of Urban Planning Activities” (2019), etc. were developed.

In 2015, decentralisation took place in Ukraine. In urban planning, part of the powers of the State Architectural and Construction Inspectorate — architectural and construction control of small and medium complexity objects — were transferred to local governments.

Despite legislative regulation and all the necessary by-laws and legal acts, the quantity and quality of urban planning documentation remained unsatisfactory. For instance, as of 2017, more than 60% of territorial planning schemes were developed back in the Soviet period; only 72% of cities and settlements had master plans; and there were only isolated cases of zoning plans. Detailed plans of territories often contradicted master plans’ provisions.

In 2019, a new wave of urban planning reforms began. Electronic registers were launched, as well as the Unified State Electronic System in the Construction Sector (Ministry for Communities, Territories and Infrastructure Development of Ukraine, 2024), which records all permit procedures for each construction object. The concept of comprehensive development plans for the territories of territorial communities (combination of urban planning and land management documentation) and concepts of integrated

2011–2015

Decentralization reform

MUNICIPALITIES

influence increases, powers regarding control over small and medium objects in cities

CITIZENS

have a weak influence, anti-development protests

SPECIALISTS

do not have influence through Urban Planning Councils, respect for the profession is lost, copyright neglected by developers

STATE AUTHORITIES DEVELOPERS

great influence: further reduction in permits procedures, liberalisation, and low-quality chaotic construction continues

great influence: permits, construction control of medium and complex objects in cities, the same building rules for all cities at the state level

development were introduced into legislation. Public participation was expanded to enable live meetings during public hearings on urban planning documentation. The decentralisation reform was completed and a new administrative-territorial system based on territorial communities and regions was adopted in Ukraine.

In 2020, the European Regulation 305/2011 on construction products was adopted by the Law of Ukraine “On providing construction products on the market”. In 2021, a specialised committee of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine began working on a new urban planning reform (draft law No. 5655). The main provisions of this reform caused a negative reaction of both experts and society. In particular, the draft law proposed to strengthen the digitisation of permit procedures in construction, which all urban planning parties supported. On the other hand, the provisions on the introduction of a private architectural and construction control system, narrowing the powers of local governments (regarding architectural and urban planning control) and the public, limiting architects’ copyright, and expanding the influence of respective ministry and the rights of construction companies via enabling them to implement private control over construction and to withdraw developers, general contractors, and customers from state supervision, caused criticism from the public.

Due to the Russian aggression and military actions on the territory of Ukraine, the country faces new challenges: destruction of cities and settlements, significant population migration, and demographic and economic crises.

In 2022, the Law of Ukraine “On introducing changes to some laws of Ukraine on the priority measures in reforming urban planning activities” was adopted, introducing a new type of documentation, namely “programmes for the restoration of territorial communities’ territories”, schemes for placing temporary structures for people’s livelihood, and simplified procedures for changing land plot purpose to place housing for displaced persons, production facilities, and grain terminals. The Law of Ukraine “On introducing changes to some legislative acts of Ukraine on the provision of civil protection requirements during the planning and development of territories” was also adopted.

On 13 December 2022, the draft law No. 5655 was adopted in the second reading by 228 votes (out of 226 needed) but was not signed by the President.

The petition to the President of Ukraine demanding a veto of the draft law No. 5655 shortly received 42,090 votes out of the 25,000 required. However, no response to the petition has been received to date.

Currently, urban planning in Ukraine is regulated by more than 20 laws, over 20 Government resolutions, about 10 orders of respective ministry, and approximately 400 state building regulations.

At the local level, urban planning documentation remains extremely unsatisfactory. Was noted during the event of the specialised committee of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine (Committee on the Organization of State Power, 2023), no comprehensive plan of a territorial community had been developed in Ukraine yet, most of the master plans of settlements had been developed during the Soviet period or before 2012 (when the Law of Ukraine “On regulation of town-planning activities” came into force).

The lack of up-to-date, high-quality, properly discussed, and legitimate urban planning documentation is an important factor that since 2011 has caused a chaotic development of settlements in Ukraine.

One of the reasons for this is the lack of government policy and adequate funding. Under such conditions, the provisions of the draft law No. 5655 that deprive municipalities of urban planning powers and introduce private control will lead to a complete absence of high-quality urban planning documentation at the local level.

URBAN PLANNING ISSUES IN UKRAINE

On 15 March 2023, the Committee on State Power, Local SelfGovernment, Regional Development and Urban Planning of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted a Decision on the creation of a Working Group under the Committee for the Development of the Urban Planning Code of Ukraine (Committee of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on the Organization of State Power, 2023). In June 2023, the Working Group began its work. The Urban Planning Code should become the only codified act regulating urban planning and should enhance construction culture through reforming legal relations in urban planning including:

• systematisation of urban planning legislation;

• finding a balance of interests between various urban planning actors;

• harmonisation of Ukrainian urban planning legislation with European principles;

• improvement of Ukraine’s reconstruction procedures.

More than 70 professional institutions, authorities, and public organisations are working on the Code. The preparation of the Code is planned in three stages: concept — draft law text — draft law approval in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Experts from Europe, the USA and the United Kingdom have been involved to study international experience. Currently, the work is supported by the German Society for International Cooperation (GIZ).

The Concept of the Urban Planning Code is developed based on the “bottom-up” principle — from experts to politicians through weekly public discussions.

• Absence of an ideological basis for urban planning at the national level (interpretation of terminology, lack of urban planning ideology in law preambles).

• The need to rethink the scheme of Ukrainian population’ spatial distribution in view of the challenges of the war and post-war reconstruction of Ukraine.

• The need to reconsider security issues in Ukrainian cities and towns.

• The need to restore the cities and settlements of varying destruction rates.

• Low level of construction culture.

• Imbalance of rights and responsibilities of urban planning subjects (advantages for large development companies and state officials).

• Insufficient quantity and quality of urban planning documentation.

• Insufficient expert and resident participation in decision-making in cities.

• Low importance of local governments in urban planning. Centralisation of city development rules at the state level.

• Inconsistency in urban planning and land legislation.

• Inconsistency in heritage protection and urban planning legislation.

• Division of restoration and protection of cultural heritage sites between two ministries; the activity is in decline.

WHAT DOES DRAFT LAW NO. 5655 OFFER?

Increasing influence

Narrowing influence

DIGITALISATION

(pp. 60–76 of the draft law, amendments to Articles 221, 222, 223, and 224 of the current Law of Ukraine “On regulation of townplanning activities” and addition of Article 225 to the law).

Law No. 5655

MUNICIPALITIES

influence decreases, private controllers are authorised for control; cities do not affect their own development not signed by the President and not valid

CITIZENS

influence decreases, the constitutional right to address state authorities is taken away

SPECIALISTS

influence is reduced, copyright is taken away, inappropriately large fines are set, double control and supervision is established

great influence: further reduction in permits procedures, liberalisation, the number of control measures is reduced compared to specialists; possibility of creating your own private construction control body

STATE AUTHORITIES DEVELOPERS

influence is strengthened, an advisory body that establishes rules, issues permits and licenses, and replaces the court is created; construction control in cities of medium and complex objects remains

The main idea of the draft law authors is the digitalisation of all urban planning procedures. Of course, this ensures the transparency of processes — however, this draft law does not introduce digitalisation since it already exists (the Unified State Electronic System in the Construction Sector). Hence, it only clarifies certain provisions already regulated by the Law of Ukraine “On regulation of town-planning activities” (articles 221. Unified state electronic system in the construction sector, 222. Register of construction activities, 223. Personal account, and 224. Electronic system portal), that is, the things that have been working in Ukraine since 2019.

PRIVATE CONTROLLERS

(p. 56 of the draft law, clause 20. Definition of a person authorised for urban planning control; p. 233 Article 381. Peculiarities of urban planning control by persons authorised for urban planning control; p. 288 Article 62. Urban planning control bodies; pp. 290–300 Article 63. Persons authorised for urban planning control; and p. 291 Article 64. Registration of a person authorised for urban planning control).

The draft law proposes to include (apart from communal and state controllers) the persons authorised for urban planning control of any form of ownership into the system of state urban planning control.

Herewith, this draft law does not refer to technical supervision, which is carried out during the construction of buildings and structures and which is exactly about the construction control by the city and the state. Technical supervision in Ukraine has already become private: since the 2000s, private technical supervision engineers have conducted it under a contract with a customer.

As the authors propose, private controllers should have the status of a legal entity with the organisational and legal form of a superadded liability company, a general partnership, or a limited partnership. These forms of entrepreneurial activity are unpopular in Ukraine as owners risk their property; so, they are used when the state requires them for certain types of licensed activities.

However, the amount of resources that a superadded liability company risks is specified in its charter. The draft law has no special requirements regarding the amount of these resources. Hence, it may be minimal and may not cover the risks that will arise. In this case, it will hardly differ from a limited liability company.

Importantly, non-governmental and non-communal organisations are not obliged to respond to citizens’ appeals, as the Constitution of Ukraine does not oblige them to do so. The draft law has no requirements for the authorised persons of urban planning control of any form of ownership to respond to appeals.

Individuals working in private companies are not required to submit an income declaration. There are also no safeguards against the creation of developer cartels, which can establish such companies and exercise a “partnership” control (such private controller will be affiliated not with the developer carrying out construction, but with a different one).

All these theses indicate that in the course of implementing urban planning control, work conflicts can occur.

It is necessary to either remove private controllers or introduce additional safeguards — i.e. officially delegate state powers to them, make private controllers subject to anti-corruption legislation, make them personally responsible, oblige them to respond to citizens’ appeals like municipal or state authorities do, install a safeguard against the creation of cartels, and identify a procedure for obtaining a permit from a city administration to carry out such works.

MUNICIPAL POWERS IN CONSTRUCTION MONITORING

(p. 76 Article 231. Construction monitoring)

The authors of the draft law insist that municipal authorities will now have much more rights and responsibilities in construction monitoring. Unfortunately, the draft law regulations are written in such a way that after monitoring (visual inspection with no right to access the construction site), municipal authorities will no longer be able to influence the situation.

This contradicts the fundamental principles of local governance. After all, residents elect their representatives to the municipal

government to (primarily) ensure safety in their city, in particular construction one. Since construction involves danger risks (this is confirmed by the fact that for СС2 and СС3 objects, the draft law requires licensing of construction), control powers should be completely transferred to local governments. To prevent corruption risks, safeguards should be introduced.

It is necessary to transfer the powers of municipal control to local governments, subjecting municipal controllers to personal criminal liability and anti-corruption legislation, and ensure effective state control over city controllers.

SELF-REGULATION

(p. 33 Chapter III. CHIEF ARCHITECTS. CREATIVE ASSOCIATIONS OF ARCHITECTS. SELF-REGULATORY ORGANISATIONS IN ARCHITECTURE; p. 273 Article 56. Performers of certain types of works (services) related to the creation of architecture objects).

NOTARY OFFICERS — STATE REGISTRARS

(p. 54 of the draft law, clauses 22. State registration in the field of urban planning activities and 23. Sate registrars).

Self-regulatory organisations having the right to certify work performers in certain areas are a guarantee of enhancing personnel qualifications. The draft law establishes an expanded range of entities that have the right to certify specialists, in particular personnel certification bodies, which must be accredited according to the Law of Ukraine “On accreditation of conformity assessment bodies” for the construction sector.

In the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the draft law No. 7025 of 2 April 2022 “On self-regulatory organizations” was registered and is now considered by the Committee of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine on Economic Development. It appears that before a comprehensive discussion and solution regarding the provisions of this draft law, the proposals set forth in the draft law No. 5655 are debatable and may reduce the architectural design quality in the country.

The draft law proposes to include notaries into urban planning subjects as state registrars (except the state registrars in the Ministry for Communities, Territories and Infrastructure Development, executive committees, and Kyiv City State Administration) that issue the right to perform construction works. An important positive point is that notaries bear personal responsibility and serious reputational risks in case of law violation.

If the law enters into force, it will be necessary to monitor the practice of notaries as state registrars of the right to perform construction works, including practice prevalence and disputes and court cases resulting from their activities, and to conduct consultations with notaries.

REDISTRIBUTION OF CONTROL AND SUPERVISION OBJECTS IN CONSTRUCTION

CURRENT LEGISLATION: CONTROL

According to current legislation, state architectural and construction control bodies include:

• structural units for state architectural and construction control of the Kyiv and Sevastopol City State Administrations (for objects with minor (СС1) and medium (СС2) classes of consequences);

• executive bodies of village, settlement, and city councils on matters of state architectural and construction control (CC1, while for regional centres — CC1 and CC2);

• State Inspection of Architecture and Urban Planning (SIAUP) (for objects with СС1 and СС2 classes of consequences and large СС3 objects outside settlements; СС2 for cities except regional centres; and СС3 for any territories).

CURRENT LEGISLATION: SUPERVISION

These bodies are subject to state supervision, while their decisions may be subject to supervision or be contested in court.

Control bodies:

• issue building permits;

• control construction;

• par ticipate in commissioning.

The SIAUP also issues licenses to construction companies and monitors both license compliance and construction works at construction sites.

Control includes: control over compliance by customers, designers, contractors, and expert organisations with urban planning legislation requirements and construction norms and rules in the course of preparatory and construction works. The Ministry for Communities, Territories and Infrastructure Development of Ukraine controls self-regulatory organisations.

The SIAUP is the body of state architectural and construction supervision.

Supervision involves the supervision of compliance with urban planning legislation requirements and construction norms and rules in the course of urban planning activities by such entities:

• bodies authorised for urban planning and architecture;

• structural subdivisions of the Kyiv and Sevastopol City State Administrations;

• executive bodies of village, settlement, and city councils on matters of state architectural and construction control;

• other bodies exercising control in urban development.

Thus, now, the urban planning entities that exercise control are subject to supervision.

WHAT DOES LAW NO. 5655 OFFER WITH REGARD TO CONTROL AND SUPERVISION?

(p. 218 of the draft law, Article 38. Urban planning control; p. 231 Article 42. State urban development supervision)

Law No. 5655 defines urban planning control (Article 38) as a set of measures to check the legality and compliance with norms during: 1) the preparatory works for the dismantling (demolition) of objects that, according to the class of consequences (responsibility), belong to the objects with medium (СС2) or significant (СС3) consequences or their parts; and 2) construction works.

In the text of the law, all subjects of urban planning, except developers, are subject to control. Besides, almost all of them (the SIAUP, persons authorised for urban planning control, executive bodies of local councils for urban planning control, bodies authorised for urban planning and architecture, expert organisations, developers of project documentation for construction, self-regulatory organisations in architecture, performers of certain types of works (services) related to the creation of architecture objects, and village, settlement, and city council executive bodies authorised to monitor construction) are also subject to supervision.

Almost all entities will face dual control because all but general contractors, developers, and customers will be subject to supervision.

URBAN PLANNING CHAMBER

(p. 242 of the draft law, Article 45. Consideration of cases of violations for which liability is provided for in Chapter 5 of this Law)

Thus, developers are completely excluded from control and supervision measures, while general contractors, unlike specialists facing dual control and supervision, will only be subject to control.

It is necessary to develop a unified approach to the objects of control and objects of supervision and develop a fair system of control and supervision in relation to urban planning subjects either according to the principle of “control of entrepreneurs and supervision of institutions that exercise control over entrepreneurs or bodies that manage and participate in the implementation of state policy in the field of urban development” or “controlling an object, supervising a subject”.

In other cases, some urban planning subjects will be subject only to control, while some to both control and supervision.

The draft law proposes establishing a consultative and advisory body within the Ministry for Communities, Territories and Infrastructure Development — the Urban Planning Chamber — to consider urban planning violations and work on a public basis.

With these proposals, the draft law suggests unifying the functions of state policy development, rule-making with administrative functions, control, and supervision of administrative (permissive) procedures in one state body, which obviously involves corruption risks. A strict hierarchical system headed by the Ministry is thus built, including:

• issuance of certificates for architects and engineers, licenses for construction companies;

• provision and termination of market access to all industry participants;

• imposition of fines increasing even more without the establishment of an insurance system;

• super vision of all parties except developers;

• possession of the unified state electronic system in the construction sector.

The system of reviewing urban planning violations requires additional discussion. In particular, it is necessary to remove the function of reviewing urban planning violations from the Ministry, as this function is not intrinsic to this state authority developing and implementing state policies in certain areas. Finding a system that would operate more quickly and fairly is also needed.

NARROWING THE POWERS OF CULTURAL HERITAGE PROTECTION BODIES

(p. 112 of the draft law, Article 312. Approval of construction project documentation by cultural heritage protection bodies)

The draft law suggests narrowing the powers of cultural heritage protection bodies at both regional and central levels, leaving them the right to approve scientific project documentation for the restoration of cultural heritage monuments and project documentation for the construction of objects located in the buffer zone of the World Heritage Sites.

According to current legislation, approval of project documentation for the construction of objects takes place not only in these cases, but also for objects within the territory of a cultural heritage site, a historic and cultural reserve, a historic and cultural protected area, a protection zone, a protected archaeological area, and a historic area of an inhabited place.

That is, from the moment the law enters into force, no one will have the right to ask the customer to present project solutions in the historic areas of cities, near architectural monuments, etc., for review by the public, advisory council of a cultural heritage protection body, urban planning council under the chief city architect, or cultural heritage protection bodies.

In case of a failure to receive project documentation approval from a cultural heritage protection body within the relevant period, the provisions of clause 9 of Article 312 regarding tacit consent, i.e. automatic approval of project documentation, are also risky.

In the absence of widespread competition practice, this approach contradicts Article 10 of the Convention for the Protection of the Architectural Heritage of Europe, Granada, 3 October 1985 (ratified by the Law of Ukraine of 20 September 2006 No. 165-V). This will not benefit the preservation of the historical centres of cities, city panoramas, and viewing perception of cultural heritage sites.

It is necessary to bring the norms of the draft law No. 5655 in line with the requirements of the Law of Ukraine “On the protection of cultural heritage” rather than vice versa as the draft law proposes. It is also necessary, having defined clear procedures and deadlines, to introduce mandatory competitions or consideration by relevant councils (advisory, urban planning) in the above territories, as well as approval by cultural heritage protection bodies and chief city architect. Such design solutions must be available to the public for discussion BEFORE construction starts.

FINES AND UNFAIR PUNISHMENT SYSTEM

(p. 308 of the draft law, Article 71. Liability for violations in urban planning)

The draft law introduces fines for urban planning subjects, which is a generally needed tool to curb construction arbitrariness at all construction stages — from idea to implementation. However, the distribution of fines and their size, proposed by the draft law, do not always seem fair.

The provision of the draft law that defines the bodies authorised to consider the cases of urban planning violations is unclear. In particular, the court will consider cases related to customers, general contractors (contractors), persons performing copyright supervision, persons performing technical supervision, urban planning subjects involved in inspections by urban planning control bodies or state urban planning supervision bodies, and enterprises providing technical conditions for a construction site’s engineering support.

The state urban planning supervision body (the Ministry for Communities, Territories and Infrastructure Development) will consider cases related to developers of project documentation for construction, expert organisations and experts, persons performing copyright supervision, persons performing technical supervision (except for the violation specified in the third part of Article 76 of this Law), and urban planning control bodies.

It is questionable whether this distribution is appropriate. It is necessary to revise the system of responsibility and the amount of fines fairly with regard to all urban planning subjects. In this context, one more important topic should be mentioned — selective insurance.

SELECTIVE INSURANCE

(p. 116 Article 313. Examination of construction project documentation)

According to the draft law, liability insurance of construction participants is mandatory for expert organisations and persons authorised for urban planning control. Insurance aims to provide for the compensation of damage caused by the performance of one’s professional activities.

However, it is not clear why only these construction participants must be insured, while others not. Construction insurance works only in those systems where ALL participants are insured: builders, architects, experts, customers, etc.

