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The Record Newspaper 02 July 1942

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English Russophiles PARTITION of POLAND WILL RENDER ATLANTIC CHARTER MEANINGLESS . . .

America invoked against Cripps' Munich

THE complications attendant upon the Anglo Russian Treaty, especially

Independent Baltic States Necessary. As in past centuries, the nations of Eastern Europe consider the present loss of their independence a temporary blow, and are sparing no effort in

as regards post-war deliberations and settlements, are already appearing. The test case of Russia's sincerity will be the fate of Poland and the Baltic States. That Poland itself is not altogether trustful of the antiChristian totalitarian regime of Stalin, was evidenced by the recent conference in the U.S.A. between General Sikorski, President of the Polish Government in The grave import of this question for the Exile, and President Roosevelt. future peace of Europe is admirably outlined in the article below by Count Antoni Tarnowski, formerly of the Polish Embassy at Washington.

Perilous Buffers. The territory of Eastern Europe, lying between the Black and the Baltic Sea in one direction and between Germany and Russia in another, is like any other part of the world endowed with its own life and history. In analysing its thousand -year -old tradition, one can say without exaggeration that, situated between two steadily growing empires, the nations of Eastern Europe had to use most of their efforts to protect themselves against being engulfed by either or both of the two neighbours. Their chief characteristics throughout the ages was that they refused to become either part of Germany or part of the Muscovite Empire later called Russia. The striking desire, repeatedly stressed, of those nations, was to preserve their own individual cultural and political life. Poland's Re-Birth. There were times when this policy seemed doomed, such as the period after the partitions of Poland when this part of Europe ceased to exist as a free land for almost 130 years. There were, however, years of glory and strongly expanding life, years when a happy union between Poland, Lithuania and Ruthenia (called at present the Ukraine assured a peaceful development for these nations for a long period of time. Poland's return to freedom in 1918 recreated normal conditions for an independent life in this I

whole region.

First Victims. In the twenty years of their independent life that followed World War I, the Baltic States proved to be efficient and progressive organisers of their countries. The agrarian system was changed quickly, and large feudal estates were broken up into many units

For Value and Service

fears

SIKORSKI (representing first victims

blood and sacrifice to win it back. One obvious lesson ought to be learned from the present tragedy, not only by the Baltic peoples themselves, but by all those who believe in principles of free -

of

war)

for peasant farming. Schools were built and the general standard of living improved greatly. The outbreak of the war in 1939, initiated by two simultaneous aggressions on Poland, by Germany on the west and Russia on the east, forced again the collapse of the independent system of Eastern Europe. In a short time after Poland's resistance was broken, all neighbouring States were overrun in turn. Lithuania, Estonia, and Latvia lost their freedom, and Rumania was faced with the choice of acting as a German puppet or of being annihilated.

CRIPPS contemplates another partition of Poland) to please Russia)

(who

don, and hope for a durable peace. It is this: the future of peace and prosperity in Continental Europe largely depends on the continued existence of

strong and independent Baltic nations.

Immoral Bargaining. The necessity, so much misunderstood after the last war by many statesmen, should be kept in mind now, since already symptoms of the old, immoral policy of bargaining with other nations' property seems, with respect to Eastern Europe, to be appearing again to -day. The sponsors of such ideas are certain

circles in England who would like to pay Russia for her gallant fight against Germany with the living bodies of half of Poland, Britain's ally, and of

Lithuania, Estonia, and Latvia. Moral Prestige Threatened. This idea is so dangerous with regard to the entire moral prestige of the democracies and to the very issues of this war, that it must arouse a wellfounded indignation everywhere. Is it possible that in the midst of the war, when the moral confidence of all belligerents one for another, and the trust of the defenceless, overrun small nations in the democracies is of such vital importance, a sudden return to the ill famed policy of Munich is envisaged? Some editorials of the London "Times" and Sir Stafford Cripps' recent interview in "Life" magazine indicate that a grave danger in this respect lies ahead. Gains by Aggression Hiegel. When last summer, after Hitler's attack on Russia, Poland followed England's example in signing an agreement with the Soviet Union, Anthony Eden, acting on behalf of the British Government, solemnly declared that Great Britain would never recognise any changes in territory obtained by aggression. A similar statement was issued later by Sumner Welles, then acting Secretary of State of the United States. Mr. Welles' declaration was in full accord with the well-established principles of American policy, which refuses to accept force as a criterion for settling international affairs, and is based on the conception of morality in the relations between nations. This morality absolutely rejects any suggestion of recognising acts of force as legal. Vivid symbols of the American policy are the representatives of conquered nations residing still in their official capacity in Washington. Among them are also the diplomatic representatives of Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia. Russian and Press Interpretation. That Mr. Welles' and Mr. Eden's statements with regard to the Polish Soviet boundaries were necessary, was (Continued on back cover.)

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