VIOLATION OF INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY RIGHTS

(p. 43 of the draft law, clause 19; p. 99 part 3)

The draft law contains norms that should be regulated by the Law of Ukraine “On copyright and related rights” and contradict the latter. For example, the draft law claims that urban planning documentation is not a copyright object, though in fact it is an urban planning work and is protected by the law on copyright. This violates intellectual property rights and demonstrates signs of an unconstitutional norm, i.e. with regard to Article 54 of the Constitution:

CITIZENS ARE GUARANTEED THE FREEDOM OF LITERARY, ARTISTIC, SCIENTIFIC AND TECHNICAL CREATIVITY, PROTECTION OF INTELLECTUAL PROPERTY, THEIR COPYRIGHTS, MORAL AND MATERIAL INTERESTS THAT ARISE WITH REGARD TO VARIOUS TYPES OF INTELLECTUAL ACTIVITY.

Also, the draft law requires including the conditions that concern the mandatory transfer of property copyrights and that are written out in a copyright contract — which is also regulated by other laws — in a contract for the development of construction project documentation.

It is important to remove from the draft law the norms contradicting other laws, in particular the Law “On copyright and related rights”, as well as discuss related issues, find solutions, and, if necessary, make appropriate changes to the legislation.

RESTRICTION OF CIVIL RIGHTS

PRINCIPLES OF RECONSTRUCTION OF UKRAINE AFTER THE END OF THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR

(p.

THE DRAFT LAW SPECIFIES THAT “THE PECULIARITIES OF SUBMISSION AND CONSIDERATION OF APPEALS BY INDIVIDUALS OR LEGAL ENTITIES TO THE STATE URBAN PLANNING SUPERVISION BODY ARE OUTLINED IN THE LAW OF UKRAINE ‘ON REGULATION OF TOWNPLANNING ACTIVITIES.

At the same time, the Law of Ukraine “On appeal of citizens” and the Law of Ukraine “On access to public information” developed in accordance with the Constitution of Ukraine are also in force in Ukraine.

It should be noted that Article 40 of the Constitution guarantees the citizens of Ukraine the right to appeal to state authorities:

EVERYONE HAS THE RIGHT TO FILE INDIVIDUAL OR COLLECTIVE PETITIONS, OR TO PERSONALLY APPEAL TO BODIES OF STATE POWER, BODIES OF LOCAL SELFGOVERNMENT, AND TO THE OFFICIALS AND OFFICERS OF THESE BODIES, THAT ARE OBLIGED TO CONSIDER THE PETITIONS AND TO PROVIDE A SUBSTANTIATED REPLY WITHIN THE TERM ESTABLISHED BY LAW.

Also, the draft law describes in detail who, and with regard to whom, has the right to submit an application for the implementation of state urban planning supervision, i.e. inspection. However, general contractors are again excluded from the list of supervision objects. That is, a situation arises when even the customer has no right to initiate an inspection of the general contractor. This will lead to general contractors’ impunity in construction. Moreover, this clause disregards the rights of residents, project authors, technical supervision engineers, experts, city authorities, and all other parties involved in construction.

These clauses should be removed from the draft law.

Though the draft law does not reflect the value aspects of urban planning, it nevertheless lays down one important principle. And this principle undoes the long path of decentralisation that Ukraine has already passed.

This applies to the rule assuming that comprehensive programmes for the restoration of the territories of regions (introduced by the draft law No. 7282 in May 2022) are the entry data for comprehensive programmes for the development of the territories of territorial communities. In fact, it should be the other way round: territorial communities collect destruction data, analyse them,

CONSTRUCTION AMNESTY

(p. 206 of the draft law, Article 372. The peculiarities of acceptance into operation of completed construction of objects meeting the criteria for objects that can be constructed based on a construction passport and completed construction of agricultural objects meeting the criteria for objects belonging to the objects with insignificant (CC1) consequences by the class of consequences (responsibility), the construction of which was carried out without acquiring the right to perform construction works)

develop recovery programmes, and, based on the latter, regional recovery programmes are developed, creating a basis for the development of Ukraine’s recovery programme.

Priorities should be changed: programmes for the recovery of territorial communities should become the entry data for programmes for the recovery of regions.

The draft law proposes to enable putting into operation the objects that should have been built according to the Construction Passport (CC1, residential, up to 500 m2) or CC1 objects built for agricultural purposes based on the results of a technical survey and technical inventory without construction works permits, project, construction passport, etc. Herewith, such a norm is limited neither in time nor in area.

It should be noted that construction amnesties have already been used in Ukraine. In particular, according to the Order of the Ministry of Regional Development, Construction and Housing and Communal Services of Ukraine of 3 July 2018 No. 158, it is possible to accept into operation individual (manor) residential houses, garden and country houses with a total area of up to 300 m2, as well as household (homestead) buildings and structures with a total area of up to 300 m2 built (without obtaining permits) in the period from 5 August 1992 to 9 April 2015, provided that they are built on a land plot of respective target purpose. This functions at the by-law level.

The construction amnesty proposed by the draft law is not limited in time. The draft law authors speak about the relevance of this norm during martial law. However, the lacking reference to the period of martial law will encourage Ukraine’s citizens to arbitrarily build without obtaining any permits, mainly in violation of the SBN (based on the practice of considering such cases in 1992–2015), and will lead to inefficient use of Ukrainian lands, spontaneous construction, numerous lawsuits, and anti-development protests.

This norm should be removed from the draft law or a time frame for the validity of this norm should be set to limit its territorial application: for example, the norm can apply in de-occupied territories provided that there is no specially authorised urban planning and architecture body in operation during the period of martial law and within three months after its termination.

MUNICIPALITIES

influence increases, the right to control construction is granted, safeguards are installed, responsibility for creating urban planning documentation at the local level

SPECIALISTS

influence increases, copyright is guaranteed, an insurance system is introduced, and the role of self-regulation is strengthened

CITIZENS

influence increases, instruments of public representation and control are introduced in the processes of decision-making on urban development

DEVELOPERS

receive transparent rules in the field of urban planning; a system of risk insurance and obtaining construction permits through a single state electronic system is established

STATE AUTHORITIES

functions of developing state urban planning policy and functions of state supervision of urban planning entities remain; control functions are transferred to insurance companies and self-regulatory organisations; own a single state electronic system and are responsible for its administration

The urban planning system should develop according to the principle of fair consideration of the interests of all subjects of the urban planning market, finding a balance between them, and creating ideological grounds for the formation of more humane cities, ecological sustainability of territories, and development of the economy of cities as the main points of human civilisation growth for the general increase in social good. Obviously, the system needs reformation.

Timeline of Laws Adoption and Changing Role of Citizens

(Law No. 1699-ІІІ) (Law No. 3038) Decentralisation reformnot signed by the President and not valid

CITIZENS

have a weak influence but there are public discussions

Increasing influence Increasing influence Narrowing influence

CITIZENS have a weak influence; anti-development protests

CITIZENS

have a weak influence; anti-development protests

CITIZENS

influence decreases, the constitutional right to address state authorities is taken away

CITIZENS

influence increases, instruments of public representation and control are introduced in the processes of decision-making on urban development

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CASE STUDY. MAPPING AND ANALYSING THE PROCESS OF CITIZEN INVOLVEMENT

IN CHRISTCHURCH, NEW ZEALAND, AS A RESPONSE

TO THE EARTHQUAKE IN 2011

This chapter explores the case of post-disaster recovery of Christchurch, New Zealand, and its applicability to the context of post-war Ukraine. The work was conducted in a form a series of interviews with the people involved in the planning and reconstruction efforts during the recovery period.

All interviews were conducted by Daria Borovyk between September 2023 and January 2024. The interviews include stories from:

Ryan Reynolds, founder of Gapfiller — creative urban regeneration project

Hugh Nick Hugh Nicholson, principal adviser in urban design at the Council

David Sim, architect and urban expert, in 2011 — creative director at Gehl

Carolyn Ingels, Project Director, Central City Recovery Plan

INTRODUCTION

CHRISTCHURCH, NEW ZEALAND

As the second largest city in New Zealand, Christchurch is the gateway to the South Island for tourism and business. Canterbury is estimated to account for 14.2 percent of New Zealand’s total production and employs about 13 percent of the nation’s workforce, with manufacturing, health and education contributing more than average amounts of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) compared with the remainder of the country (Christchurch City Council, 2011).

In February 2011, according to the Christchurch City Council (2011), Christchurch was struck by a magnitude 6.3 earthquake, which appeared to be the most devastating quake in 80 years in New Zealand, with the last comparable event occurring in Napier in 1931. This earthquake was the third significant one in a series of four to hit the city within a span of 10 months. The impact was devastating, causing extensive damage to the Central City area, claiming 181 lives, and injuring many more. Buildings were destroyed and suffered severe damage, businesses were forced to close, leading to significant job losses, and the overall landscape of the Central City was forever changed.

The catastrophe prompted the shutdown of the Central City, with approximately half of its buildings, within what came to be known as the Central City cordon or red zone, requiring demolition, resulting in the loss of much of the city’s heritage. Despite the devastation, Christchurch embarked on a journey of rebuilding and redevelopment while honouring the heritage that remained (Christchurch City Council, 2011).

As the city looked towards the future, it aimed to maintain resilience, strength, and vibrancy while also prioritising the return of people to its core (Christchurch City Council, 2011). The goal was to create a bold and revitalised Central City that would serve as a beacon of hope and progress for Christchurch.

RELEVANCE OF CHRISTCHURCH CASE FOR THE UKRAINIAN CONTEXT

The city of Christchurch, New Zealand, stands as a resilient testament to the power of community and effective recovery planning in the face of adversity. The earthquake that struck Christchurch in 2011 left a trail of destruction, challenging the city’s residents and authorities to rebuild not only infrastructure but also the spirit of the community. As Ukraine navigates its post-war recovery, there are valuable insights to be gleaned from Christchurch’s experience.

Recovery through Community Engagement

Parallel Processing and Expedited Timelines

Government-Citizen-Business Collaboration

One of the key lessons from Christchurch is the importance of involving the community in the recovery process. The “Share an Idea” initiative in Christchurch exemplifies this approach, allowing residents to actively contribute to the vision for their city’s future. A similar participatory strategy in Ukraine could empower its citizens, fostering a sense of ownership and commitment to rebuilding efforts.

In the aftermath of a disaster or conflict, time becomes a critical factor. Christchurch’s recovery has showcased the efficacy of parallel processing, where tasks such as feasibility studies, design, and project scoping occur concurrently. This accelerates the recovery timeline, acknowledging the urgency of rebuilding. Ukraine could benefit from a streamlined and expedited approach to address immediate needs while planning for long-term reconstruction.

Successful recovery in Christchurch was a result of collaborative efforts between the government, citizens, and businesses. Open communication channels, transparent decision-making, and partnerships between these entities were vital. In Ukraine, fostering a collaborative ecosystem could enhance the effectiveness of recovery initiatives, ensuring a holistic and sustainable rebuilding process.

Inclusive and Adaptive Urban Planning

Infrastructure as a Catalyst for Community Well-being

Christchurch’s recovery plan emphasised inclusivity and adaptability, recognising that urban planning should reflect the community’s desires and needs. Ukraine, in its recovery, could adopt a similar approach, encouraging citizen input in shaping the urban landscape and ensuring that rebuilding efforts align with the local context.

The reconstruction of infrastructure in Christchurch not only aimed at restoring functionality but also served as a catalyst for community well-being. Parks, public spaces, and transitional architecture initiatives played a pivotal role in revitalising the city. Ukraine’s recovery process could prioritise similar initiatives, recognising that infrastructure goes beyond functionality, contributing to the overall welfare of its citizens.

As Ukraine embarks on its post-war recovery journey, the experiences of Christchurch offer a beacon of hope and a source of practical insights. The resilience of Christchurch’s community, the collaborative efforts of various stakeholders, and the adaptive urban planning strategies can serve as valuable lessons for Ukraine. By learning from these experiences, Ukraine has an opportunity to not only rebuild its physical infrastructure but also nurture a vibrant and empowered community that can shape its future.

ROLE OF DEMOCRATIC PROCESSES IN POST DISASTER RECOVERY

Recovery Takes Collaborative Effort

Make Participation Accessible

Government bodies, citizens, and businesses bring unique resources to the table. The collaborative synergy of government, citizens, and businesses is indispensable for effective, inclusive, and sustainable post-disaster recovery. By leveraging the strengths of each sector, communities can rebuild not just what was lost but also create a foundation for a more resilient and vibrant future.

“THE BEST RECOVERIES INTERNATIONALLY, IF YOU STUDY THEM, ARE THE ONES THAT ARE LED BY THE COMMUNITY”.

Hugh Nicholson,

principal adviser in urban design at the Council

Often, traditional planning, business, and architecture may seem irrelevant to many citizens. This leads to lower involvement in participatory activities.

When developing a participation strategy that is more accessible and relatable to citizens, it is important to aim at finding subjects that directly affect people’s daily lives.

Asking questions related to people’s everyday life can help make urban planning more relevant and relatable to the community, e.g.:

• What is the reason you don’t take a bus?

• What is it like to wait for a bus?

• What is it like to cross the street?

• What is the reason you don’t let your kids go alone to school?

• Where can your kids play?

Such simple questions and conversations, together with easy to understand analogue methods and tools (such as a big printed aerial image of the city and Post-it notes used in Christchurch), provide a low threshold for involvement. The simplicity of writing on a post-it and the freedom to discard mistakes contributes to the accessibility of the initiative.

The use of a large analogue aerial image has been chosen for its tangible appeal allowing people to find familiar locations, like their homes or schools. The visual clarity of aerial images, with green circles representing trees and grey lines depicting roads, make the information more straightforward and understandable for participants, emphasising the importance of simplicity and relatability in community engagement initiatives.

“A CITY IS NOT ONLY BRICKS AND MORTAR. IT’S THE PLACE OF PEOPLE’S STORIES AND MEMORIES. MAKING PEOPLE PART OF THE PROCESS BUILDS NEW MEMORIES AND NEW STORIES TO TELL ABOUT THE CITY AND THEIR ROLE IN ITS CREATION. AS THE PAINSTAKING DEMOLITION WORK CONTINUES AND CAREFUL CONSTRUCTION WORK BEGINS, THE PEOPLE OF CHRISTCHURCH CAN START LOOKING FORWARD TO LOOKING BACK. THE STORY OF REBUILDING THE CITY WILL BE THEIRS TO TELL”.

Lianne Dalziel, the Mayor of Christchurch in 2013–2022

Resource Mobilisation

provides essential funding and infrastructure

Economic Revitalisation Infrastructure Development Innovation & Sustainability

develops policies that facilitate business recovery, such as tax incentives or streamlined regulatory processes

work with rebuilding and upgrading essential infrastructure; this includes repairing damaged public facilities, constructing resilient structures, and implementing smart urban planning develops policies supporting such initiatives

provides economic resources, employment opportunities, and expertise invests in rebuilding efforts, creates jobs, and spurs economic activity brings innovative technologies and sustainable practices provides local knowledge, resilience, and community spirit

helps align these efforts with the actual needs and preferences of the community proposes creative solutions based on local knowledge

Involving citizens in the recovery process fosters a sense of ownership and empowerment. When citizens actively participate in decision-making and rebuilding efforts, this not only enhances the effectiveness of recovery initiatives but also strengthens the social fabric.

The success of Christchurch engagement initiatives during the post-disaster recovery period can be attributed to strategic timing that aligned with the evolving perspectives of the community. Following a disaster, there is an initial focus on survival, and around three months later, a pivotal moment arises when people start contemplating the possibilities of rebuilding and moving forward.

Share an Idea was strategically launched during this opportune moment, resulting in an exceptional response from the community. Leveraging an innovative website, an open and unmoderated platform for idea sharing was fostered. The unique feature of immediate posting without extensive moderation allowed for a realtime, dynamic conversation to unfold.

The website facilitated discussions through speech bubble interactions, enabling people to express their desires and receive prompt responses from others. This format encouraged conversations between people and groups, steering away from isolated individual preferences. The aim was to emphasise that decisions should be collective and represent the interests of the community rather than isolated individuals.

One of the notable successes of Share an Idea was the emergence of meaningful conversations among community members. These interactions revealed the complexities of differing priorities within the community.

How Did It Work?

Lessons Learned

Based on people’s responses, targeted meetings with specific interest groups were initiated (e.g. mobility issues). These gatherings aimed to bring multiple groups together, encouraging collaborative discussions to uncover shared aspirations. The fundamental principle remained that a shared vision, derived through dialogue and collaboration, is crucial for achieving meaningful outcomes in the recovery process.

A website that collected ideas Ideas were divided into four main groups:

• Mobility

• Market

• Space

• Life

Running for 6 weeks 58,000 ideas collected

• Time is a key factor for successful citizens engagement

• It is impor tant to give an opportunity to hold difficult conversations and come to common decisions

“IT’S EASY FOR US TO SAY WHAT I WANT. IT’S MUCH HARDER TO FIGURE OUT WHAT WE WANT, AS A COMMUNITY”.

SHARE AN IDEA — COMMUNITY EXPO

Hugh Nicholson, principal adviser in urban design at the Council

The approach to community engagement was designed to foster a dynamic and inclusive conversation marking efforts initiation with a large-scale event: the Christchurch Recovery Expo. This event took place in the only remaining venue in the city, which was booked for an entire weekend and which 12,000 people attended. This showed the community’s readiness to actively participate in the recovery process.

This event sparked people’s interest in urban design, architecture, and planning. It was a great platform where everyone could share their ideas and visions for the future of Christchurch.

What worked well about the Expo was how easy it made it for people to submit their thoughts. Whether you had a short idea, a long one, or just wanted to put it down on a post-it note, all kinds of submissions were welcomed. This approach made it accessible to everyone, and it helped immensely in getting people involved.

The Expo also combined two very important elements of engagement and education. The combination of international speakers who shared insights and experiences from various cities worldwide, educational sessions, and public participation set the stage for a collaborative and inspired visioning process for the future of Christchurch.

One notable feature was the use of 360-degree cameras strategically positioned in the central city. These cameras allowed people to virtually explore pre- and post-earthquake views of key intersections, squares, and public spaces. This method was used to enable residents to reflect on the changes in their cityscape that occurred post-earthquake, especially in the areas that were inaccessible due to cordons.

The Expo also showcased a number of examples from cities worldwide, illustrating successful urban development projects and innovative designs. These displays served as inspiration and reference points for residents, encouraging them to contemplate and articulate their ideas for the future of Christchurch.

The primary objective was to initiate a conversation with the community about their aspirations for the rebuilt city. People were encouraged to envision the kind of city they wanted to see emerge from the recovery efforts.

In summary, the Christchurch Recovery Expo was a catalyst for community engagement that leveraged international perspectives and visual storytelling to stimulate a dialogue about the city’s future. The event set the stage for ongoing conversations and collaborative efforts, marking a pivotal moment in the participatory planning process for the recovery of Christchurch.

How Did It Work?

A two-day event with various formats of engagement and participation:

• Post-it notes

• Videos

• Questionnaires

• Online feedback

12,000 people participated

• Diverse engagement methods ensure involvement of wider groups of people

• Low threshold for engagement helps to achieve higher engagement

To achieve maximum transparency and public involvement, the draft of the recovery plan was promptly made accessible to the public, accompanied by an open invitation for feedback. This inclusive approach aimed to capture diverse perspectives and ensure active participation of Christchurch residents in the decision-making process.

To facilitate feedback, online forms were made available, offering a convenient avenue for people to share their thoughts on the proposed recovery plan. This digital accessibility catered to a broad spectrum of community members, allowing them to express their opinions and suggestions through a user-friendly platform.

Following the publication of the draft, an important phase of the two-week hearings started. During this period, members of the Council convened to listen to submissions from the public. Those who desired to address the Council directly had an option to do so,

Exploring life activities

being offered a specific time frame — typically around 15 minutes — for each participant to present their views. This process ensured that the public had a direct channel to communicate their concerns, preferences, and recommendations to the Council.

Moreover, recognising the significance of collaboration with the business community, dedicated efforts were made to align the recovery plan with their perspectives. Subsequent discussions involved extensive consultations with business representatives, aiming to reach a consensus that would garner support across various sectors.

Typically, the formal review process adhered to established legal frameworks and was conducted under a specific Act governing such procedures. The participation of all councillors in this process underscored the gravity and formal nature of proceedings.

Unlike typical hearings that often prioritise expert opinions, the recovery approach prioritised community voices. This intentional emphasis on the public’s input was aligned with our commitment to fostering a democratic and inclusive decision-making process By putting people first and valuing their contributions, we aimed to ensure that the recovery plan resonated with the diverse needs and aspirations of the Christchurch community.

“I THINK IT’S IMPORTANT TO KEEP CHECKING BACK WITH THE PUBLIC TO MAKE SURE THAT WE’VE GOT IT RIGHT”.

Hugh Nicholson, principal adviser

in

urban design at the Council

During the two-day Expo, among other events, a workshop “Build your dream city out of Lego blocks” was organised. The workshop aimed to use Lego as a tool to engage people in rethinking postdisaster Christchurch and express their aspirations towards their future city.

The workshop was structured in a few blocks:

Participants were asked to build Lego representations of themselves — a mental exercise that helped shifting the focus from immediate construction to a thoughtful, introspective process.

*People got involved and were very interested in this process. This exercise fostered concentration on an individual while redirecting emphasis away from mere construction.

An exercise centred around life and personal everyday activities. People were asked what they like doing and what they would like to do if they had an opportunity.

The focus here was on people and their personal relations to the city.

Building upon personal and activity-focused constructs, participants were encouraged to build spaces and buildings to accommodate these activities.

This phase aimed to integrate personal identity and activities into broader community and environmental contexts.

This three-part structure strategically progressed from individual self-representation to collective explorations of life activities and community elements, thus fostering a cohesive and imaginative workshop experience.

WHAT WAS THE CHALLENGE?

During the initial phase of engagement, particularly at the Share an Idea event, a significant challenge was limited Lego quantity. The acquired quantity was enough for only a single participant, which posed challenges for creative process. There was also no clear workshop structure, which compromised the ability to facilitate a meaningful and coherent engagement.

Lessons Learned

• Get enough materials to work with to avoid restrictions limiting the scope of participants’ contributions.

• Create a clear structure to navigate people through the event.

• Acknowledge possible limitations of Lego as a tool. Ensure diversity of elements: Lego people, green elements, custom elements together with traditional bricks.

LEARNINGS FOR UKRAINE

RECOVERY PLAN DEVELOPMENT PROCESS

Team formation

Inclusive approach

Accelerated timetable

The task at hand was to prepare a draft recovery plan for Christchurch within a nine-month timeframe. Although seemingly ample, the complexity of requirements and the need for extensive community involvement made it an exceptionally tight schedule.

To address this challenge, a dedicated team was assembled, consisting of over 60 individuals from within and outside the Council. The team was categorised into functional subteams, including economic issues, ecological concerns, and transportation matters. A steering group, comprising key professionals and Gehl Architects, provided an overarching direction and integration.

The planning process prioritised inclusivity, acknowledging the importance of involving the community in decision-making. The “Share an Idea” initiative was introduced, emphasising the recovery plan’s alignment with the desires of the locals.

Recognising urgency, a decision was made to accelerate the planning process. Instead of the traditional research, writing, draft, and review sequence, a more time-efficient approach was adopted, resulting in a rapid generation of the initial draft.

Interactive document

“Share an Idea” initiative

Draft presentation and review

The recovery plan aimed to be more than a mere document — it strived to reflect the voices and stories of the community. Actual photographs and quotes from residents were incorporated, providing a tangible connection between the plan and the individuals it aimed to serve.

The “Share an Idea” initiative was pivotal in capturing the community’s aspirations. Advertisements and a well-executed timetable ensured a broad and inclusive participation.

The initial draft was promptly presented to the community, seeking validation and feedback. A two-week period of intense hearings allowed residents to express their opinions and contribute to the refinement of the plan.

Thorough consultation

The strength of the recovery plan lay in the depth of consultation. Engaging with hundreds of thousands of residents, the Council created an environment where people not only expressed their desires but also had an opportunity to validate the Council’s interpretation of their input. The comprehensive and inclusive nature of the consultation process played an important role in the plan’s acceptance and strong support from the community. The accelerated approach, coupled with commitment to community involvement, resulted in a successful and community-endorsed recovery plan.

“AND A LOT OF IT IS ABOUT DEALING WITH PEOPLE. THERE’S THE DOCUMENT YOU LOOK AT, BUT ACTUALLY IT’S ABOUT BRINGING PEOPLE ALONG WITH YOU ON A JOURNEY AND TALKING TO THEM AND MAKING THEM FEEL AS THOUGH THEY’VE BEEN HEARD AND THAT THEY CAN SEE THEIR STORY COMING OUT ON THE PAGES”.

Jacinda Ardern, the Prime Minister of New Zealand

ROLE OF EDUCATION IN RECOVERY PROCESS

Education of Citizens as Part of the Engagement Campaign

Engagement and Education

Synergy

Before the “Share an Idea” campaign took centre stage, a series of preliminary activities set the foundation, creating a buzz around urban development. While not directly tethered to Share an Idea, these activities collectively played a crucial role in shaping a broader discourse.

A noteworthy observation emerged during this phase — a symbiotic relationship between public engagement and educational endeavours. The weekend forum, a significant highlight, laid bare the intricate connection between posing questions to the public and the simultaneous act of educating and inspiring them. The Expo, far from a mere one-sided inquiry, seamlessly blended interactive presentations, effectively sparking enthusiasm and inviting the community to contribute their ideas for the city. This dynamic interplay marked a pivotal moment in the journey towards community-driven urban development.

How Did It Work?

Lessons Learned

TRADITIONAL PLANNING PROCESS VS RECOVERY PROCESS

One of the successful initiatives during the planning process included simultaneous education of council members. Recognising the importance of ensuring a comprehensive understanding of city rebuilding complexity, a strategic initiative was undertaken alongside the crafting of the recovery plan.

As the recovery plan took shape, a parallel strategy focusing on educating council members about the nuances of rebuilding cities was introduced. Expert-led sessions delved into essential aspects of urbanism, vividly illustrating potential futures for Christchurch.

This dual-stream approach sought to equip council members with a profound comprehension of the multifaceted challenges involved in city development. Weaving education seamlessly into the planning efforts, it yielded effective results. This approach ensured a collective understanding of urban planning and recovery processes among the council members. Such an alignment allowed for widespread support for the proposed plans among the council members.

The synchronisation of education and planning fostered a sense of collective ownership and commitment among the council members, making this achievement truly remarkable in the journey towards rebuilding Christchurch.

• A series of lectures and events by experts for politicians

• Public lectures for citizens

• Education helps align understanding of recovery process and urban planning steps

• Educational events and informing citizens foster collective ownership of the proposed changes

In the traditional urban planning process, the sequence of events typically follows a structured path. Initiating with a feasibility study, subsequent steps involve securing funding and meticulously scoping out the project. This sequential progression is integral to the standard planning paradigm, ensuring each phase is thoroughly completed before moving on to the next one.

However, the dynamics dramatically shifts in the aftermath of a disaster. The urgency and pressing need for swift recovery demand a departure from this conventional approach. In the recovery process, time is a precious commodity and parallel processing of tasks becomes imperative: there’s no luxury of time to allow one phase to unfold after another.

The traditional sequential model, with its elongated timelines for feasibility studies, funding acquisition, and project scoping, is a luxury that a devastated city cannot afford. Instead, feasibility study, design, and scoping must unfold concurrently. This simultaneous execution assumes a certain degree of risk — the possibility that, at the conclusion, it might be deemed infeasible, resulting in potential discarding of much work.

ARCHITECTURE

However, in the face of a broken city, this risk becomes an unavoidable trade-off. The urgency to rebuild and restore functionality takes precedence over the calculated, time-consuming approach of traditional urban planning. The parallel process acknowledges the constraints of time, recognising that in the aftermath of a disaster, a city cannot afford the luxury of sequential planning; instead, it requires a synchronised and expedited effort to facilitate a swifter recovery.

“THAT’S JUST A RISK WE’VE GOTTA TAKE BECAUSE WE HAVEN’T GOT TIME. WE’VE GOT A BROKEN CITY”.

Hugh Nicholson, principal adviser in urban design at the Council

“TIME IS OF THE ESSENCE. WE HAVE TO DO ALL OF THE TASKS IN PARALLEL”.

Hugh Nicholson, principal adviser in urban design at the Council

In the aftermath of the devastating events in Christchurch, a distinct division of roles emerged between the Council and the government, each tasked with specific responsibilities. Notably, the government’s focus was on substantial investments, envisioning grand projects. However, the inherent challenges in expediting these large-scale initiatives, from the tendering process to design and construction, meant that considerable time frames were inevitable, with each project taking at least three years to implement.

The public, eager to witness the city’s rebirth, expressed impatience during this prolonged planning phase. In response, the Council took innovative steps, introducing a concept known as “transitional architecture”.

The essence of transitional architecture lay in the notion of temporarily utilising vacant lands while awaiting the fruition of long-term redevelopment plans, a timeframe ranging from three to ten years. This approach empowered citizens to actively participate in reshaping their environment. The concept led to the formation of a broader movement where individuals and communities proposed and implemented creative solutions for temporarily repurposing vacant spaces.

For instance, citizens suggested turning a vacant site into a park, addressing the absence of green spaces in the city centre. The success of such endeavours was striking, with some sites eventually being acquired by the Council and transformed into permanent fixtures aligned with the desires of the community.

What distinguished this approach was its citizen-led nature. People initiated ideas and projects, leading to the establishment of the Life in Vacant Spaces Trust, a trust designed to assist citizens in navigating complexities related to leases, insurance, and liability concerns. This support structure facilitated ordinary citizens’ involvement in temporary land utilization, offering them tools to

negotiate with landowners and engage in creative ventures without feeling overwhelmed by bureaucratic obstacles.

In a city marked by fenced-off construction sites and restricted access due to safety concerns, transitional architecture provided an empowering alternative. It allowed people to reclaim agency over their surroundings and thus fostered a sense of control and community engagement. This grassroots movement became a testament to the resilience of Christchurch’s residents, offering a vibrant and dynamic phase during the city’s recovery process.

This approach became an important model, demonstrating a responsive strategy that could be applicable in similar scenarios, such as in Ukraine.

In response to the formidable challenges posed by the rebuilding process after the earthquake, a pioneering initiative “Rebuild Central” was instituted. Recognising the bureaucratic hurdles within traditional council setups, the aim was to streamline interactions and provide a comprehensive support system for individuals navigating the complexities of the reconstruction process.

The concept was straightforward: to establish a central location in the heart of Christchurch, distinct from the conventional Council setting, where all necessary departments could be consolidated under one roof. This multidisciplinary approach aimed to create a seamless experience for citizens seeking guidance. Rather than going to one after another different Council offices, they could visit Rebuild Central — a one-stop shop to address their queries, spanning building consent, resource consent, street repairs, and more.

While not without its challenges, Rebuild Central proved to be a valuable resource. Its fundamental principle was to simplify the process for individuals and, hence, expedite decision making.

Particularly noteworthy was the adjustment of building regulations and specifications in the aftermath of catastrophic failures. The need for precision and accountability prompted councils to be cautious, contributing to some reservations about embracing the Rebuild Central model fully.

The flexible nature of decision-making during the reconstruction period was not a result of altering legislative frameworks but rather an adaptation of the approach to managing those frameworks.

Rebuild Central’s role was to guide individuals through existing processes and ensure they didn’t have to go through complex bureaucracies. This approach embodied an enabling attitude, emphasising assistance in manoeuvring through established processes rather than fundamentally altering them.

In a broken cityscape, flexibility was essential. The philosophy was clear: rather than saying no, find ways to say yes, and work collaboratively to make it beneficial for the city, its residents, and businesses. The success of this approach hinged on cultivating a positive and enabling attitude, placing the right people in

TIMEFRAMES OF RECOVERY

pivotal roles, and fostering a unified vision. The shared objective of rebuilding, evident in the collaborative efforts and collective direction, underscored the effectiveness of initiatives like Rebuild Central in steering Christchurch towards recovery and rejuvenation.

“WE DIDN’T CHANGE THE UNDERLYING PROCESSES, WE JUST WALKED PEOPLE THROUGH THEM”.

Hugh Nicholson, principal adviser in urban design at the Council

Looking back, we were so unrealistic about the timelines. There was this ambitious goal of rebuilding Christchurch in just three years, which, in reality, was quite unprecedented. In most cities, major civic projects occur at a much slower pace, usually spanning 10 to 20 years for a single significant investment. In Christchurch, we found ourselves undertaking 15 of these projects simultaneously, with the expectation of completing them within this tight three-year window. However, the reality is quite different; some are still ongoing even after 12 years, and a few are still under construction. The takeaway here is that rebuilding, especially on this scale, takes time. It’s not a process you can rush.

This holds true not just for Christchurch but for any city facing similar challenges. It’s a generational problem, and quick fixes aren’t likely. Patience and understanding that it is a gradual process are crucial.

The Context of Ukraine

The same principles can be applied to Ukraine. Rebuilding is a lengthy, transformative process, and it’s unlikely to be resolved by the next election. It’s a matter of accepting that it’s a journey rather than a destination. What is exciting about this is the potential for Ukraine to evolve and grow for the next 20 or 30 years as the rebuilding takes place. It is a continuous process, and that kind of transformation tends to attract people and keeps things interesting.

“I HAVE THIS THEORY ABOUT URBANISM — YOU NEVER WANT TO COMPLETE YOUR CITY. THE GREATNESS OF A CITY LIES IN ITS ABILITY TO KEEP CHANGING, EVOLVING. IT’S AN ONGOING PROCESS. CHRISTCHURCH, FOR INSTANCE, IS LOVED NOW BECAUSE IT’S SEEN AS A DYNAMIC, EVOLVING PLACE. THE KEY IS TO CONSCIOUSLY EMBRACE THIS CONTINUAL CHANGE. EVEN THOUGH IT MIGHT TAKE A LONG TIME TO REBUILD, THERE’S SOMETHING BEAUTIFUL ABOUT THAT EVEREVOLVING PROCESS. IT’S A CELEBRATION OF THE FACT THAT WE HAVE THE NEXT 30 YEARS TO REBUILD. THE EXCITEMENT LIES IN THE CONTINUOUS PROCESS, ALMOST AS POWERFUL AS SOME OF THE SIGNIFICANT PROJECTS WE UNDERTAKE. IT’S ABOUT EMBRACING THE JOURNEY RATHER THAN FIXATING ON THE DESTINATION”.

Hugh Nicholson, principal adviser in urban design at the Council

An example of imposed state-level legislation that lacks contextuality and flexibility to serve different municipalities within the country

Recently, there has been a change in legislation driven by issues in Auckland, New Zeeland’s big city with over a million people. However, the solutions developed for Auckland don’t quite fit the bill for Christchurch, which is a smaller city. The legislation is national, so it is imposed uniformly, without considering the unique needs and realities of smaller cities like Christchurch.

The specific legislation in question aims to address the perceived land shortage in Auckland, but it removes height limits from the central city and increases them along the major transit corridors. While having 13-14-storey buildings is not inherently bad, it lacks nuance.

The fundamental issue in Christchurch is that there is still an ongoing process of rebuilding, with vacant land around the central city. The legislative changes risk undermining the existing recovery plan. Instead of promoting a diverse urban landscape, these changes might lead to erecting a few high-rise buildings while leaving other areas vacant.

The challenge lies in expecting all councils to adhere to nationwide standards, which might not align with the specific needs of each location. Rather than dictating how to achieve growth, the focus should be on providing councils with the capacity for growth in accordance with good urban design principles. This approach allows flexibility while ensuring sustainable development.

• Instead of rigid standards and legislative acts, guidelines and principles can be provided on the national level, indicating goals and aspirations, while leaving space for unique context specific measures to achieve these goals.

• Post-war context can take different shapes and forms. While some settlements have been severely bombed and lost their inhabitants, other settlements accepted IDP’s and experience rapid growth. It is important to account for diversity of the contexts and differences within one country.

“FUNDAMENTALLY, IT’S CLOSELY RELATED TO THAT DIVERSITY. HARVEST ALL OF THE ENERGY, INTEREST AND ENTHUSIASM THAT PEOPLE HAVE FOR A PLACE”.

Ryan Reynolds, founder of Gapfiller, creative urban regeneration project

“TRY TO ENJOY THE PROCESS OF REBUILDING AND SEE IT AS SOMETHING POSITIVE RATHER THAN A TERRIBLE HURDLE TO BE CROSSED. IT’S AN OPPORTUNITY TOO!”

Hugh Nicholson, principal adviser in urban design at the Council

REFERENCE

Christchurch City Council. 2011. City Plan Draft Central City Recovery Plan For

Ministerial Approval. Available at: https://ccc.govt.nz/assets/Documents/The-Council/Plans-StrategiesPolicies-Bylaws/Plans/central-city/Draft-Central-City-Recovery-Plan. pdf. [Accessed 14 March 2024].

DANISH PLANNING SYSTEM IN THEORY

AND PRACTICE

National planning

This article offers an overview of the Danish planning legislation and its application.

The Danish planning legislation dates back to the early 1970s and has shaped urban development in Denmark for 50 years. The Danish planning system operates on three levels: state (national), regional, and municipal. It is decentralised, i.e. centred around municipal planning. From the very onset, Danish planning legislation has contained clauses on “public participation in urban planning”, which entails a high degree of democratic citizen involvement — not in the least in urban planning and development.

From its conception, the Danish Planning Act was based on a clear hierarchical structure, where requirements and wishes of the state on local planning policy and development were expressed through reports, binding directives, guidelines, and possible intervention in local/ municipal planning. The latter aspect of the Planning Act offers the state (national government) a provision — through a built-in right of veto — to rule over topics and projects of international, national, and regional interest.

Up until 2007, Denmark had a simple and clear organisation of the various authorities’ fields of responsibilities with a focus on the municipalities’ role as an authority responsible for the physical implementation of planning.

This is also true post 2007. But the distinct difference is that at this time, the counties throughout Denmark were collated and reduced in number from 13 counties to five regions. During the same time, the number of municipalities throughout Denmark was reduced from 275 to 98 municipalities, with the newly defined municipalities becoming spatially much larger. In terms of roles and responsibilities, the regions’ influence on physical planning decreased, while their influence on strategic (business) development in the region in question increased. On the other hand, municipalities were tasked with increased responsibility for physical planning.

The national interests of the state are looked after by the ministry with a particular field of responsibilities (the ministry responsible for planning changing over time — depending on governments and their specific constellations of ministries), which, by its very nature, collaborates with and coordinates all the ministries in the state government to create comprehensive planning from the national perspective (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

The relevant ministry (the ministry responsible for planning changing over time) was (up until 2007) responsible for implementing the current government’s policy via:

* A “new” map of Denmark referring to the 2007 reform and reflecting five regions is presented. The white circles represent Greater Copenhagen and the city band in East Jutland. Both areas focus on mass commuting.

• “National Planning Reports” — national policy reports which every four years presented the state’s policy regarding physical planning. With the revision of the Planning Act in 2023, these reports were removed from the state’s “toolbox”.

• “Overview of National Interests” — the tool that expressed the requirements and interests of the state and legislation regarding regional and municipal planning (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

Further implementation includes:

• “National directives” — the tools used where the state has deemed it necessary to take over the planning of regional and municipal interests or to promote special state (national) interests. For example, this is the case of the Greater Copenhagen Area, where in 2007 the national planning directive was for updating the so-called “Fingerplan” (Copenhagen’s original Finger Plan is dated 1947). The national planning directive for the capital region was meant to secure the nationstate’s interests in comprehensive planning for 37 municipalities that constitute the capital region as a consequence of the 2007 municipal reform.

• Likewise, this also allows the state to advance the national interests in such sectors as energy planning, e.g. through a national directive on setting up wind farms.

• Checks and dialogue on the planning implemented in regions and municipalities through objections (veto), subsequent negotiations, and ultimately through possible revisions to the planning proposed in regions and municipalities (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

1 Editorial Note: This is perceived as a weakening of the Danish planning policy. It is a shortcoming for the regional and municipal level that these authorities cannot, through comprehensive planning (LPR), get an indication of the current government’s policy in selected areas related to physical planning. The current arrangement promotes sectoral thinking and creates a risk that the individual line ministries make national political announcements without a thorough overall assessment.

• The 4 geographical zones are shown on the map, i.e. town fingers with potential for new urban areas and the extent of the green wedges

• Makes adjustments to the station proximity principle

• Municipal plans must contain provisions for phased development of new urban zone negotiated with the Ministry of the Environment.

• Determines reservations for transport infrastructure and the transport corridor etc.

REGIONAL LEVEL

Up until the municipal reform in 2007, Denmark was divided into 13 counties. Counties were accountable to the county council while leading an independent policy for their physical planning. Counties were also tasked with overseeing healthcare, education, etc.

However, when it came to physical planning, a county had a decisive role in ensuring that municipalities within the county in question adhered to planning in accordance with national planning and the county’s own planning. This often led to conflicts between counties and individual municipalities, where a county objected to a municipality’s dispositions. A contradiction or a veto opposing a plan would often end up with the state (i.e. national planning authorities), which in this context acted as a mediator (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

For example, during the pre-2007 years, Danish planning was very much characterised by a dialogue across the administrative boundaries and respect of hierarchy — state, county, and municipality — constituting the planning administration.

In retrospect, this hierarchical division led to many, often harsh, debates and disagreements. But, on the other hand, in the long run, it created an almost homogeneous, at times, development of Denmark based on the political visions that were put forward at each level and that, through negotiations and dialogue, were implemented in the real world (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

Following the 2007 municipal reform, the 13 counties were abolished and replaced by five regions. The newly formed regions were first and foremost tasked with managing the Danish healthcare system, including, among other things, a broad responsibility for hospitals and the health sector across the nation.

Post 2007, regions were no longer tasked with preparing regional

Figure 44. Example of regional planning for North Jutland before and after the 2007 reform* (Østergård, 2009)

(physical) development plans. The realm of responsibility where the new regions come closest to regulating or setting visions for physical planning is when it comes to regional business development plans. These plans present a strategic vision for the development of predominant professions in respective regions and have a role in connection with EU grants. There is no provision in the legislation allowing a region to visualise its strategy and vision — just like a region has no powers vis-à-vis an individual municipality. In reality, municipalities can act without being in sync with their region’s strategy and vision and without straining to see whether their plans match those of a neighbouring municipality or other municipalities in the region (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

* At the left, the plan discusses four alternatives for the urban model with a regional centre (Aalborg), some smaller centres, etc. (from the 1977 regional plan). At the right, the map reflects the new 2007 regional plan — a vision binding regional strategies together though without precise land use reservations.

2 This is by far a loss for Danish physical planning. Without a national policy statement through, for example, the previously mentioned National Planning Report and without a coordinating unit in the region, municipalities are left to themselves, so to say. Built into the legislation are calls for the municipalities to coordinate their strategies and plans across municipal boundaries, i.e. towards the creation of a working community — a working community that could, for example, be about which municipality takes the lead in tourism development, in the development of agricultural production, etc. Or that collaborates around energy production for the entire region — solar cells in one place, wind turbines in another. This (collaboration) does not just happen. And many municipalities appear to be confused as to which strategy or vision should apply in an individual municipality.

With the municipal reform in 2007, the number of municipalities in Denmark reduced from 275 to 98. This naturally meant that individual municipalities became physically larger, purely in terms of area, and in some cases considerably larger. This is not least in relation to planning for open rural countryside, agriculture, forestry, etc. as well as for parts of the legislation pertaining to nature conservation, where counties’ previous authority over the open countryside was transferred to municipalities. In several contexts, however, the authority was also given to the nation-state through new legislation, not least in relation to nature conservation and environmental protection (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

A municipal plan was — but became even more so — a very important instrument for Denmark’s physical development. A municipal plan sets a political direction for a municipality’s development through a summary and concretisation of the overall political elements for the development of a municipality.

Individual city (municipal) councils are independent when it comes to establishing a policy for the development of a municipality with its main city and surrounding areas including towns, villages, and open countryside. The council of an individual municipality is responsible for linking to national planning and ensuring that municipal planning is in line with the national planning. In practice, this means that municipal planning must orientate itself according to and align itself with the many different sectoral laws that apply to physical planning in Denmark. As the National Planning has become weak or at least is no longer gathered in a National Plan Statement (see footnote 1), there is no national instrument that gathers and coordinates the national policy. This leaves municipalities with a responsibility that is difficult to coordinate within municipal boundaries, such as energy planning, environmental inspection and protection, and nature conservation, which are vulnerable areas that often suffer from a lack of coordination (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

Both before and after the 2007 reform, municipalities have had a major responsibility for urban development of cities, towns, and villages. As aforementioned, this is done via a municipal plan. A municipal plan is a physical plan that “draws” a picture of a municipality’s layout and describes, through diagrams, plans, and text, the desired development for the municipality and the guidelines and framework under which it must take place.

Illustration - Below is a list of topics that the planning act stipulates and a municipal plan must address, and an example of a depiction of a municipal plan.

The content of municipal plans

• Urban growth and summer cottage areas

• Location of various urban functions

• The structure of retail trade

• Transport installations

• Technical installations

• Polluting enterprises requiring special siting

• Projects requiring environmental impact assessment

• Noise protection

• Recreational facilities and allotment gardens

• Especially valuable agricultural areas

• Afforestation areas

• Wetlands

• Nature protection areas

• Valuable cultural environments

• Valuable landscapes

• Valuable geological assets

• Use of watercourses, lakes and coastal waters

• Coastal zone

• Implementation of national planning directives

An important part of a municipal plan is a “framework for local planning”. The framework is linked to the later Local Planning (which is the administrative provision for the specific land plot or a group of landplots). The framework describes what a Local Plan can and must determine for a specific area. The framework thus often describes possible future use of specific areas in urban and rural zones of a municipality, but can also offer a description of limitations in terms of future use or development (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

A municipal plan also determines which rural zone areas can be transformed into an urban zone (or summer house zone), as well as the sequence in which this must happen.

A municipal plan is subject to public participation, and the Planning Act has clear provisions on the process of municipal plan creation and publication (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

MUNICIPAL PLANNING PROCESS

Preliminary Debate every 4 years

• Information on the previous planning

• Strategy for municipal planning

• Period of public comment of at least 8 weeks

Municipal plan proposal

• Prepared in cooperation with other public authorities, citizens, nongovernmental organisations and others

Publication of municipal plan proposal

• Period of public comment of at least 8 weeks

• Sent to public authorities

• Minister of Environment is obligated on behalf of the government to veto proposals contradicting national interests

Municipal plan adopted

• Consideration of comments, vetoes, negotiations and proposals

Publication

Administration of the municipal plan

• The municipal council must strive to implement the plan

Local plans are the foundation for Denmark’s Physical Planning.

Local plans specify the provisions of municipal plans: both overall political provisions and more concrete framework for the future land use of specific properties, areas, blocks, or even entire villages (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

Local plans can determine both what a specific area can be used for and how it must be used. This applies, for example, to an area’s future buildings, where a local plan may contain decisions on building percentages, building materials stipulations for certain buildings (including sustainable building materials), buildings’ architecture, and buildings’ surroundings in the form of green areas, infrastructure, parking, etc.

The Planning Act includes paragraph 15 describing what municipalities can stipulate or include as stipulations in a given local plan. The paragraph is colloquially referred to as “the §15 catalogue”. The Planning Act has been expanded / modernised over the years in this area. Currently, it is being debated how greater stipulations can be placed on sustainable urban development and/or sustainable building materials (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

Implementing major development projects requires a local plan. The concept of

Examples of major development projects include:

• new residential districts;

• a by-pass road in an urban zone;

• construction of high-rise buildings or large blocks of flats;

• a hotel in a summer cottage area;

• major business construction;

• buildings for public purposes.

The stipulations pertaining to a local plan are flexible — depending on the size of an individual municipality. A specific stipulation may thus be highly relevant to local planning in one (small) municipality but less significant — and therefore not subject to local planning — in another (larger) municipality.

In all places, however, a local plan is subject to public participation. As a starting point, this hearing must last eight weeks, but in special cases it can be reduced to a hearing of four or two weeks. The latter is possible if the framework for local planning is known and discussed in a different context so that it is “merely” experienced by the citizens as a final confirmation of an already known and partly accepted project (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

A local plan is legally binding for an individual property owner.

• Mandatory before large projects or substantial changes in surroundings

• Implement stipulations of regional and municipal plans

• Legally binding for property owners

• Public participation

ZONING SYSTEM IN DENMARK

Denmark has three main zones. The regulation for urban zoning is described in the section above. Every area outside cities and towns is the rural zone — except for the area called “Summer cottage area”. The following figures show a municipality plan with zoning marked on the map and a description of rural zone administration (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

A rural zone permit is required to parcel out land, construct buildings, or change the land use

Purpose:

• prevention of random building and construction

• protection of landscape assets

• protection of agriculture and forestry

• suppor t for the rules and framework of municipal plans

• special rules for former farm buildings

With the 2007 municipal reform, a number of small municipalities faced the need to merge into a new large municipality — Aalborg Municipality. Immediately, separate municipal plans of all seven small municipalities were combined in a plan with a main structure and framework for local planning.

Ahead lay a complex task of carrying out a colossal revision of the municipal plan for the newly enlarged municipality — and digitising it. At the same time, Aalborg was faced with a comprehensive transformation of the city from an “industrial city” to a “university city” (the City of Knowledge), which at that time had already been several years “in the making” (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

The municipality therefore initially chose to focus on a planning strategy that could open the eyes of both politicians and developers to the necessity of a common vision and strategy (i.e. “what do we want at Aalborg?”) rather than digging into the work with frameworks, paragraphs, and rigid urban planning. This laid the foundation for the next 10–15 years of dynamic urban development (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

The work and the strategy succeeded because there was the will to do so — with the politicians who did not focus on a formal municipal plan but would much rather discuss the next concrete strategic steps for the municipality and the city’s transformation. And it all succeeded! This is because, after all, the seven former small municipalities lay the foundation of an administration which, regardless of the fact that it was not updated, could be used on a daily basis — until a general “big” plan for the large municipality was established (Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015).

In Aalborg, respect and dynamism arose around the “Plan Strategy” (Aalborg Municipality, 2010; Aalborg Municipality, 2016; Aalborg Municipality, 2019; Aalborg Municipality, 2023b). In a few pages (30 pages), a clear strategy was described (and drafted) in such a way that both citizens and politicians took it to heart. Having an easily understandable (and easily readable) vision is important. Large, comprehensive “general plans” often suffer from the strategy and political vision getting lost in details regarding prohibitions or restrictive provisions on how to build. A clear vision, which, in the case of Aalborg, is revisited every four years when a new council is elected and must formulate its political wishes, is necessary for robust and investment-safe urban development. Responsible councils do not change the strategy and vision every four years but build on history and realisation of the previous vision.

Aalborg has used Planning Strategies for 14 years. Every four years the council adapts the strategy using a vision for the development of the municipality and the city. There has been a considerable and solid agreement in different councils to build on the strategies from the year behind. This provides an opportunity to develop the four biggest cities in Denmark while achieving their harmonious and sustainable growth and urban transformation.

At the same time when the strategic approach was used to work with urban development in Aalborg, the municipality worked towards a revised municipal plan (the general plan) for a new enlarged municipality. This new digitised municipal plan was adopted in 2021.

One of the visions in the strategy and the general plan was the growth axis — running through the city from west to east. It was a clear and understandable vision, which also was the background for a new tram — a BRT (Bus Rapid Transit) system — realised 10 years after the strategy was introduced.

The strategy and the general plan also followed up on the transformation of the harbour front and used Danish public financial support of building affordable housing. On the harbour front, Aalborg used this opportunity to form a mixed city where students live in cheap apartments neighbouring expensive private-owned apartments. In Aalborg East, the same opportunity of building affordable housing was used to renovate the suburb that was plagued by crime and social problems.

In the next two chapters these two cases will be elaborated.

Aalborg Municipality, 2010. Planstrategi 2010 [Plan Strategy 2010]. Aalborg: Aalborg

Aalborg Municipality, 2016. Planstrategi 2016 [Plan Strategy 2016]. Aalborg: Aalborg

Aalborg Municipality, 2019. Planstrategi 2019 [Plan Strategy 2019]. Aalborg: Aalborg

Aalborg Municipality, 2023a. Fysisk Vision 2035 [Spatial Strategy 2035].

Available at: http://www.aalborgkommuneplan.dk/global-services/ nyheder/gammelt/fordebat-for-hovedstruktur-2021-fysiskvision-2035.aspx. [Accessed 4 March 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2023b. Planstrategi 2023 [Plan Strategy 2023].

Aalborg: Aalborg Municipality.

Danish Ministry of the Environment, 2015. Spatial Planning in Denmark. Available at:

http://www.lifescape.eu uploads/1/4/1/9/14191186/spatialplanning. pdf. [Accessed 1 March 2024].

Ministry of Environment, 2006. Det nye Danmarkskort, planlægning under nye Østergård, N., 2009. “The Danish Planning System”. Available at:

vilkår [The New Danmarkskort, Planning under New Conditions]. Available at: https://www.rm.dk/contentassets/62638f71958a496 ca7e6a807eb1c50fd/lpr_sammenfatning.pdf. [Accessed 1 March 2024].

https://www.byplanlab.dk/plan09/www.plan09.dk/NR/ rdonlyres/4729DE2C-710B-44E8-BCE9-54CF20641695/0/ DanishPlanning_120209.pdf. [Accessed 1 March 2024].

The Planning Act in Denmark 1999 (Translation). Available at:

Vandkunsten Architects, 2024. “A landscape in between”. Available at: Municipality. Municipality. Municipality.

https://ampeid.org/documents/denmark/the-planning-act-indenmark-1999-(translation)/. [Accessed 1 March 2024].

https://vandkunsten.com/en/projects/a-landscape-in-between. [Accessed 4 March 2024].

FJORD AND CITY: A STORY OF WATERFRONTS

The transformation of Aalborg’s Central Waterfront has helped to create a new identity for the city as part of the transformation from a heavy industrial city to a city that largely lives on knowledge. This is a story of a successful collaboration between politicians, citizens, and civil servants over a period of more than 30 years. The municipality has managed to stick to the general direction when solutions had to be laid down, although there have of course been many minor conflicts and changes during the many years. Despite several major changes in societal conditions during the period, political ownership and the North Jutland tradition of cooperation have meant that the visions for the waterfront have been maintained.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CITY AND THE PORT

Aalborg’s history began with the establishment of a Viking city by the Limfjord more than 1000 years ago. The city was built where the fjord is narrow and it was easy to establish a crossing point, and Nørresundby grew up at the crossing point on the opposite bank. The city controlled all trade throughout the Limfjord area in the Middle Ages. Fishing herring, exporting cattle to Germany and grain to Norway were important prerequisites for the city’s wealth in the 16th to 18th centuries, when Aalborg was the largest Danish city outside of Copenhagen. The city was overtaken in size by Aarhus in the mid-1800s (Thomsen, 2019).

Throughout most of the 20th century, Aalborg/Nørresundby was primarily known as an industrial city. In the latter half of the 20th century, some of the dominant industries were shipbuilding and cement production, where Aalborg was a global player (Thomsen, 2019). Other major industrial activities along the waterfront were electricity, district heating, and domestic gas production. At the same time, the port was the centre of slaughterhouses and grain and feed companies.

Today, Aalborg is an important transportation hub between Scandinavia and Germany with good infrastructure connections via highways, an airport, a railway, and a port. Since 1970, Nørresundby has been part of Aalborg Municipality, and the two cities have now been connected by a railway bridge, a road bridge, and an E45 highway tunnel for more than fifty years. The “soft” road users have only received attention in recent times — a bridge for cyclists and pedestrians was opened in 2017 as an appendage to the railway bridge, and there are plans for a bicycle and pedestrian bridge between Stigsborg Brygge in Nørresundby and the House of Music area on the Aalborg side (Thomsen, 2019).

ANNE JUEL ANDERSEN

After the oil crises in the 1970s and 80s, a negative trend in industrial activities started, especially in the central port areas. Many industrial companies closed or moved away from the central port around the turn of the millennium due to general industrial restructuring. The shift of freight transportation from ships to trucks was a contributing factor to the closures and made industrial companies less dependent on a location close to the port. Most of the port areas have been owned and operated by the Port of Aalborg A/S. The ports of Aalborg and Nørresundby merged in 1970. A new industrial port was established approx. 10 km east of Aalborg central area and thus closer to the sea (Thomsen, 2019).

The new harbour was intended to host Greenlandic trade and was for many years referred to as the “Greenland Port”. Located outside the city, it had the advantages of deeper water and plenty of room for further development. The port has seen significant growth and continues to grow (Thomsen, 2019). The growing activity in the East Port is mainly the result of its attraction of new business, especially regarding green energy and development of new technologies related to green transition.

Since the 1990s, the development of the central port areas in both Aalborg and Nørresundby gave way to new functions (Thomsen, 2019). The ideas for waterfront regeneration developed as results of processes at administrative and political levels, but also in collaboration with and between groups of citizens. The transformation started in earnest after the closure of the shipyard and the first steps were taken in the 1990s. Since then, the transformation of the waterfront has been planned and a large part of the plans have been implemented. The Central Waterfront area in Aalborg and Nørresundby spans from the former concrete factory in western Nørresundby and the newly renovated beach park west of Aalborg to the tunnel in the east. The industrial port includes the oil port east of the tunnel, the Portland Cement Factory, and the industrial port east of the city called East Harbour.

“The city around the fjord” was formulated as a vision for the waterfronts back in the 1990s. New strategies have been added to the vision with time — while the city’s identity has been changing. Various areas have gradually been developed, transformed, and put into use as new urban neighbourhoods. Aalborg’s growth has largely taken place via the transformation of the existing city, and since the turn of the millennium the city’s proportion of flats has significantly increased. Correspondingly, there has been more pressure on the city’s recreational areas. Aalborg has thus become more urban, and apparently the people of Aalborg in large numbers are happy to get closer to each other. So far, after a phase-in period, all the new areas have been well received by new residents. Studies show that the transformation of the waterfront is very important for the city’s identity and attractiveness.

The narrative of the disappearing industry became widespread after the shipyard’s closure in 1988, which was a major shock to the city. However, gradually the idea arose that the waterfront could be “taken back to the city” and used in a new way. A waterfront competition in 1989 was the first time that the new potentials were clearly put into words. The competition was primarily aimed at the western part of Aalborg’s waterfront, which was facing transformation, but visions for the waterfront ahead of the old city centre were also requested. Based on the initial project development after the competition, a “city catalogue” was adopted in 1993 as an architectural municipal plan for a city centre with mixed functions. The main narrative was a shift from a functionally divided city into a functionally integrated city with a focus on architecture, urban space, and pedestrian connections. This story also had a great influence on the discussions about the waterfront (Thomsen, 2019).

The public discussions about the future waterfront in the 1990s proceeded in parallel with the first Tall Ships Race event in 1999 (Thomsen, 2019). The event created great awareness of the potentials for urban life and events on the waterfront. As the first area west of the inner city began to take shape, criticism arose: “Where is the urban life and the many cafés that were shown in the drawings? Isn’t it basically too dense, with too poor views, and don’t the cars take up too much space?” The criticism was extensive among citizens, professionals, and politicians, and it became important for the focus on culture and recreation as the basis for the development of the Central Waterfront ahead of the old city centre. A need for more in-depth discussions led to the decision to start a more comprehensive planning work.

The 1998 Fjord Catalogue was a long-term plan for the transformation of the entire waterfront near the city. The narrative about the city around the fjord, the fjord that brings the city together rather than divides it, and about the efforts to “turn backstage into the front” were fundamental parts of the Fjord Catalogue. It was now clear that industry would eventually leave the Central Waterfront, and a discussion was started about the future of the entire waterfront and thus also the areas where there was still industry at the time. Planning goals and visions were formulated for how the city and the landscape could play together, and where and how the fjord coast could contribute with a recreational framework for the whole city. The main question “How much can/must be built

The Central Waterfront contains urban life, recreation, and culture

and for which functions?” was asked. Both still active businesses and the public were involved via debates, city walks, and harbour cruises. The Fjord Catalogue contained both high-priority current and longer-term projects. During the 25 years that have passed since the Fjord Catalogue, most of the areas have been planned and transformed (Thomsen, 2019).

Aalborg as an old industrial city is a strong narrative, and the industrial heritage has been important in the transformation into being a modern knowledge-based city. This was accentuated by the many closures of port companies in the years before and after the turn of the millennium: the heat and power station Nordkraft, the fertilizer factory Kemira, a slaughterhouse, corn and feedstuff production companies, a roof tile factory Eternitten, and the Freight Train Area. Interest in industrial architecture and industrial cultural heritage increased. It was a nationwide trend, of which the old industrial city of Aalborg was an exponent. There were campaigns, public discussions, and events regarding industrial architecture. A new political and public support arose for preserving some of the old industrial buildings and facilities. As an example, the view of Nordkraft changed during the 00s, when the project for transformation into a multifaceted cultural centre was developed, planned, and implemented (Andersen, 2013; Andersen, 2016).

The transformation of the Central Waterfront was a municipal task of a very high priority. It became clear that here was a potential to get something fantastic out of the place with culture and display in a string of attractive urban spaces that connect the waterfront and the city centre. Jomfru Ane Park was equipped with urban gardens for recreation and activities: playground, activity area, park, and open-air bathing facilities. The Castle Square was expanded and now contains space for royal ships, cruise ships, and town fairs. The Utzon Center in the Utzon Park is an architecture centre with an auditorium, exhibition facilities, workshops, meeting rooms, and a restaurant. Youth housing and Aalborg University’s central campus building play together, and the House of Music stands as an architectural icon and cultural centre with its concert hall for symphonic music with world-class acoustics, chamber music halls, as well as room for music courses for the university and the conservatory (Thomsen, 2019).

Urban life in public spaces has been an important theme throughout the waterfront development with a focus on the interaction between functions, urban spaces, and good pedestrian connections in a network with the city centre (Thomsen, 2019). From the start, there has been a great focus on events in the many urban spaces: Tall Ships Races, sports events, concerts, city fairs, and so on.

Active use of the fjord as a kind of “blue recreation” has been a theme throughout the period. Lindholm Strandpark was established in the late 1980s as the first project where water was intended for recreational use. During the 1980s, modern treatment plants were built both east and west of Aalborg, and cleaner water made it possible to swim in the Limfjord again. As the waterfront has been “occupied” by citizens, several of the areas, and thus the fjord, have been activated: marinas, rowing clubs, kayaks, open water swimming events, regattas, the cable car in Eastern Harbour, Lindholm Fjord park, Western Fjord Park, and surf clubs. Most recently, there has been a focus on creating some attractive Fjord Clubhouses, which can contribute to creating attractive support points for water activities, and a strategy for blue attractions and activities with a renewed focus on strengthening blue recreation was initiated (Thomsen, 2019).

Financial crisis turned priorities upside down

The financial crisis of 2008 and the following years were an important turning point for the waterfront transformation. Private investment came to a standstill and temporary uses were introduced as a strategy to create awareness and make something happen in the empty industrial areas. These opportunities were used in an experimental youth culture — more about this further in the article. While the university was growing, it became relevant for the municipality to invest massively in thousands of youth housing units, and a political and planning strategy for youth housing was adopted with public investment and in partnership with housing companies and construction partners. High concentration of youth housing on the waterfront contributed to urban life and critical mass for cultural functions and diversity in the new residential areas. Significant investment has made today’s Aalborg the Danish University City that is best equipped with well-located student and youth homes (Aalborg Municipality, 2011; Aalborg Municipality, 2014).

“The Growth Axis” was chosen as a political strategy in 2011 — a vision and narrative of a joint effort for growth with densification and focus on sustainable mobility (Thomsen, 2019). With a light rail as the backbone, the city was to develop in a condensed and coherent bond from the western neighbourhoods through the city centre and various urban development areas to University Campus East and the University Hospital in Aalborg East. The light rail was later converted to a BRT line called Aalborg Plusbus, but with the same visions. This system was inaugurated in 2023 (Andersen, 2016).

Sustainability and climate adaptation

Broad sustainability has been included in the visions and development of most of the projects, but the UN’s global goals concerning climate changes — including prevention and adaptation, biodiversity, resources, and social sustainability — have strengthened the focus much. Also, the ongoing climate changes and the frightening prospects for deterioration have caused the processes of green transition and climate adaptation come to the fore on the political and societal agenda. Furthermore, shutdown experiences during Covid-19 provide a further reason to set new requirements for urban spaces and recreation in the city with a focus on green areas, both very close to homes and as larger aggregate areas with good access conditions.

The biggest specific climate challenge for the waterfront is the rising sea level, which entails a major focus on coastal protection. The Central Waterfront in Aalborg and Nørresundby Waterfront are secured to an elevation of 1.90 m, the Eastern Waterfront and other areas to an elevation of 2.0, while the plinth elevations for new buildings are typically above 2.50 m. At Stigsborg and Aalborg’s Western Waterfront at Spritten and the areas around Western Marina, there is an ongoing work on projects for recreational climate adaptation. The aim is, in addition to securing the areas, to create completely new and attractive recreational opportunities (Aalborg Municipality, 2024; Aalborg Municipality, n.d.).

The most important single factor for the transformation process has been a broad support of planning from politicians, stakeholders, planners, and citizens. Visions have been presented and discussed, and the policy and planning have then determined the long lines for more concrete planning with many projects.

This consensus at the overall level does not mean that there have been no disagreements along the way. An example of this was high building density in the Eastern Harbour Area. Fascination with industrial architecture and heritage meant that from the start, the vision was to build a dense urban district where grain and feed companies had used to be. A complex interplay between conservation values, architecture, economy, green qualities, views, public functions, solar and wind conditions, and urban environment occasionally led to major discussions and disagreements — academically, politically, and among the citizens. In general, the new neighbourhood is now perceived as attractive among residents and guests, especially after the “Star Square” central urban space has been completed and put into use (Thomsen, 2019).

Despite this and several other disagreements about specific projects, there is a predominant agreement on the broad outlines of future planning and urban development along the waterfronts in Aalborg and Nørresundby.

• Aalborg is an attractive student city with plenty of space for young people and a varied cultural life with many experiments.

• Stigsborg Waterfront is to be developed as the “fourth quadrant” of Aalborg Central Harbour.

• Spritten must be a new cultural centre in the city — as one end of a strong axis along the waterfront.

• Public events and city life on the waterfront must be given high priority.

• Sustainable development and high-quality architecture must characterise the waterfront (Thomsen, 2019).

Organisation and partnerships

Different forms of ownership

The desire of private business community to invest in urban development fluctuates within the economy, and it has been important for the municipality to keep up, take creative initiatives, and enter partnerships to ensure the development process. Partnerships between the municipality and private investors and other partners have been an important tool and catalyst for development. After the financial crisis of 2008, the municipality stepped in and invested massively in public housing, especially youth housing, which helped to keep construction going and ensure a slow but steady development of various urban development areas. There has been a strong culture of cooperation in the municipality, between different departments, and between public and private partners. Strong political leadership throughout the period has also been an important driving force, especially during difficult development phases (Thomsen, 2019).

The Danish planning system has proven to be an important structuring and positive driving force with its concentration of planning responsibility on the municipality alone and the combination of statutory planning procedures and flexibility. Planning works as a combination of legal basis, facilitation of dialogue, and narratives that tie this all together. When comparing Aalborg with cities in other European countries, this constitutes an important difference (Le Den et al., 2019).

As a planning and building authority, the municipality is responsible for ensuring high quality in construction and physical environment. The municipality is also responsible for equal and fair treatment of everyone. Organising projects is largely about respectful cooperation in the municipality and between many partners in urban development and construction. Various cooperation models have been used, but in most cases, the municipality has focused on its role as the planning authority and left investments to the private sector. The municipality has delivered crucial investments in road infrastructure, public institutions, urban spaces and parks, etc. along the Fjord, and has financially supported public housing projects. In all cases, the municipality has had a very active role in planning and implementing these processes, and various relevant parties have been involved in negotiations on projects’ development. Local interests have often played a significant role in decision-making (Thomsen, 2019).

Aalborg Municipality owned the Central Waterfront area in Aalborg for many years prior to its conversion. This was the prerequisite for the entire transformation approach, where the municipality planned and was responsible for all investments in public urban spaces. The municipality sold plinth plots to private developers, who had to adapt to the surrounding areas. The conversion and what had to be built was designed and planned in detail, and then the land was sold at a tender with detailed provisions. In cases where the municipality was the landowner who wanted to invite private developers/investors to be responsible for larger parts of the overall development, the municipality took the role of developer to a greater extent. Most often, the sites for urban development and conversion were owned or bought by private developers and investors before urban development. Cooperation between public and private is necessary since the municipality as the planning and building authority must approve everything before it can be realised. The municipality can make demands on and negotiate

about accessibility, urban space, open spaces, urban functions, and architecture (Thomsen, 2019).

The municipality is part of the development company Stigsborg Waterfront with a 49% share, while the developer, construction company, and institutional investor in the form of a pension company own the rest. The partnership is responsible for the development of the new district. The municipality’s contribution to the partnership has initially been the land, while the two private partners have contributed with investments and knowledge. Public funding from the municipality has acted as a driving force for investments and a bridge builder between various private investors. A comprehensive planning process has taken place with the clarification of the plan and building options after a consultant competition as well as clarification of pollution conditions (Aalborg Municipality, 2020a; Aalborg Municipality, 2020b; Aalborg Municipality, 2021a; Aalborg Municipality, 2021b; Aalborg Municipality, 2022a; Aalborg Municipality, 2022b; Aalborg Municipality, 2022c; Aalborg Municipality, 2023).

Citizen involvement is a fundamental element in planning legislation, and it is under continuous development. Often, more is done than legislation requires. Involvement contributes to a better understanding of the needs and preferences of citizens and users. In many waterfront projects, numerous measures have been tested with different results. Most of the waterfront areas were commercial areas without housing when the planning started. Therefore, most involvement processes addressed all the city’s residents and in some cases special actors, e.g. neighbours, the area’s cultural institutions, developers, and organisations. The early projects here relied on quite extensive processes in the 1990s and 00s: the City Catalogue and the Fjord Catalogue were prepared in collaboration with appointed citizen panels. In addition, a waterfront planning panel was set up around 2001–02, and there were waterfront walks and a public debate as well as public meetings. Furthermore, a lot of information was published and distributed. Workshops were held, for example with selected groups of neighbours and stakeholders, and students and schoolchildren were involved. In the 2010s, several different exhibitions describing the projects that took shape along the waterfront were shown in the Utzon Center. At Eastern Harbour, an “urban safari” was developed in 2011 with boards and QR codes with GPS-controlled information — quite experimental at the time (Thomsen, 2019).

In general, local plans for individual subareas were drawn up on an ongoing basis relating to various draft projects. In connection with the planning process, various forms of information was prepared. There are several examples of plans being adjusted based on public debate (Thomsen, 2019).

Temporary activities

A special form of citizen involvement is experienced in temporary projects, which have become frequent — not least on the waterfront. These projects are characterised by the fact that they take place in the period between the original use of an area or a facility (often industrial one) ending and the final conversion. Temporary projects can be considered partly as an opportunity to activate defunct areas and structures so that they can again, for a shorter period, play a role in the city’s daily life and partly as a kind of a very concrete analysis of the potential that facilities hold (Andersen, 2016; Thomsen, 2019).

Nordkraft was, in the period after the power plant ceased operation at the end of the previous millennium, used for various theatre performances as well as art exhibitions and festivals — all activities that pointed to the future use of the building. At Eastern Harbour, in the period of 2008–2012, one of the most ambitious temporary projects “Platform 4” took place in a disused warehouse. It was a dilapidated building from the 1920s, which had primarily served as a warehouse for grain and feedstuff production taking place in the area. In collaboration between Aalborg Municipality’s business department, Aalborg University, and the owner, in a 4-year agreement, the building was secured in relation to fire and safety, received improved access and toilet conditions, etc. It was then ready for use by a group of young people who experimented with music, art, and new technologies. In the following four years, the area buzzed with activity in the form of beach bars, urban gardens, workshops, concerts, festivals, workspaces for many kinds of artists and start-ups, and much more. An offshoot from Platform 4 at Eastern Harbour was “Urban Space”, where artists and start-ups in another warehouse in the area could rent a workspace at a modest price. Both buildings were preserved and are now part of the new neighbourhood as reminiscences from the industrial past (Aalborg Municipality, 2006a).

Subsequently, Eastern Harbour investor has seen the qualities of temporary activities and has set up an entire urban life department to support activities in connection with the company’s transformation projects. The company employed two “urban life coordinators”, who have a role of initiating similar activities in its other development projects. In Eastern Harbour, a “Study room” was established in a newly constructed building, which was later to be used for café or shop purposes. Here, students and everyone else could meet and study for free. At Spritten, for a few years, there was both a disco “Wonderland” in a former production hall and a more experimental container city “Boxtown” with food sales, dining and concert venues, etc. Most recently, a company at Spritten has set up studio spaces and work facilities for local artists in an unused large shop.

After 2020, the areas under the Limfjord Bridge on both sides have been used for various temporary activities initiated by Aalborg Municipality. Temporariness as a method for activating defunct buildings and areas during the transformation period is here to stay. The results are clear and will continue to form the framework for experimental cultural offerings in Aalborg.

Regeneration of the waterfront areas in Aalborg naturally involved many parties, from public authorities to private developers and interested citizens. The two primary actors have been Port of Aalborg A/S — especially in the early phases — and, of course, Aalborg Municipality.

The role of negotiation planner was brought into play in planning the waterfronts. The municipality thus received a wide range of different roles in addition to the classic one as an administrator of planning laws, building laws, environmental laws, etc. Other important roles included project manager/facilitator, client, grant provider (e.g. for general construction), and event manager. Not least the role of landowner has been decisive for the municipality to be able to achieve the desired results. In several cases, it has been a balancing act to weigh considerations for economic optimisation with the broader considerations for the development of highquality urban areas. For example, the municipality has an interest in and responsibility for creating good residential areas, urban spaces, and well-functioning infrastructure, as well as good and attractive neighbourhoods and a wide range of cultural activities and institutions. All this involves several municipal administrations with different perceptions of how respective processes should be arranged (Thomsen, 2019).

Port of Aalborg is a company that originally owned most of the port areas in both Aalborg and Nørresundby. The rules say that a port may only engage in port-related activities. The Port’s activities have moved to Eastern Harbour approx. 10 km from the Central Waterfront area. Former industrial areas were primarily sold to Aalborg Municipality but also to private developers (Thomsen, 2019).

Other stakeholders have also had an impact on the development of the waterfront: private actors, including landowners along the fjord, developers, housing associations, contractors, architects, and planners, as well as larger private foundations and investors are important partners having commercial interests in the development of the waterfront. Cultural institutions and companies established on the waterfront or having activities in the area experience a mutual dependence on each other’s success. At the same time, they have an important role in terms of both drawing the city’s face to the outside and supporting city life on the waterfront. Educational institutions, especially Aalborg University, are interested in waterfront transformation and the city being attractive and able to attract students and researchers. The university has continuously played an active role in the key parts of the transformation process, both as the developer and as a kind of sparring partner for the planners. Various associations have participated in the process, e.g. the City Association, associations for car owners, or cyclist associations. In summary, the most decisive thing in this long-term transformation project has been to get all the numerous actors to work in the same direction (Thomsen, 2019). Criticism and disagreements are inevitable, but combined efforts that these actors can muster together are a prerequisite for successful urban transformation.

Figure 60. In Aalborg’s waterfront transformation, there has been a great focus on city life and public activities. The House of Music and Nordkraft are the two important cultural institutions that have been driving forces and symbols for the transformation from an industrial city to a city of culture and knowledge, though other projects have also contributed to this

The idea of a music house on the waterfront initiated the transformation of Aalborg Central Waterfront. In 2002, an international architectural competition was announced. Many prominent artists participated, and the Austrian architectural firm Coop Himmelb(l)au won with a visionary project. For various reasons, the project stalled, but in 2007 a national foundation took over the role of investor and initiated the project, which was still realised with Coop Himmelb(l)au as the architect. The House of Music was inaugurated in 2015 (Aalborg Municipality, 2010).

The Nordkraft project started around 2002 with a public debate. The municipality bought the abandoned buildings in 2005 and assumed an obligation to develop, build, and finance Nordkraft, which today houses diverse cultural and leisure institutions, such as a theatre, a café cinema, an art gallery, rhythmic concert halls, sports, a youth centre, and much more. Nordkraft focused on culture, leisure facilities, and reusing the raw framework for the city’s new cultural powerhouse. Nordkraft was inaugurated in 2009 and 2011 respectively (Aalborg Municipality, 2006a).

The Utzon Center was created as a combined architecture centre and exhibition venue as a tribute to the world-famous architect Jørn Utzon, who grew up in Aalborg. The master himself was involved in the initial considerations, while the house was completed by his son who is also an architect. The Utzon Center was inaugurated in 2008 (Aalborg Municipality, 2006b).

The United Danish Aquavit Factories “Spritten” in Aalborg closed their production in 2015. The same year, the plant became the biggest industrial preservation in the country to date. The Art Centre Spritten and Cloud City have been under planning since 2017 and are expected to open in 2026. The iconic production buildings, inaugurated in 1931, are to be converted into a hotel, restaurants, theatre, and housing. Newer concrete halls have been demolished and replaced by housing developments. Spritten as a cultural powerhouse is expected to form the western point of the cultural axis along the waterfront. The Art Centre Spritten with exhibition

halls, visitor facilities, and the monumental work “Cloud City” by Tomas Saraceno was started on the initiative of a private developer but was taken over by a real estate foundation, which will ensure the realisation of the project (Aalborg Municipality, 2017).

All the new cultural institutions on the waterfront are essential in terms of defining the identity and use of the area. With the transformation of the waterfront, a new layer of culture and recreation has been added to the city. The public character of the Central Waterfront is emphasised by public cultural institutions, which also largely contribute to the entire city’s new identity (Thomsen, 2019).

There has never been an overall plan or strategy for works of art on the waterfront, but many attempts have been made to place works of art there, largely with an emphasis on the interaction of art and urban spaces. The Argentinian artist Tomas Saraceno’s monumental work “Cloud City” will be made up of 64 covered cubes in a cloud formation over 30 meters high. At Eastern Harbour, the “Star Square” is decorated with Betina Jung’s big sculptures “the five Aalborg residents”. Also, several existing art pieces have been placed in some of the new urban spaces (Thomsen, 2019).

ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN SPACES

The waterfronts in Aalborg and Nørresundby have become the face of the city to the outside, and many of the city’s most important new buildings have been erected along the fjord. There is therefore a great focus on how they appear and play together with the city and on how architecture has been used strategically as a means of accentuating the place’s importance. In addition to cultural heritage, there has also been a focus on the scale, materials, and building details. New concepts such as “edge zones” and “open and active ground floors” have been introduced in local plans. There has been a desire to mix housing and business and to support a varied mix of residents through different housing types. Therefore, in waterfront areas, there are public institutions and private businesses, privately

owned and public housing of different sizes, forms of ownership, and price ranges, and, finally, housing for both young people and seniors (Thomsen, 2019).

The House of Music, Nordkraft, Utzon Centre, Cloud City, and Art Centre Spritten are (or will be) all primary works in the city’s architectural canon. However, for other waterfront buildings, there has also been a focus on architecture and its contribution to the city’s identity with completely new building and urban typologies. Eastern Harbour, with its dense and high-rise, primarily housing, buildings, is a new, very urban, typology that has not been known in Aalborg before. The slaughterhouse grounds in Nørresundby include a homogeneous white modernist building. At Stigsborg Waterfront, a future development based on a master plan will also appear distinctive and coherent with the development predominantly made of brick (Thomsen, 2019).

Part of the basis for waterfronts transformation is a pronounced desire to create a better framework for urban life by the fjord. Therefore, projects programming has focused on various possibilities for residence, movement, and activities for users in different types of both green and urban spaces and with different degrees of urban life intensity. The possibility of holding large and small activities and events is important, and good possibilities have been established for the supply of electricity, water, and suitable coverings. Waterfronts lighting has been processed particularly carefully with the involvement of special consultants responsible for the design of lighting on the Central Waterfront, in the House of Music area, and on the Nørresundby waterfront (Thomsen, 2019).

Funding sources for the waterfront projects can be divided into several main categories. The following partners have financed the projects:

• The municipality — via tax revenues and land sales

• General housing companies

• Private investors and pension funds

• Local and national charitable foundations

• The EU — via suppor t programmes

• The state and the municipality — via lease agreements (Thomsen, 2019).

Aalborg Municipality has used tax incomes together with incomes from land sales elsewhere in the municipality to finance the waterfront projects. The infrastructure, parks, urban spaces, and leisure facilities in the municipally owned areas were paid for by Aalborg Municipality, in some cases with the support from private and public funds. For example, Nordkraft was partly financed through the sale of municipal cultural institutions, which were previously located elsewhere in the city centre and moved into Nordkraft (Thomsen, 2019).

Aalborg Central Waterfront is a similar example (Thomsen, 2019). The municipality owned and developed the entire area and sold off plinth plots for a harbour house. The entire area is 100% municipally financed and owned. Before the sale, the House of Music area was owned by Aalborg Municipality. The land where the building is located was handed over to the House of Music Foundation, and in 2007 a national foundation took over and financed the project with support from Aalborg Municipality, Region Nordjylland, several foundations, and private sponsors. Plinth plots were sold for youth housing and the University, while the proceeds were included in the overall finances of the waterfront. The municipality also contributed with the statutory public co-financing of public housing. The city’s strategy for youth housing and statutory municipal contributions to this have been a major investment of Aalborg Municipality. In general, private investors have funded commercial housing investments and office buildings in conversion projects. Expected economic profitability of such projects has therefore been the main condition for their implementation.

Cultural institutions projects have mainly been implemented by private foundations with the support from the municipality and private companies. In several cases, long-term leases as a guarantee for private and institutional investors played a major role (Thomsen, 2019). What has driven the waterfront transformation is the general strategic planning based on the dialogue with investors, citizens, and other stakeholders. The transformation process in Aalborg is characterised by the fact that the municipality has played a significant role in facilitating this dialogue, a role that lies beyond the official planning process. These two factors — the dialoguebased strategic approach and the municipality’s important role as a facilitator — have, together with a consensus on high quality, ensured continuous robustness over time.

The waterfront transformation has had a major impact on the city’s identity and cohesion. While the Limfjord used to considerably separate the two cities of Nørresundby and Aalborg, when the waterfront was an industrial area that the city turned its back on, the new attractive waterfronts have turned the fjord into an asset that helps bind the urban neighbourhoods together. The city has gained a new image on the outside. It has become a travel destination for visitors from other cities and countries, while the profile as a city of knowledge has benefited the local economy. The waterfront conversion with student housing and activities for young people has contributed to Aalborg being an attractive student city.

A few important lessons can be drawn from the studies of Aalborg’s waterfront in relation to achieving a successful and sustainable urban transformation in general. These lessons can be transferred to other urban development projects and further work with waterfront areas. It is important that urban development projects include:

• A plan with distinct goals and visions

• Broad support from stakeholders

• Citizen involvement

• Investments

• A realistic and feasible plan

• Critical examination of investment costs

• Assessment of demand and sustainable operational strategy

• A flexible approach with the possibility of experimenting with new solutions

• Stage plans and temporary projects

Aalborg Municipality, 2006a. Lokalplan 10-075. Nordkraft, Aalborg Midtby [Local Plan

10-075. Nordkraft, Aalborg Midtby]. Available at: https://dokument. plandata.dk/20_1227545_1472467001186.pdf. [Accessed 11 March 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2006b. Lokalplan 10-082. Utzonparken Og Slotspladsen,

Aalborg Midtby [Local Plan 10-082. Utzon Park and Castle Square, Aalborg City Centre]. Available at: https://dokument.plandata. dk/20_1227999_1548249895522.pdf. [Accessed 11 March 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2010. Lokalplan 1-1-104. Musikkens Hus, Aalborg Midtby

[Local Plan 1-1-104. Musikkens Hus, Aalborg Midtby]. Available at: https://dokument.plandata.dk/20_1315065_1472457573183.pdf. [Accessed 11 March 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2011. Lokalplan 1-1-111. Boliger, undervisning, erhverv mv. vest

for Musikkens Hus, Aalborg Midtby [Local Plan 1-1-111. Housing, Education, Business, etc. West of Musikkens Hus, Aalborg Midtby]. Available at: https://aalborgkommune.viewer.dkplan.niras.dk/plan/5#/ lokalplanid/4081. [Accessed 7 March 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2014. Lokalplan 1-1-118. Boliger, hjørnegrunden

Rendsburggade/Nyhavnsgade, Aalborg Midtby [Local Plan 1-1118. Housing, Rendsburggade/Nyhavnsgade Corner Plot, Aalborg Midtby]. Available at: https://aalborgkommune.viewer.dkplan.niras. dk/plan/5#/lokalplanid/4093. [Accessed 7 March 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2017. Lokalplan 1-3-113. Spritfabrikkens omdannelse,

Strandvejen og Vestre Havnepromenade, Vestbyen [Local Plan 1-3-113. The Transformation of the Distillery, Strandvejen and Vestre Havnepromenade, Vestbyen]. Available at: https://dokument. plandata.dk/20_3522746_1498042380893.pdf. [Accessed 11 March 2024].

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Nørresundby Midtby [Local Plan 1-2-118. Stage 1, Stigsborg Harbourfront, Nørresundby Midtby]. Available at: https://dokument. plandata.dk/20_9681448_1635422804046.pdf. [Accessed 8 March 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2020b. Lokalplan 1-2-124. Tillæg 1 til Lokalplan 1-2-118,

Stigsborg Parkvej, Nørresundby Midtby [Local Plan 1-2124. Addendum 1 to Local Plan 1-2-118, Stigsborg Parkvej, Nørresundby Midtby]. Available at: https://dokument.plandata. dk/20_10000057_1601384857781.pdf. [Accessed 8 March 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2021a. Lokalplan 1-2-125. Tillæg 7 til Lokalplan 1-2-118,

Stigsborg Bygade, Nørresundby Midtby [Local Plan 1-2-125. Addendum 7 to Local Plan 1-2-118, Stigsborg Bygade, Nørresundby Midtby]. Available at: https://aalborgkommune.viewer.dkplan.niras. dk/DKplan/dkplan.aspx?lokalplanid=4722. [Accessed 8 March 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2021b. Lokalplan 1-2-126. Tillæg 3 til Lokalplan 1-2-118,

Stigsborg phus C1, Nørresundby Midtby [Local Plan 1-2126. Addendum 3 to Local Plan 1-2-118, Stigsborg phus C1, Nørresundby Midtby]. Available at: https://aalborgkommune.viewer. dkplan.niras.dk/DKplan/dkplan.aspx?lokalplanid=4734. [Accessed 8 March 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2022a. Lokalplan 1-2-123. Rekreative formål, Syrestien,

Nørresundby Midtby [Local Plan 1-2-123. Recreational purposes, Syrestien, Nørresundby Midtby]. Available at: https:// aalborgkommune.viewer.dkplan.niras.dk/DKplan/dkplan. aspx?lokalplanid=4783. [Accessed 8 March 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2022b. Lokalplan 1-2-127. Tillæg 4 til Lokalplan 1-2-118,

Stigsborgvej, Nørresundby Midtby [Local Plan 1-2-127. Addendum 4 to Local Plan 1-2-118, Stigsborgvej, Nørresundby Midtby]. Available at: https://aalborgkommune.viewer.dkplan.niras.dk/DKplan/dkplan. aspx?lokalplanid=4751. [Accessed 8 March 2024].

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URBAN TRANSFORMATION IN

EASTERN AALBORG: KICKSTART TORNHØJ AND RENOVATION OF SOCIAL HOUSING AREA KILDEPARKEN 2020.

STRATEGIC URBAN MANAGEMENT AND SUSTAINABLE DENSIFICATION IN SUBURBAN RESIDENTIAL AREAS

As in most of Denmark’s larger cities, the expansion of Aalborg’s suburbs took place during the 1960s and 70s, at the time when the urban planning ideal was a functionally divided city. The goal was clearly defined zones for housing, industry, and services, where different zones were linked together by an efficient road network, with the car as the dominant means of transport.

Significant traffic segregation with the layout of large overall car traffic roads and connected cul-de-sacs leading into various settlements meant, conversely, that settlements became isolated islands with no connection to the central common local city centre. The infrastructure typical of the period thus created mental barriers for the urban district’s internal connections between the people and functions and played a decisive role in the district’s lack of social cohesion.

In the urban transformation of eastern Aalborg, we have worked purposefully with the densification of strategically important connections and creation of a new attractive local centre — a central meeting-point in eastern Aalborg, where urban densification of functions and people is planned together with a connecting infrastructure. The goal for the transformation is a mixed urban fabric with a strengthened social cohesion and common neighbourhood identity based on a greater mix of functions and, for example, more diverse housing supply, where new functions are strategically fitted in relation to infrastructure that supports the flow of everyday life and meeting places. And: a link to the surrounding city.

THE TRANSFORMATION METHOD:

STRATEGIC URBAN MANAGEMENT WITH A HIGH DEGREE OF INVOLVEMENT ACROSS ACTORS

If you look at the district’s cadastral map, it is clear that such a fundamental redevelopment of the district’s existing building structure and infrastructure is only possible if various landowners and primary actors commit to follow a common development direction — a common vision for the district’s future transformation recognised by both public and private drivers behind urban development: the city council, the planning authority, and civil society. It’s a long-term process based on visions, the will and the ability to exercise strategic urban management, and building a trusting collaboration space with room for several agendas.

The timing also proved opportune for a major urban transformation effort in eastern Aalborg — a “window of opportunity” arose when in 2009 the region decided to place a new “Super hospital” in the district. The decision is well in line with the fact that the district is Aalborg’s / Northern Denmark’s most important industrial business and knowledge area. Both the region’s most important business port and Aalborg University are located here as strong anchors for a wide range of spinoff companies and workplaces. The new hospital has now created a secure basis for thinking about favourable synergy investments — public and private — which, among other things, include investments in a new light rail to the super hospital, expansion of the university and its research fields, establishment of new knowledge companies, and renovation of dilapidated residential buildings.

In the pipeline, “investments worth billions” were a driver of the major urban transformation effort. On this background, it was politically decided to give priority to sustainable urban transformation of Aalborg East. The goal was to increase internal cohesion and ensure a better connection to the surrounding city. The primary players in the municipality and housing association had a desire to develop the district based on physical improvements and transformations, a clear vision for the transformation, and a belief that a collective boost could increase investment potential in the area.

2010-2011: National and local think tanks — for our suburbs in general and for eastern Aalborg

As mentioned in the introduction, the dilapidated suburbs were at the time a recognised major national challenge, which is why our ministry / the state in collaboration with the philanthropic fund Realdania teamed up to establish a national think tank regarding the special challenges and potentials of the suburbs. The aim was to achieve general recommendations for a more sustainable urban development in the suburbs; at the same time, municipalities were offered support to establish local think tanks across local actors and landowners. The mayor and the municipal director of Aalborg took the initiative to establish the ThinkTank for eastern Aalborg consisting of leading decision-makers and owners from the Region (hospital), the University, the port, Novi (science and business park), and the district’s Business Network and housing companies. The work ended up with a charter / declaration of intent on the shared will for shared change, with the aim of seeking synergy in the many current large investments, both public and private, “across land registers boundaries”.

2011-2012: Town planning competitions “Suburbs of the Future” / “City in Between” in Aalborg

2013-2019: Kickstart the suburb 2.0 / Kickstart Tornhøj: preliminary study and a joint overall plan

Realdania then helped to carry out town planning competitions in a number of Danish suburbs in order to get visionary, specific, and context-based suggestions on how the suburbs’ urban development can become more sustainable — the planning competition in eastern Aalborg was called “City in Between”. In writing the programme, we built on the Thinktank collaboration and used the competition process to invite to further dialogue about the district’s development potential — a dialogue with local actors, landowners, decisionmakers, as well as citizens and those professionally interested. The winning proposal clarified the necessity of both strategic urban management and a strategic approach in urban development in order to implement a visionary transformation, with a sufficient format to be able to generate a positive spiral of change. It was recommended to point out and support a joint physical opening feature as a kickstarter of the change, which will be able to attract further private and public investment around the joint densification ambition (Realdania, n.d.).

The Realdania foundation then invited to a partnership project — financing 50% — with municipalities that were interested in implementing a physical “kickstart” urban space project: initially in the form of support for carrying out a preliminary study and an overall plan for the transformation, based on trustful dialogue with involved landowners and actors. Aalborg municipality submitted the “City in Between” competition’s proposal for a new condensed district centre near the tunnel in Tornhøj, and the commitment process resulted in a joint overall plan for the district centre’s densification — of course across cadastres. This provided a basis for the municipality’s subsequent preparation of a local plan with new building options, infrastructure principles, etc. Simultaneously, static and design studies were prepared regarding the design of a new and wider tunnel as the central element of a kickstart urban space project that could attractively manage to establish and connect central meeting places in the neighbourhoods, north and south of the tunnel (Aalborg Municipality. Realdania, 2016).

The local plan has subsequently given an opportunity for new construction of a number of different densification projects by various developers, including the municipality itself (institutions), housing associations (public housing), and private developers (retail, private housing, etc.). At the same time, the urban space project Kickstart Tornhøj has been completed, and the district has got its new centre including attractive meeting and accommodation spaces. As an important part of the urban space project, the former path for soft traffic users, Astrupstien, has been upgraded to a new main street, north-south in the district, with space for a smaller collective bus connection. In 2020-21, a test trial with a driverless bus has been carried out to support the district’s internal mobility — unfortunately, the legislation does not yet allow for the permanent driving of this type of vehicle (Aalborg Municipality, 2016).

POLITICS / ORGANIZATION — THE ORGANIZATIONAL ANCHORING OF THE PROJECT

Establishing a platform for involvement and collaboration has been an absolute central organisational strategy to drive the transformation. Initially, in relation to the Thinktank work, leading decision-makers discussed and committed themselves to pursuing the work of unlocking the district’s potential across individual agendas. This circle still contributed in the phase with the urban planning competition, now expanded to also involve actors like representatives of the district’s associational life, various municipal administrations, as well as the civil society, residents etc., who all were invited to different dialogue meetings in the two-phased competition process.

In connection with the kickstart preliminary study, a cross-cutting coordination group was set up, consisting of relevant actors, landowners, and representatives of all municipal administrations. In this forum, the dialogue and negotiations about the opening image and overall plan took place between the project management

and advisers. In addition, various bilateral meetings took place with landowners/actors. Parallel project efforts were also established with a high degree of repetition in management and project management, which ensured a common perspective and understanding of the whole across the board.

Relating to the urban space project Kickstart Tornhøj, a partnership agreement was concluded between the municipality and Realdania, and a steering group was set up, consisting of Realdania, Aalborg Municipality and Himmerland Housing Association — the latter owns large residential areas next to the kickstart area, at the north, named “Kildeparken 2020”, which at the same time underwent a major renovation plan of approx. 1000 dwellings (affordable housing) (Kildeparken 2020, 2024).

A number of different citizen involvement activities, workshops, and meetings have taken place during the project period, e.g. “We Create Ourselves” project and a “maker project” where students from a district elementary school have designed and made furniture and installations in 1:1 scale for the new urban spaces. Maker-activities and cooperation resulted in permanent MakerSpace 9220 location in the Tornhøj Citycentre.

KILDEPARKEN 2020: A COMPREHENSIVE PLAN FOR THE

RENOVATION OF PUBLIC HOUSING

In close coordination with Kickstart Tornhøj and the overall plan for the Astrupsti-connection seen as the district’s new connecting main street north / south in eastern Aalborg, Himmerland Housing Association has implemented an ambitious comprehensive plan for the renovation of approx. 1000 homes in the “Kildeparken 2020” neighbourhood located next to the new city centre at Tornhøj.

The residential buildings consisted exclusively of affordable housing for rent: based on the Danish public housing legislation, they are built with municipal co-financing with the aim of ensuring affordable housing for all. The housing organisation behind is a non-profit company, which is only set up to manage, build, rent out, and maintain the housing (also allowed to carry out very few related activities within the strict limits overseen by municipalities). The funds in the company are in fact the tenants’ money, which is why special resident democratic regulations have been developed to ensure the tenants’ influence on renovation, maintenance, etc.

The homes in “Kildeparken 2020” were built in the 1970s and needed major physical renovation. Furthermore, almost since the development’s start, a negative storytelling had arisen around the eastern Aalborg, which due to various systemic social challenges had turned into a place you moved to if you had no other options. The storytelling caused difficulties in renting out the flats — though there was a great satisfaction among the residents living in the neighbourhood, it was impossible to attract new / more resourceful residents from outside.

“Kildeparken 2020” and Himmerland Housing Association have been extremely important partners in the urban development effort — right back from the Thinktank and to the realisation of the urban transformation, there has been a mutual interest in the municipality and the housing association in reversing the negative urban development spiral to ensure an attractive urban transformation from monofunctional housing district to a mixed used urban area that can attract more and resourceful residents, workplaces, services, etc.

Furthermore, Himmerland Housing Association has been interested in attracting (private) investors — for two reasons: to be able to ensure a more diverse supply of housing, and to ensure a larger public and private service offering. In its capacity as a non-profit company and its self-perception as not only a housing organisation, but also a significant driver of urban development in the district, the housing association has acted as leverage in terms of being able to attract new players to the area. For example, they have subdivided and sold plinth plots inside the public housing developments to private investors building private apartments buildings. They have also carried out joint tenders with private investors and together realised a new mixed development with public housing, private housing, and construction of a larger grocery store (Aalborg Municipality, 2014; Aalborg Municipality, 2015; Aalborg Municipality, 2017).

RESULT

More than 10 years of cooperation on sustainable transformation of the exposed urban and residential area have made a difference. With joint help, a strategic densification of the district has been carried out; the district — Aalborg East — has gained its attractive centre and has succeeded in attracting new investors, functions, workplaces, and citizens. Overall, it has created an attractive framework for a more mixed and safe urban district with a positive identity, also seen “from the outside” by the surrounding society.

The area’s connectivity has been strengthened, both internally and to the surrounding city, as well as locally in the new local city-centre; the physical and functional densification has contributed to the greater use of and more stay in the urban spaces north and south of the tunnel.

If you take a look at the municipality’s investment in the urban space project by the tunnel, the kickstart-investment measured in Danish crowns — although being a central piece in the broader positive urban development spiral — has contributed to attracting significantly more investment for private housing, business, and public construction, which far exceeds project funding itself. However, the biggest, central investment that the municipality has contributed is the time and willingness to exercise urban strategic leadership.

Holistic and strategic urban management

Financial sustainability

Social sustainability Architecture

The project has largely succeeded through holistic and strategic urban management, which has been a decisive factor for both attracting investment and synergies realised between different efforts. The Kickstart project is shaped and run as part of a broader urban strategic vision regarding uplifting the eastern Aalborg, socially and physically. In support, an extensive involvement of actors across the municipality’s departments, landowners, investors, housing association, civil society, and others has been carried out.

The project has succeeded in attracting very significant investments to the area from both the municipality (in its capacity as developer) and external actors. The Kickstart project has been a contributing factor, as professional ambitions, cross-functional collaboration, and the holistic vision for the area’s development have made it attractive to invest for private investors and the municipality itself.

Overall, urban transformation has contributed to strengthening the attractiveness and safety of the area, positive identity, and a more varied and resourceful mix of residents.

Physically, functionally, and in terms of urban planning, the project has succeeded in transforming an unsafe and dark tunnel and path connection into a more aesthetic, inviting, and safer urban space. A good densification of functions has been created in the area as well as on adjacent registers and service functions, and the possibility of meeting and staying in the urban space has been strengthened. With the grip of the path, previous functional segregation in the area of Astrupstien (the main street coupled with a condensed district centre around the tunnel) has been broken up, and internal mobility and connection to the outside has been strengthened.

1 The evaluation “Kickstart Tornhøj i Aalborg Øst — Læring og erfaringer fra realiseringsprojektet [Kickstart Tornhøj in Aalborg East — Learning and Experiences from the Implementation Project]” is done in 2023, led by the Realdania fund; not yet published.

The new tunnel is built in white and smooth concrete with rounded wooden edges to make the tunnel welcoming and beautifully designed. Throughout, the aim has been to create an aesthetic and inviting urban space that appeals to a broad target group and can be consumed and used flexibly depending on the user and needs. In addition, important existing landscape qualities in the area have been preserved, e.g. the blood beech from the old farm garden. Coating is in line with the surroundings, though a bit more sophisticated in brushed concrete.

To the south, a worn out / half empty shopping centre has been demolished and a new development has been built that mixes centre functions (grocery, sandwich bar, dental office, etc.) on the ground floor with private rental housing above. Where an older farm used to be, new housing development with a municipal housing offer (32 homes) and 146 homes in a mix of public and private rental has now been built, as well as another new grocery store, a recycling shop, and a cafe. Overall, this has increased both the number and diversity of functions in the district and thus created more opportunities for residents in the area to stay and meet, as well as more jobs locally. Next to the city centre, a new dementia care home for 72 people has been build — including 100 workplaces.

To the north, an institution for people with brain damage has been established, “Bakken”, with room for 36 residents, and a new activity centre is currently being planned for construction.

Aalborg Municipality, 2014. Lokalplan 4-6-104. Boliger, Blåkildevej, Smedegård.

Øst Aalborg [Local Plan 4-6-104. Housing, Blåkildevej, Smedegård]. Available at: https://dokument.plandata. dk/20_2840356_1472479171116.pdf. [Accessed 28 February 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2015. Lokalplan 4-6-105. Boliger, Ravnkildeve [Local Plan 4-6-

105. Housing Ravnkildeve]. Available at: https://dokument.plandata. dk/20_3007896_1472479212476.pdf. [Accessed 28 February 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2016. Lokalplan 4-5-102. Nyt bydelscentrum ved

Tornhøj, Tornhøj [Local Plan 4-5-102. New district center at Tornhøj, Tornhøj]. Available at: https://dokument.plandata. dk/20_3016722_1472479033850.pdf. [Accessed 28 February 2024].

Aalborg Municipality, 2017. Lokalplan 4-6-106. Boliger, Fyrkildevej, Smedegård [Local

Plan 4-6-106. Housing, Fyrkildevej, Smedegård]. Available at: https://dokument.plandata.dk/20_3275602_1490782229047.pdf. [Accessed 28 February 2024].

Aalborg Municipality. Realdania, 2016. Aalborg Øst [Aalborg East]. Available at: Kildeparken 2020, 2024. Home page. Available at: http://www.kildeparken2020.dk/.

https://realdania.dk/publikationer/faglige-publikationer/aalborg-oest. [Accessed 26 February 2024].

[Accessed 28 February 2024].

Realdania, n.d. Aalborg Øst: “Kickstart Tornhøj [Aalborg East: Kickstart Tornhøj]”.

Available at: https://realdania.dk/projekter/aalborg-oest. [Accessed 26 February 2024].

POST-CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION AND THE ROLE OF ARCHITECTS AND URBAN PLANNERS

INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this paper is to discuss architecture and urban design and planning in post-conflict reconstruction (PCR), with a focus on the role of architects and urban planners. First, postconflict reconstruction is outlined as a concept that encompasses not only physical reconstruction of built structures and spaces, but also economic, organisational, and political frameworks for reconstruction. Second, different causes of destruction are briefly outlined. Third, different roles that architects may operate within in PCR are presented based on Charlesworth’s seminal work, Architecture Without Frontiers (2006), as a frame for discussion. Fourth, two cases of physical post-conflict reconstruction are examined: the reconstruction of Beirut central district, Lebanon, after the Lebanese civil war, and current plans for the reconstruction of Kharkiv, Ukraine. Fifth, business and political contexts of postconflict reconstruction are discussed, followed by a discussion of the role of international aid. And, finally, the importance of architects and planners adopting an integrated approach to PCR, which goes beyond their traditional professional roles, is presented and discussed. The paper concludes that despite all good intentions, PCR is a very delicate activity, which requires a very sensitive approach in order to reach a successful outcome for war-torn communities.

A BRIEF INTRODUCTION TO POST-CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION

Post-conflict reconstruction is a broad term, which encompasses an array of activities aimed at making countries and cities functional again after the devastation of armed conflict. While some of these activities are short-term, others are long-term. And while some aspects of post-conflict reconstruction are focused on (re-) establishing physical structures, such as technical infrastructures and services, or urban spaces and buildings, others are focused on (re-)establishing organisational frameworks, such as economic and legal services, and public services and institutions.

Early post-conflict reconstruction activities focus on reestablishing physical structures and services essential to the basic functioning of communities. This includes the removal of debris and restoration of power and water and food supply, as well as the provision of health, transportation, and communication services (Al-Bahar, 1991). The choice of network systems for water and sewage pipes, and for power and telecommunication lines may depend on the quality and integrity of existing systems, as well as the applicability of new and possibly more technologically advanced or distributed versus centralised systems. While some choices for the provision of technical infrastructure and services may have structural effects on the scope for subsequent urban development, others may not.

Depending on the type, nature, and presence of organisational frameworks prior to the armed conflict that triggered the postconflict reconstruction, old frameworks may have to be reestablished or new ones may have to be developed. In order for the economy to start functioning again after an armed conflict, banking and judicial

institutions need to be in place. Health and educational services are needed in order to provide lasting and good quality life opportunities for the population. And a culture of democratic decision-making must be established in order to maximise individual opportunity for all and minimise the risk of (renewed) tension and conflict between different population groups.

Finally, the long haul of post-conflict reconstruction is directed towards the physical reconstruction of urban space. The majority of built space consists of housing. The construction and reconstruction by individual home-owners and housing corporations of housing can be a major task, which may be halted by lack of funds, building materials, and skilled labour, as well as by the need for urban planning and legislation or problems of ascertaining ownership. The same may be true for other uses, such as office and commercial buildings, buildings for health and education, recreational buildings, etc.

Even if some buildings and urban spaces may be reconstructed in the early phases of post-conflict reconstruction, it typically takes years, if not decades, before buildings and built spaces are restored to the level from before the armed conflict. In particular, the reconstruction of heritage buildings may be a lengthy process, as meticulous analysis, special materials and building techniques, and specially trained builders may add to the time and costs of reconstruction. In cases where armed conflict has resulted in debris or environmental damage, open spaces may also be difficult to reconstruct.

Often, post-conflict reconstruction is considered in connection with the provision of emergency shelter, re-housing, and post-disaster reconstruction. However, while people and communities can be in immediate need of relief and shelter during armed conflict, it is important to note that the provision of emergency shelter is not part of post-conflict reconstruction. Emergency shelter is focused on expediency and the here-and-now, while the focus of post-conflict reconstruction is on the long-term development of war-torn spaces and requires analysis, consultation, planning, and consideration. Rehousing typically takes place in the mid- to long-term and therefore overlaps with post-conflict reconstruction. While re-housing may be associated with some urgency, and therefore may happen with limited long-term hindsight, the more it can be considered in the context of post-conflict reconstruction, the more it may contribute positively to long-term urban development.

Post-disaster reconstruction is the reconstruction of the built space after natural disasters. While the physical effects of natural disasters such as earthquakes, tsunamis, and bush fires may be similar to the physical effects of an armed conflict in terms of the destruction of the built environment, the socio-economic, cultural, and political context is typically very different. While the task of post-disaster reconstruction may be reduced to one of physical reconstruction in response to a sudden event, post-conflict reconstruction is much wider in scope, as also socio-economic structures, as well as cultural and political structures may be much more fragile or even absent, and have to be reconstructed along with the physical environment in response to devastation, which typically happened over long spans of time.

There are a number of different causes of destruction of built space in armed conflict. When bombs are dropped over cities and firearms are fired in urban space, physical matter is destroyed in different ways. Shelling leaves holes in buildings, while street fighting leaves buildings scarred and gutted, and bombings shake the foundations of buildings (Cunliffe, 1994). Depending on the precision of the weapons and the skill of the persons firing them, they may hit their targets more or less precisely. Therefore, an armed conflict may lead to collateral damage of buildings and other physical structures, which are not deliberately targeted. Depending on the length and intensity of such fighting, the physical environment may suffer different degrees of damage.

Built space may also be destroyed for strategic reasons. In urban warfare, buildings may offer protection from one side of the conflict, leading to the other side wanting to destroy the enemy’s shelter. The need for clear lines of view or access by armoured vehicles may also cause the conflicting parties to destroy buildings and other physical structures in order to improve their strategic advantage (Morrow, Mackel & FitzGerald, 2011). For similar reasons, the conflicting parties may destroy roads, harbours, and storage facilities in order to limit the enemy’s scope for provisions of food, equipment, and personnel, as well as utilities and telecommunication infrastructures to limit water and electricity supply, communication, etc.

Finally, built space may be destroyed for the sake of destruction. The purpose of this is to disassociate communities from their built environment and to erase collective memory and win the narrative over contested territories (Azzouz, 2019). Buildings and built spaces carry meaning. In ethnic, religious, and cultural conflicts, different buildings and built spaces carry different meanings to different groups. Through the destruction of built heritage, monuments, and culturally important edifices, people lose their attachment to space. Such destruction can be partial and selective, only targeting specific buildings and urban spaces. But it can also be total. In cities such as Sarajevo, Grozny, Beirut, Aleppo, and currently Mariupol and Gaza City, the level of destruction is of such a magnitude, that it may be referred to as “urbicide” (Steinø, 2024). Urbicide is “the killing of the built environment and the deliberate destruction of its social, cultural and spatial fabrics” (Coward, 2008, cited in Azzouz, 2020). Buildings and urban spaces may also be deliberately destroyed as a means of collective punishment (Kittana & Meulder, 2019).

Architects are trained to design buildings and urban spaces and on the most fundamental level, this is the professional role of architects. Yet, buildings and urban spaces form part of socio-spatial relations which include their users (Madanipour, 1996). The way in which architects define and understand user needs influences the way they conceive of their role as designers. While user needs of simple buildings may be relatively straight-forward to define, the task of defining user needs for complex buildings and urban spaces is complex. This calls for experience and consultations with user representatives in order to establish the necessary requirements for design.

In practice, architects work for clients who commission designs. When a client is also the user, clarifying user needs may succeed from consulting the client. Yet, for complex buildings and urban spaces, a client operates on behalf of users. This raises the question of how user needs may be communicated to an architect. In some cases, user needs may be of little, if any concern to a client, while in others, they may be central to a client. From a professional ethics point of view, as an architect is commissioned by a client, it is their obligation to fulfil the client’s requirements. Thus, an architect’s scope for fulfilling user needs, in part, relies on “good clients”.

In post-conflict reconstruction, clients can be manifold. Postconflict situations are often politically and economically unstable. At the same time, there is typically a general sense of need to “do something”, as well as a feeling of moral obligation not to turn down offers to help. Unfortunately, this may sometimes lead to decisions about reconstruction which turn out to be bad in the long-term perspective and which may or may not be bad in the short-term perspective.

Some architects may engage in post-conflict reconstruction out of a genuine wish to contribute to the meaningful reconstruction of damaged and destroyed buildings and urban spaces. Others may see it as a job like any other. And yet others may see it as an opportunity to gain fame and recognition — or any combination thereof. All of this notwithstanding, the way in which architects engage in post-conflict reconstruction defines the scope of what they may contribute and how.

Charlesworth (2006) has observed a number of different roles that architects may take on when working with post-conflict reconstruction:

1. When operating as pathologists, architects see their task as one of diagnosis and prescription. In this self-understanding, architects are unlikely to involve people in planning and decisionmaking. Therefore, the problem they are trying to remedy may persist.

2. When operating as heroes, architects see themselves as independent artists and creative geniuses. This role relates to the notion of celebrity (starchitect) in the international design community. This role is also unlikely to be successful in postconflict reconstruction, as you must engage with socio-economic analysis.

3. When operating as historicists, architects take on the role of reconstructing demolished monuments or urban areas at varying levels of fidelity.

4. When operating as colonialists, architects adopt an attitude of “we know what is good for you”. This may be successful when you see architecture as sculpture, but not in terms of the people it is made for.

5. When operating as social reformers, the scope for architecture is closely tied to the political system and planning culture. In this role, architects adopt an advocacy role to challenge dominant power structures rather than being designers of mere objects.

Because architectural plans are tangible, they form a good basis for negotiation, for example through design workshops. The important question here is who takes command?

6. When operating as educators, architects teach to think beyond aesthetic concerns and to see architecture as an activity which must be understood in its technical, economic, social, cultural and environmental contexts rather, as it is sometimes still the case, than as a purely artistic endeavour.

TWO CASES: BEIRUT AND KHARKIV

Architecture, in other words, is never a neutral activity. Often, while doing designs for new buildings or restoration of old ones, architects act in the partial interests of political or economic powers. Post-conflict reconstruction is often driven by a political desire to demonstrate economic or political change (after conflict) through visual / physical change. Buildings become symbols of change (Charlesworth, 2006). Below, two cases of post-conflict reconstruction, one in Beirut, Lebanon, and one in Kharkiv, Ukraine, demonstrate how architecture — and architects — is used in the political and economic game of post-conflict reconstruction.

Beirut was severely damaged, particularly in the first years of the 1975–90 Lebanese civil war, to an extent that it can be characterised as an urbicide (Sandes, 2017). Before the civil war, central Beirut was renowned for its bustle, and the souks were “a shopping paradise”. A 1989 book described the Beirut city centre as the “embodiment of the levantine idea”, with 7,000 shops in a multicultural mix of shopkeepers as the expression of a cosmopolitan nation (Sandes, 2017). When the civil war ended, the process of redevelopment was soon to begin, which came to constitute the most radical, neo-liberal, and business-oriented example of postconflict reconstruction ever seen.

In 1992, Rafic Hariri became the Prime Minister of Lebanon. Hariri was a businessman and billionaire who had gained his wealth in building construction in Saudi Arabia (Nahas, 1999; Walliss, 2012). Due to the political situation in Lebanon, which had led to a division of the state apparatus and the roles of President, head of Parliament, and Prime Minister between Sunni, Shiite, and Maronite representatives, each acting as sole decision-makers in their respective domains, Hariri gained full control on matters relating to the reconstruction of the Beirut downtown (Ragab, 2011). This led to a profit-oriented development, which came to be dubbed “Harirism” (Boano, Leclair-Paquet & Wade, 2010).

In the early 1990s, the first step in the process was the passing of a law which enabled property expropriation for urban redevelopment. A master plan was prepared. Hariri then commissioned Dar AlHadansah, an international engineering company, to develop a master plan from a tabula rasa (Boano, Leclair-Paquet & Wade, 2010; Charlesworth, 2006; Walliss, 2012). The plan, which was designed by a French-Lebanese architect, only focused on the city centre. It was modelled over the London Docklands and La Defence, Paris, and envisaged skyscrapers, an underground expressway, and an artificial island with a World Trade Centre (Charlesworth, 2006). Hariri then founded a private development company, Solidere,

which was put in charge of the development process. Thus, Hariri essentially made himself the beneficiary of Beirut’s privatisation (Walliss, 2012).

Backed by the property expropriation law, Solidere expropriated the existing landowners in the Beirut central district in exchange for Solidere shares, regardless of their approval. The value of the shares was disproportionately low, relative to the value of the expropriated land, and some of the shares were immediately sold (Boano, LeclairPaquet & Wade, 2010; Charlesworth, 2006; Ragab, 2011; Walliss, 2012). Apart from the shares aimed at the former property owners, another type of shares were issued for the future investors. This arrangement, in combination with tax breaks, made it possible to finance the redevelopment without the involvement of public funds, something which was considered “innovative” at the time (Ragab, 2011; Walliss, 2012).

The Solidere redevelopment area comprised a total of 180 hectares of land in the Beirut central district, a portion of which was reclaimed from the sea. The revenue from the reclaimed land would be a compensation to Solidere for paying for infrastructure and public land in the redevelopment area. The total planned building volume was 4.7 million square metres. The playing field was now laid out for the prime minister Hariri in alliance with the businessman Hariri, through the Solidere development company, to realise the personal vision of Hariri: a downtown area resembling Dubai, with glass towers, privatised marinas, conference centres and a World Trade Centre — “an instant oasis for the privileged” (Charlesworth, 2006).

The aim of the Solidere plan was to develop the downtown as a Middle Eastern hub for culture, commerce, and tourism. Marketing campaigns were developed, targeting rich Arabs and foreign property buyers. The management approach was stern: all stakeholders — owners, tenants, community organisations, urban institutions, officials, and government and parliament supervisors — were excluded from the development process. Projects were heavily advertised and attacks and accusations were made against opponents. All decisions about urban questions were commercialised, down to the demolition of historical structures to make way for more profitable development (Ragab, 2011).

Apart from the areas which had been demolished during the civil war, Solidere’s redevelopment plans foresaw the demolition of 80% of the remaining building stock. Despite the outcry caused by the plan, it was ultimately carried through. While some of the French colonial neighbourhoods were partially preserved, the strategy for the rest of the Beirut central district was one of clearance and rebuilding (Sandes, 2017). Significant amounts of historic fabric, including the souks were lost. New buildings designed by starchitects, such as Jean Nouvel, Arata Isozaki, and Steven Holl, were built instead (Ragab, 2011).

The traditional old souks, which could have been saved (Walliss, 2012), used to be a vibrant cosmopolitan area for members of all faiths (Charlesworth, 2006). In their place, a totally different space was created. An international consortium, including Moneo, Hadid, and others, were allocated design projects within the master plan for the new souk area (Walliss, 2012). While the new souk respects the forms and dimensions of the old souk (slope of terrain,

widths of alleys, etc.), the content comprises a department store, supermarkets, a cinema complex, a children’s museum, and a 2000car underground parking garage. The only “traditional shops” are constituted by merchants of the Gold Souk (Nahas, 1999).

While the old souks were a bustle of local customers and small business owners, the new souks are of quite a different nature. In line with Solidere’s target audience of international investors and global tourists, the new souks are very popular with Arab Gulf tourists. Apart from the children’s museum and the cinema complex, they may entertain themselves in an ice skating rink or go shopping in an upscale farmers’ market. Meanwhile, an internal square forms an event venue with exhibitions, performances, and other transient activities. While only catering to the more affluent parts of the local population, there is an upper class worry that the new souks might become too populist, common, and ordinary (Walliss, 2012).

In terms of the architecture and aesthetics of the redeveloped downtown, Solidere has had a firm eye to marketability. Apart from the bland design of ubiquitous office towers, a certain romanticism seems to prevail. While the majority of the conserved buildings are Ottoman and French, Lebanese architecture from the 1940–70s — the post-colonial heritage — has been demolished (Sandes, 2017). In the Saifi village, a chic shopping district in a neo-French colonial style (a saccharine’ image of the past) in the area where the most fierce fighting took place during the war (Ragab, 2011), “pastel colour palette helps blend pre-war buildings of modern style with the more traditional character of the new additions» (Nahas, 1999, p. 46). Bernard Khoury, a well-known Beiruti architect, is no less critical of the “largely New Urbanist” architecture of the Beirut central district, mimicking the demolished French colonial architecture:

THERE IS A COMPLETE DENIAL OF THE PRESENT, A COMPLETE DENIAL OF CONTEXT. … IT’S EITHER BUILDINGS THAT HAVE ABSOLUTELY NO ARCHITECTURAL VALUE WHATSOEVER, WHICH ARE TOTALLY STUCK IN A POSTCARD ROMANTIC VISION OF THE PAST, OR THE CORPORATE CRAP THAT EXISTS ANYWHERE — A VERY STERILE VERSION OF MODERNITY. (Zacks, 2007)

Solidere’s architectural approach is a form of Disneyfication; heritage as consumer-oriented entertainment, made for profit as “a mildly attractive and pseudo-traditional-heritage backdrop” (Sandes, 2017, p. 18). The company’s “contextually sensible design” is little more than an idealised version of the French colonial style with little substance beyond the visual appearance of the facades. As such, it is an “iconic pastiche” at the level of marketing and surface aesthetics:

SOLIDERE REPRESENTS A TRIUMPH OF GLOBALISATION OVER REGIONALISM. WHILE IT WAS RESTORING THE FRENCH COLONIAL FACADES, IT WAS QUITE LITERALLY CREATING A FALSE FRONT TO MAKE THE BUILDINGS PALATABLE TO THE GLOBAL CONSUMERS. THE ORIGINAL DESIGN OF THE INTERIORS WAS ALTERED WITH GENERIC CONCRETE SLABS THAT COULD MORE EASILY BE ADAPTED BY INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CLIENTS. (RAGAB, 2011, P. 112)

The Beirut downtown is a place with 13 historical layers, spanning 5000 years (Ragab, 2011). It is therefore a significant archaeological site. Nonetheless, even archaeological concern was submitted to commercial interest. Only after consultation with international experts were archaeological investigations incorporated into the plans, including the preservation of some important sites (Sandes, 2017). As archaeological sites cannot be developed commercially, only selective excavations were undertaken for 10% of the land, while archaeologists were given short time-frames for excavations (Charlesworth, 2006). The wish for expediency in urban redevelopment was often at odds with archaeological concerns and needs. Nonetheless, what is left to be seen — and at all — of archaeological sites has been “integrated within the fabric of the modern city”, and working with archaeologists ended up being considered “good business” (Nahas, 1999, p. 45). Ultimately, archaeological and architectural patrimony was seen as commercial assets and a competitive edge for the downtown location, relative to other locations (Sandes, 2017).

The redevelopment of Beirut downtown as a financial, commercial, and touristic centre happened at the expense of the social dimension. The new downtown is not marketed to the original dwellers and users. The “Saifi village” is populated by very rich Arabs, the “public space” is guarded by security guards, and the high-end boutiques, cafés and restaurants are economically exclusive of the lower and middle classes. It is no longer the bustling downtown it once was. As such, the Solidere Beirut downtown redevelopment is a bold example of how conglomeration of wealth and political influence may impact national urban decisions for the benefit of individual investors at the expense of national social concerns and loss of cultural heritage and collective memory (Ragab, 2011).

In Beirut, rather than being the overseeing authority, the state was reduced to a private investor. This made it possible for Solidere to create an exclusive island, only for the most wealthy Lebanese and foreign tourists. Heritage and archaeology was destroyed for profit, and the Solidere plan ended up causing more damage than the 15 years of civil war that preceded it (Charlesworth, 2006). In essence, Solidere’s redevelopment of central Beirut was as an attempt to erase history — a continuation of the city’s urbicide. As such, “[t]he reconstruction of Beirut’s city centre should be a warning of the dangers of neoliberal privatisation, urban displacement, external influences and contestation of public space” (Azzouz, 2020, pp. 736-737).

In 2022, British architect Norman Foster was invited by the mayor of Kharkiv, Ihor Terekhov, to devise a new master plan for the city’s reconstruction. While little is public about the actual master plan, its intentions have been widely published and revolve around five so-called “core projects”. An industry project aims to repurpose a polluting coal plant. A housing project aims to retrofit existing panelhousing blocks. A heritage project aims to create a new architectural landmark (commissioned by Norman Foster himself (Pedosenko, 2023)) and to rebuild historical constructions. A river project aims to develop the banks of the city’s rivers into an ecological, pedestrian, and biking network. And finally, a “science neighbourhood” pilot

project aims to redevelop a part of the city into a science park for high-tech industries (Cano, 2022).

The master plan is developed by the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (UNECE) and the Norman Foster Foundation in collaboration with Arup Engineers and the Kharkiv City Council (UNECE) (UN4UkrainianCities, 2023). However, the detailed composition of the involved advisors is not publicly known, and as of 2023, the outcomes of work on the master plan have only been presented orally in a slide presentation. While a written statement about the plan seemingly has been made, requests for the document to both UNECE and the Norman Foster Foundations have been left unanswered. This secrecy about the master plan — and the lack of consultation with the public — raises concern about the legitimacy of the plan (Pedosenko, 2023).

Among local architects, Foster’s engagement with the Kharkiv master plan is being criticised as his focus is on skyscraper design, while urban design projects are lacking in his oeuvre. They are also concerned with the lack of citizen inclusion in the reconstruction process by the city government. The worry is that reconstruction projects will be presented to the citizens as “gifts” which they may not want to have, as they have not been able to influence them (Kuzubov, 2022).

A similar concern is shared by an architect, architectural and urban historian, and Kharkiv native Ievgeniia Gubkina, who states that if Western architects want to help, they must consider who they work for: “If [your] customer is society, or the community of Kharkiv, it’s one thing. If [your] only customer is Mayor Ihor Terekhov and the City Council, it’s a different story” (Gubkina & Su, 2023). Stating that Terekhov is “a very typical post-Soviet administrative leader”, Gubkina points out that the city management has no obligation to involve citizens in the decision-making process (Gubkina & Su, 2023). Therefore, there has been no dialogue between civil society and the Foster team, which has produced its quite ambitious master plan without any external discussion:

THIS SITUATION WITH FOSTER’S MASTER PLAN IS AN EXAMPLE OF A TOP-DOWN APPROACH WHICH WAS WIDELY USED BY MAYOR TEREKHOV AND HIS PREDECESSOR. IT WOULD BE GREAT TO START TALKING WITH PEOPLE, TO SWITCH FOCUS FROM COMMUNICATING JUST WITH POLITICAL LEADERS TO AT LEAST SPEAKING WITH CIVIL LEADERS AND ACTIVISTS. (GUBKINA & SU, 2023)

This aligns with Azzouz in his pointing out that “many elitist architects who have their voice heard about the reconstruction are disconnected from the real needs of people, talking about cities but not citizens, and not with citizens” (2020, p. 733). Too often, architects engage in technical and/or artistic reconstruction with no ear for local voices (Azzouz, 2020).

While Foster (2022) in his “Kharkiv Manifesto” — a brief text of three paragraphs — vows to “assemble the best minds with the best planning, architectural, design, and engineering skills in the world to bear on the rebirth of the city of Kharkiv”, with the ambition “to

combine the most loved and revered heritage from the past with the most desirable and greenest elements of infrastructure and buildings”, he seems to operate within Charlesworth’s notion of the colonialist architect role of someone believing to “know what is good for you”.

Even if Foster’s work is presented as an act of benevolence — it is often stated that the work is offered pro bono — mayor Terekhov, who presents himself as a businessman able to get things done (Kuzubov, 2022), seems to view the master plan as a tool for attracting international real-estate investment. In an interview by the real estate advisory company Real Asset, he asserts that the master plan will provide stable conditions for real estate investment so that investors could be sure to earn good money in Kharkiv (Real Asset Live, 2023).

War-torn cities not only call for reconstruction in order to establish the physical environment for people to return to their lives. They also represent huge business potentials for investors and developers. The clearance of areas after war destruction opens up realestate opportunities which would otherwise only happen through cumbersome expropriation processes (Charlesworth, 2006). War, just like natural disasters, can create an “aperture” which enables states, international investors, and corporations to step in and suit their own purposes and interests (Sandes, 2017).

As an example, after the Gulf War, the post-war reconstruction of Kuwait City was expected by many to be the “bonanza of the decade” (Al-Bahar, 1991). Similarly, development companies are tip-toeing to get a share of the cake by the reconstruction of Aleppo, which was seriously damaged during the Syrian civil war, as they expect a potential for huge profits (Sandes, 2017). And as Nahas (1999) contended in his description of the redevelopment of the Beirut Central District after the Lebanese Civil War: “the detritus of fifteen years of war is in the process of being converted into one of the most strategic pieces of real estate in the Middle East”.

Investment interests often align well with political ones. Visible physical change, regardless of the purpose of the erected structures, may endow politicians with an image of being dynamic and powerful. This may trigger a desire to realise large projects quickly, which is not only wasteful but may also channel limited economic resources into expensive “high visibility” projects (Cunliffe, 1994). But buildings and other structures may as well be used as direct political statements. As such, architecture can become a proxy for ideological, ethnic, national, or other conflicts (Morel, 2013).

In his analysis of the construction of war memorials in Belgrade after the 1999 NATO bombing of the city, Staničić (2021) describes how the symbolic use of monuments to support particular political ideas may fail or render redundant, once the political winds are shifting. During the Milosević rule, “The eternal flame” obelisk in the New Belgrade Friendship Park was erected in 2000. But soon after Milosević’s fall from power, the fire was extinguished and the obelisk was vandalised. In the case of another memorial, “The memorial Business

to the victims of the wars and defenders of the fatherland from 1990 to 1999”, there were conflicts even before the completion of the memorial for “equalising victims and butchers”. The memorial was ultimately removed in 2020. Staničić (2021) concludes that the failure was due, in part, to the absence of any open, public dialogue, and due to a purposeful, politically motivated misinterpretation of the city’s past.

In democratically weak societies, there is a high risk of corruption when political and commercial interests meet. Because of the enormous business and political interests at stake, post-conflict reconstruction is easily associated with both oppression and corruption. In Beirut, the Solidere development company’s downtown redevelopment is a bold example of how conglomeration of wealth and political influence may affect national urban decisions for the benefit of individual investors at the expense of national social concerns (Ragab, 2011).

Accusations were made of Solidere forcing through demolition orders and harassing hesitant landowners. Several cases were raised by human rights lawyers on behalf of affected stakeholders because of abuse of power and state-led vigilantism (Ragab, 2011). In neighbouring Syria, Aleppo may suffer a similar destiny to Beirut. There seems to be a pattern of supporters of the Assad regime getting commissions for the city’s reconstruction. Chechnya, who helped Assad (and Russia) regain control of Aleppo, now supports the reconstruction of the Ummayad mosque (Sandes, 2017).

Particularly for heritage reconstruction, post-conflict reconstruction regions often rely heavily on the international community for funding, as local financial sources are lacking. Therefore, it is important that external bodies recognise their role and the need to genuinely reflect local cultural conditions (Morel, 2013). However, monuments tend to overshadow the social and anthropological identity and culture of daily life. Consequently, the latter is accorded little if any importance in reconstruction (Sandes, 2017). As Cunliffe (1994) puts it:

AID, THOUGH WELL-INTENDED, IS USUALLY PROVIDED BY OTHER CULTURES AND HAS DIFFERENT PRIORITIES AND METHODS. DECISIONS ARE USUALLY MADE WITHOUT CONSULTING THE DISPOSSESSED INHABITANTS OF THE AREA. LOCAL WAYS OF THINKING AND WORKING NEED TO BE CONSIDERED TO ENABLE PEOPLE TO HELP THEMSELVES. (P. 34)

Heritage restoration projects often happen in the form of short-term assistance projects rather than long-term development programmes. What is often guiding such projects is “lower order deliverables and measurable outputs, due to donor and media interest” (Sandes, 2017). While quick fix designs are attractive to international donors, many deny, or even accelerate, the causes of conflict. And with foreign aid also comes foreign control, of both architecture and architects. Foreign architects tend to focus on cultural heritage icons rather than the surrounding urban tissue — the assumption being that focusing on the former automatically leads to the restoration of the city (Charlesworth, 2006). While the redevelopment of the Beirut Central District relied on foreign experts with no relation to the Lebanese context (Boano, Leclair-Paquet & Wade, 2010),

THE IMPORTANCE OF AN INTEGRATED APPROACH

international involvement in the reconstruction of Priština, Kosovo, after the Balkan War actually enhanced social stratification (Staničić, 2021).

Foreign aid organisations may have their own agendas for providing their aid. The Vijećnica library in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was erected as a town hall during Austro-Hungarian rule and was the largest and most representative building of the time (“Sarajevo City Hall”, 2008), was bombed by Serbian fire bombs in 1992 and burned out almost completely. Considered part of their own heritage, its reconstruction was financed, in part, by the Austrian Government (Incerti & Ibrišimbegović, 2016). The “reconstruction” projects of the Saudi Joint Committee for the Relief of Kosovo and Chechnya (SJRC) imposed the austerity of Wahhabi Islam into otherwise richly decorated Balkan interiors. And in the town of Gjakova, Kosovo, a 10th century library in the Hadum mosque complex was bulldozed and replaced by a new Islamic centre. As the SJRC was ordered to restore their damage, they pulled out and left a demolished mosque and an empty lot (Morel, 2013).

When the historical Stari Most in Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina, commissioned by the Ottoman sultan Suleiman the Magnificent in 1557, was destroyed in the Croat–Bosniak War, it was considered a great loss of world heritage. After the war, the reconstruction of the bridge was overseen by the World Bank, UNESCO, Aga Khan Trust for Culture, and the World Monuments Fund. Several countries, near and far, as well as the Council of Europe Development Bank contributed funds for the reconstruction (Armaly, Blasi & Hannah, 2004). While the organisations involved gave an international profile to Mostar, the reconstruction agenda was dominated by international experts and there was no local involvement. At the time, the images of the reconstructed bridge circulated in the international media and the reconstruction feat was celebrated, the Neretva river which the bridge spans was still contaminated as a result of the war, and war refugees lived in containers just outside the city (Charlesworth, 2006). And on top of that, the reconstruction of cultural heritage in old Mostar on both sides of the bridge revived the national divide between ethnic groups (Staničić, 2021).

Traditional understanding of “expertise” in architecture and urban planning appears to be inadequate in relation to post-conflict reconstruction. Architects and urban planners often fail to engage local communities. This may lead to solutions which do them no favour (Azzouz, 2020). Typically, “big projects” are unable to bring peace, as they do not consider the social and economic well-being of local residents. Instead, design professionals must immerse themselves into the day-to-day realities of the war-torn communities (Charlesworth, 2006). In fact, if they don’t, they “[t] hrough architecture and urban planning, new cycles of violence, destruction and displacement can manifest themselves in the name of reconstruction” (Azzouz, 2020, p. 724).

In Beirut, the redevelopment of the downtown as a financial, commercial, and touristic centre happened at the expense of the social dimension (Ragab, 2011). In Serbia, restoration of orthodox churches was left incomplete, and reconstructed Serbian churches and monasteries were surrounded by military protection zones due

to lack of multi-culturality. This prohibited free access and made daily life difficult for the surrounding communities. Such failings are more likely when projects are carried out in isolation, without being part of a broader plan to integrate projects into all communities (Morel, 2013). Meanwhile, in Sarajevo, the focus on heritage monuments at the expense of the larger urban fabric ultimately led to mass unemployment, increased ethnic division, corruption, and cronyism. And again, the root of the cause was that rebuilding was viewed only as a physical task by the involved organisations (Sandes, 2017).

On the other hand, restoration of heritage may also promote reconciliation and self-belief. In the Peja region of Kosovo, the kullas, a traditional type of Ottoman fortified tower houses, became part of an initiative where cultural, religious, and natural sites were promoted as tourist destinations. This helped to build local involvement, dialogue, and social cohesion. Organisations like Cultural Heritage without Borders and the UN trained local government administrators in strategic planning and the civilian population in participatory planning, fostering a sense of local ownership and better projects at reduced costs (Morel, 2013).

After the 30-year long Northern Ireland conflict known as “The Troubles” and decades of failed centralised UK planning, the socalled “Forum” was formed by architects and urban planners to bring people from both sides of the conflict together. The Forum was defined as a “do-tank” and wanted to address urban design in a socio-spatial manner as more than just “bunches of buildings”, as was the critique of previous post-Troubles urban planning initiatives such as the 1986 Belfast Urban Area Plan (Sterrett, Hackett & Hill, 2011). In Ukraine, young people join special “clean-up raves” organised by the volunteer initiative “Repair Together”. Accompanied by techno music, this offers an opportunity to both help with the reconstruction of the country and have a break from the horrors of war (Andersen, 2022). While constituting a practical effort of reconstruction, combining work and music is also a way of showing resistance against aggression and keeping the culture of the internationally acclaimed techno scene of Kyiv from before the war alive (Bach-Madsen, 2022).

In post-conflict reconstruction, a building or an urban space is never just a building or an urban space. Buildings and urban spaces offer an opportunity and carry meaning. Depending on their design — and more notably the process of their design — they may offer an opportunity or carry meaning to different economic, social, and cultural groups. If some groups are favoured over others, conflict may not be reconciled, or a new conflict may emerge. Hence, if it is not carried out with concern for all parts of a community, postconflict reconstruction may not be a healing activity but leave old wounds open, or even cause new wounds.

It seems, therefore, that architects and urban planners have to redefine their professionalism when it comes to post-conflict reconstruction. Rather than seeing their roles narrowly as one of providing technical, functional, and aesthetic expertise in the production of physical artefacts and spaces, they must engage meticulously with the economic, social, and cultural aspects of the context in which they are operating. In her attempt to devise a meaningful approach to post-conflict reconstruction, Charlesworth

therefore proposes a flexible and integrated framework for social, economic, and physical reconstruction rather than a template for reconstruction (Read, 2008).

Even if this is not always the case, new practices of physical and social reconstruction are emerging (Read, 2008). Ideally, postconflict reconstruction should focus more on the restoration and growth of the capacity of people and institutions, as well as social, economic, political, and psychological recovery of societies rather than solely on physical reconstruction (Sandes, 2017). As Boano, Leclair-Paquet & Wade (2010) put it, urban design has a role in stimulating cross-cultural, pluri-social, and pluri-ethnic interactions by increasing physical and mental access to public spaces:

ENGAGEMENT BY ARCHITECTS AND URBAN PLANNERS WITH SUFFERING COMMUNITIES WOULD BE IMPORTANT TO GIVE THEM THE OPPORTUNITY TO BE PART OF RECONSTRUCTING THEIR HOME CITIES — TO GIVE THEM A SENSE THAT THEIR VOICES ARE HEARD, THAT THEIR VOICES MATTER, THAT THEY HAVE THE RIGHT TO THE CITY AND THAT SUCH RIGHTS ARE AT THE HEART OF ANY VISION OF RECONSTRUCTION.

(PP. 733-734)

This is also true when international aid is involved. In the words of Azzouz, “[r]econstruction should not be a project aimed to please the international community and cultural heritage donors, but should be a project where people who suffered the most can live in dignity, freedom and justice” (2020, p. 738). Public heritage must be understood as a means for reviving a sense of belonging and living culture, not just for “symbolic heritage” (Sandes, 2017). Just as urban spaces destroyed by conflict may represent an “aperture” for narrow business interests, they may also release opposite potentials: “while the aftermath of war is … a time of great physical and psychological trauma, it can also be viewed as a fertile testing ground for political ideologies about the city and a site for radical architectural speculations” (Charlesworth, 2006, p. 11).

While cultural heritage may emphasise differences in times of conflicts, it may equally play a role in building sustainable peace (Charlesworth, 2006). Ultimately, the integration of culture increases economic opportunities and enhances the quality of life in urbanising areas (Sandes, 2017).

This calls for a focus on process over product. Master planning, while meaningful for the provision of technical infrastructure and the overall distribution of land use, is questionable when it comes to architectural intervention. Instead, focus should be on smaller, incremental (pilot) projects (Charlesworth, 2006). The key is interdisciplinarity. Architects should keep a “low profile”, as the solutions which are called for are not purely architectural. In addition, small projects may be possible before a conflict ends whereas grand schemes rely on peace to be established. Ultimately, the creation of urban space, like politics, is a question of who gets what, why, where, and how — because as Charlesworth (2006) reminds us, town planning is always political.

In the aftermath of an armed conflict, many forces come together at the nexus of reconstruction. Citizens, communities, politicians, businessmen, architects, urban planners, and everyone else may be guided by different motivations, insights, intentions, and beliefs. They can converge or diverge, but the powers at play and the complexity of situation means that it might not be straightforward to foresee what the result of the situation may be. Initiatives that may seem favourable to all, can end up only being favourable to some — or even detrimental all together, if they trigger a renewed conflict.

The professional roles of architects and urban planners must be analysed in the context of power and money. In post-conflict reconstruction, the act of designing buildings and urban spaces is never apolitical, but has consequences for people. Understanding the needs and aspirations of people in urban spaces ravaged by war is important not only to each individual, but also to the communities who will have to share urban space in all their economic, social, and cultural differences. This obligation lies beyond the traditional understanding of professionalism. And it is outside of what is typically taught in schools of architecture.

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